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THE 



North Carolina 
Historical Review 



Issued Quarterly 

Volume XXVII Numbers 1-4 




JANUARY- OCTOBER 
1950 



Published by 
STATE DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY 

Corner of Eden ton and Salisbury streets 
Raleigh, N. C. 



—4 



THE NORTH CAROLINA HISTORICAL REVIEW 



Published by the State Department of Archives and History 

Raleigh, N. C. 



Christopher Crittenden, Editor 
David Leroy Corbitt, Managing Editor 



ADVISORY EDITORIAL BOARD 
Walter Clinton Jackson Albert Ray Newsome 

Frontis Withers Johnston Douglas LeTell Rights 

George Myers Stephens 



STATE DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY 

Benjamin Franklin Brown, Chairman 

Gertrude Sprague Carraway McDaniel Lewis 

James Allan Dunn Mrs. Sadie Smathers Patton 

William Thomas Laprade Mrs. Callie Pridgen Williams 

Christopher Crittenden, Director 



This review was established in January, 1924, as a medium of publication 
and discussion of history in North Carolina. It is issued to other institutions 
by exchange, but to the general public by subscription only. The regular 
price is $2.00 per year. To members of the State Literary and Historical 
Association there is a special price of $1.00 per year. Back numbers may be 
procured at the regular price of $2.00 per volume, or $.50 per number. 

[ii] 



The North Carolina 
Historical Review 



VOLUME XXVII 



NUMBER 1, JANUARY, 1950 

ONE HUNDRED YEARS OF TEXTILES IN SALEM. ... 1 

Adelaide L. Fries 

RALEIGH'S ACCOUNT OF GRENVILLE'S FIGHT 

AT THE AZORES IN 1591 20 

John H. Stibbs 

THE SALEM BOARDING SCHOOL BETWEEN 

1802 and 1822 32 

Lucy Leinback Wenhold 

THE PRODUCE LOANS : A MEANS OF FINANCING 

THE CONFEDERACY 46 

Richard C. Todd 

BOOK REVIEWS 75 

Henderson's The Campus of the First State University — 
By Gilbert L. Lycan; Russell's The Woman Who 
Rang the Bell: The Story of Cornelia Phillips Spencer — 
By Frontis W. Johnston; Harden's The Devil's 
Tramping Ground and Other North Carolina Mystery 
Stories — By Paul Murray ; Davidson's Cloud Over Ca- 
tawba — By Peirson Ricks; Osterweis's Romanticism 
and Nationalism in the Old South — By Clement 
Eaton ; Craven's The Southern Colonies in the Seven- 
teenth Century, 1607-1689 — By Robert E. Moody; 
Stroup's Humanistic Scholarship in the South. A Sur- 
vey of Work in Progress — By Frontis W. Johnston; 
Lively's The South in Action: A Sectional Crusade 
Against Freight Rate Discrimination — By H. M. Nich- 
olson; Gordon's Aesculapius Comes to the Colonies: 
The Story of the Early Days of Medicine in the Thirteen 
Original Colonies — By Hubert A. Royster; Billing- 
ton's Westward Expansion: A History of the American 
Frontier — By Sarah McCulloch Lemmon; Carter's 

[mi 



iv Contents 

The Territory of Illinois, 1809-1814 — By J. MONAGHAN ; 
Clark's Captain Dauntless — By Bennett H. Wall; 
Gosnell's Guns on the Western Waters — By R. M. 
Langdon; Fourteenth Annual Report of the Archivist 
of the United States for the Year Ending June 30, 19 U8 
and Ninth Annual Report of the Archivist of the United 
States on the Franklin D. Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, 
N. Y., for the Year Ending June 30, 19 U8 — By Preston 
W. Edsall; Cuthbert's Lincoln and the Baltimore 
Plot — By Henry T. Shanks ; Klingberg's Codrington 
Chronicle: An Experiment in Anglican Altruism on a 
Barbados Plantation, 17 10-183 U — BY LEONARD W. LAB- 
aree ; Yoshpe's and Brower's Preliminary Inventory of 
the Land-Entry Papers of the General Land Office — 
By W. F. Burton ; Moore's Record of Commissions of 
Officers in the Tennessee Militia, 1796-1811, Volume 
I — By W. F. Burton; Way's The History of Grace 
Church, Charleston, South Carolina: The First Hundred 
Years — By James W. Patton; Drury's Old Illinois 
Houses — By Armin Rappaport ; Stampp's Indiana Poli- 
tics During The Civil War — By Armin Rappaport. 

HISTORICAL NEWS 105 



NUMBER 2, APRIL, 1950 

AN ECONOMIC INTERPRETATION OF THE 

RATIFICATION OF THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION 
IN NORTH CAROLINA. PART I. THE HILLSBORO 
CONVENTION 119 

William C. Pool 

CONTEMPORARY EVIDENCE— SALEM 

BOARDING SCHOOL, 1834-1844 142 

Marian H. Blair 

PAPERS FROM THE FORTY-NINTH ANNUAL 
SESSION OF THE STATE LITERARY AND 
HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION, Raleigh, December 2, 1949 
INTRODUCTION 162 

Christopher Crittenden 

FORT MACON: ITS HISTORY 163 

Richard Schriver Barry 



Contents v 

A MYTHICAL MAYFLOWER COMPETITION: 

NORTH CAROLINA LITERATURE IN THE HALF- 
CENTURY FOLLOWING THE REVOLUTION 178 

Roger Powell Marshall 

THE BICENTENNIAL OF PRINTING IN NORTH 

CAROLINA 193 

William S. Powell 

REVIEW OF NORTH CAROLINA BOOKS 

OF THE YEAR 200 

William T. Polk 

A REPORTER REVIEWS FIFTY YEARS OF 

NORTH CAROLINA HISTORY 205 

William Thomas Bost 

THE RESTORING OF COLONIAL WILLIAMSBURG. . 218 

Thomas Jefferson Wertenbaker 

NORTH CAROLINA BIBLIOGRAPHY, 1948-1949 233 

Mary Lindsay Thornton 

BOOK REVIEWS 246 

Schauinger's William Gaston, Carolinian — By Paul 
Murray ; King's Selective Service in North Carolina in 
World War II — By Robert H. Woody; Stick's Fabu- 
lous Dare: The Story of Dare County, Past and Present 
— By Hugh T. Lefler ; Callaway's The Early Settle- 
ment of Georgia — By Alice B. Keith ; Coulter's and 
Saye's A List of the Early Settlers of Georgia — By 
Paul Murray ; Kecher's and Dearstyne's Colonial Wil- 
liamsburg, Its Buildings and Grounds: A Study of Vir- 
ginia's Restored Capital — By Hugh T. Lefler; Sum- 
mersell's Mobile: History of a Seaport Town — By 
Weymouth T. Jordan; Newton's The Vermont Story: 
A History of the People of the Green Mountain State, 
17U9-19U9 — By Wlliam S. Powell; Silver's Edmund 
Pendleton Gaines, Frontier General — By Jefferson 
Davis Bragg; Wellman's Giant in Gray: A Biography 
of Wade Hampton of South Carolina — By Henry T. 
Shanks; Marshall's Elbridge A. Stuart, Founder of 
Carnation Company — By Stuart Noblin ; Hart's The 
American Presidency in Action, 1789: A Study in Con- 
stitutional History — By Preston W. Edsall; Adam's 



vi Contents 

Album of American History: Volume V, Index — By 
Carlton P. West ; Hiatt's and Nerboso's Preliminary 
Inventory of the Records of the Maritime Labor Board 
—By James W. Patton ; Martin's List of Documents 
Concerning the Negotiation of Ratified Indian Treaties, 
1801-1868 — By James W. Patton. 

HISTORICAL NEWS 267 



NUMBER 3, JULY, 1950 

SALEM IN THE WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 277 

Douglas LeTell Rights 

AN ECONOMIC INTERPRETATION OF THE RATIFI- 
CATION OF THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION IN 
NORTH CAROLINA. PART II. THE HILLSBORO 
CONVENTION— THE ECONOMIC INTERESTS OF 
THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS 289 

William C. Pool 

VIRGINIA ANTE-BELLUM RAILROAD DISPUTES 

AND PROBLEMS 314 

Charles W. Turner 

LETTERS FROM NORTH CAROLINA TO 

ANDREW JOHNSON 336 

Elizabeth Gregory McPherson 

BOOK REVIEWS 364 

Odum's A North Carolina Naturalist, H. H. Brimley: 
Selections from his Writings — By John D. Findlay; 
Schultz's Nationalism and Sectionalism in South Caro- 
lina, 1852-1860: A Study of the Movement for Southern 
Independence — By Lillian A. Kibler ; Holland's The 
Direct Primary in Georgia — By Paul Murray ; Thur- 
low's and Berkeley's The Jefferson Papers of the 
University of Virginia, A Calendar — By Gilbert L. 
Lycan ; Coulter's The Confederate States of America, 
1861-1865 — By Clement Eaton; Green's Essays in 
Southern History, Presented to Joseph Gregoire de 
Roulhac Hamilton — By Weymouth T. Jordan; Ows- 



Contents vii 

ley's Plain Folk of the Old South — By Cornelius 0. 
Cathey ; Botkin's A Treasury of Southern Folklore — 
By Fannie Memory Farmer ; Carter's The Territorial 
Papers of the United States, Vol. XIV, The Territory of 
Louisiana-Missouri, 1806-1 81 U — By Edwin Adams 
Davis; Roelker's Benjamin Franklin and Catherine 
Ray Greene: Their Correspondence, 1755-1790 — BY 
Phillips Russell ; Atherton's The Southern Country 
Store, 1800-1860 — By Stuart Noblin; Craven's and 
Cate's The American Air Forces in World War II, 
Volume II, Eurove — Torch to Pointblank, August 19 %2 
to December 19US — By James F. Pinkney; Disposition 
of Federal Records: How to Develop an Effective Pro- 
gram for the Preservation and Disposal of Federal 
Records — By E. G. Roberts. 

HISTORICAL NEWS 382 



NUMBER 4, OCTOBER, 1950 

THE FOUNDING OF THE PETTIGREW 

PLANTATIONS 395 

Bennett H. Wall 

ACADEMIC REQUIREMENTS OF SALEM COLLEGE 

1854-1909 419 

Ivy May Hixson 

NEW PLANS AGAINST AN OLD BACKGROUND, 

SALEM COLLEGE, 1866-1884 430 

Howard E. Rondthaler 

AN ECONOMIC INTERPRETATION OF THE 

RATIFICATION OF THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION 
IN NORTH CAROLINA. PART III. THE 

FAYETTEVILLE CONVENTION, 1789 437 

William C. Pool 

LETTERS FROM NORTH CAROLINA TO 

ANDREW JOHNSON 462 

Elizabeth Gregory McPherson 



viii Contents 

BOOK REVIEWS 491 

Brooks's and Lefler's The Papers of Walter Clark, Vol- 
ume II, 1902-1924 — By Frontis W. Johnston ; Long's 
High Time to Tell It — By Richard Walser ; Rogers's 
Tar Heel Women — By Curtis Carroll Davis ; Noblin's 
Leonidas Lafayette Polk, Agrarian Crusader — By 
Avery Craven ; Folk's A Catalogue of the Library of 
Charles Lee Smith — By R. B. Downs ; Schlegel's Vir- 
ginia on Guard: Civilian Defense and the State Militia 
in the Second World War — By Tinsley L. Spraggins ; 
Heller's Virginia's State Government during the Sec- 
ond World War: Its Constitutional, Legislative, and Ad- 
ministrative Adaptations, 1943-1945 — By James W. 
Patton; Harwell's Confederate Music — By Nell 
Hines Harris ; Eaton's A History of the Old South — 
By R. S. Cotterill ; Key's and Heard's Southern Poli- 
tics in State and Nation — By Preston W. Edsall; 
Koch's Jefferson and Madison, The Great Collabora- 
tion — By D. H. Gilpatrick ; Boyd's, Butterfield's, and 
Bryan's The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Volume I, 
1760-1776 — By Gilbert L. Lycan; Dillistin's Bank 
Note Reporters and Counterfeit Detectors, 1826-1866 — 
By George P. Geoghegan, Jr. 

HISTORICAL NEWS 515 



CONTENTS OF THE LAST THREE NUMBERS 

JANUARY, 1950 

One Hundred Years of Textiles in Salem Adelaide l. Fries 

Raleigh's Account of Grenville's Fight at the Azores 

IN 1591 John H. Stibbs 

The Salem Boarding School Between 1802 

AND 1822 Lucy Leinback Wenhold 

The Produce Loans : A Means of Financing the 
Confederacy Richard c. Todd 

Book Reviews 

Historical News 



APRIL, 1950 

An Economic Interpretation of the Ratification of 
the Federal Constitution in North Carolina. Part 
I. The Hillsboro Convention William c. Pool 

Contemporary Evidence — Salem Boarding School, 

1834-1844 Marian H. Blair 

Papers from the Forty-ninth Annual Session of the 
State Literary and Historical Association, Ral- 
eigh, December 2, 1949 

INTRODUCTION Christopher Crittenden 

Fort Macon : Its History Richard SchHver Barry 

A Mythical Mayflower Competition: North Caro- 
lina Literature in the Half-century Following 

THE REVOLUTION Roger Powell Marshall 

The Bicentennial of Printing in North 
Carolina wnnam s. Powell 

Review of North Carolina Books of 

THE YEAR William T. Polk 

A Reporter Reviews Fifty Years of North Carolina 

HISTORY William Thomas Bost 

The Restoring of Colonial 

WILLIAMSBURG Thomas Jefferson Wertenbaker 

North Carolina Bibliography, 1948-1949 Mary Lindsay Thornton 

Book Reviews 
Historical News 



x Contents 

JULY, 1950 

Salem in the War Between the States. . .Douglas LeTeii Rights 

An Economic Interpretation of the Ratification of 
the Federal Constitution in North Carolina. 
Part II. The Hillsboro Convention — The Economic 
Interests of the Anti-Federalists William c. Pool 

Virginia Ante-Bellum Railroad Disputes 

AND PROBLEMS Charles W. Turner 

Letters from North Carolina to Andrew 

JOHNSON Elizabeth Gregory McPherson 

Book Reviews 
Historical News 



The North Carolina 
Historical Review 

Volume XXVII JANUARY, 1950 Number 1 

ONE HUNDRED YEARS OF TEXTILES IN SALEM 

By Adelaide L. Fries* 

On the sixth day of October, 1766, the first room was finished 
in the first house on the main street of Salem, North Carolina, 
and Gottfried Praezel moved into it and set up his loom. 1 Two 
weeks later the boy Johannes Flex went to him as an appren- 
tice, to learn to weave linen. 2 

The site for the town of Salem, to be erected by members of 
the Moravian Church in North Carolina, had been selected the 
preceding year, 3 but building did not commence until the early 
spring of 1766, 4 so the story of textiles in Salem actually begins 
with the beginning of the town. 

No claim is made that this was the first loom in piedmont 
Carolina. The scattered settlers were dependent on themselves 
for most of the necessary things of life, and here and there 
some enterprising farmer set up a loom in his humble, frontier 
home, weaving the yarn which was spun by wife or daughter 
into the ever necessary cloth for clothing. That this is so is 
proved by the fact that in the spring of 1758 one of the men 
living at Bethabara (the first Moravian village in North 
Carolina) spent a week roaming the country on horseback, 
searching for linen cloth, a trip from which he returned tri- 
umphantly with eighty yards. 5 

Preparations for producing their own supply had been begun 
in Bethabara three years earlier, for two crops of flax were 
raised in 1755, 6 only a little more than a year after the first 
arrival of the Brethren. The men planted the flaxseed; when 



* Dr. Fries died Nov. 29, 1949. 

1 Bethabara, N. C, diary, Oct. 10, 1766. Unless otherwise indicated, all items cited are in the 
Archives of the Moravian Church South, Winston-Salem, N. C. 

2 Bethabara diary, Oct. 20, 1766. 

3 Bethabara diary, Feb. 14, 1765. 

* Bethabara diary, Jan. 6, 1766. 
5 Bethabara diary, May 6, 1758. 

* Bethabara diary, June 26, September 19, 1755. 



83438 



2 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the plants were ready the women pulled them up and retted 
them. It is to be hoped that the men did the work of breaking 
the flax, for the flax-brake in the Museum of the Wachovia 
Historical Society is so heavy that no woman should have been 
allowed to handle it, even with the strength for manual labor 
which they then possessed. Anyone could have used the 
zwingpe; but one can hardly imagine the long-skirted ladies 
of the middle eighteenth century sitting astride the bench into 
which the long iron teeth of the hackle were fixed. Spinning, 
of course, was woman's work, but in the earlier years the Mo- 
ravian men seem to have done the weaving. 

The name of the first weaver in Bethabara does not appear 
in the diary. Among the men who arrived in Bethabara in 
November, 1753, there was one, John Lischer, who knew how 
to weave linen, but his particular job was to go backward and 
forward between Pennsylvania and North Carolina, carrying 
messages and showing the road to newcomers, and he was 
north on such a trip 7 when the first loom was set up in that 
village on March 28, 1758, and he had not returned when 
weaving was begun two months later. 8 Thread for the loom 
was doubtless ready, for the women had been spinning indus- 
triously; indeed it was nearly a year since they had treated 
themselves to a gathering, half social and half religious, which 
they called a spinners lovefeast. 9 

Neither Gottfried Praezel nor his apprentice had taken part 
in this early textile work in Bethabara, for both had come 
to North Carolina only a short time before the first loom was 
set up in Salem. 10 Praezel brought his handicraft with him, 
which was entirely consistent with the custom in the Moravian 
settlement (called Wachovia) , for they seldom imported things, 
preferring to bring from overseas the men who could make 
the things. 

In 1769 Praezel was given another apprentice, Gottlieb Scho- 
ber, 11 a lad of thirteen years, who had been at school in Naza- 
reth, Pennsylvania, and came south to grow up with the new 
settlement as did other boys, and girls also. 



7 Bethabara diary, March 28 to July 21, 1758. 

8 Bethabara diary, May 23, 1758. 
Bethabara diary, March 3, 1757. 

10 Praezel reached Bethabara, Jan. 30, 1766. Flex and seven other boys arrived Oct. 11, 
1766. 
"Memoir of Gottlieb Shober. 



One Hundred Years of Textiles in Salem 3 

The communal life of Bethabara, so well adapted to the 
needs of the frontier, had ceased to be necessary, and was not 
carried over into the new, central town of Salem. In Salem, 
from the start, each man had his own business, under the gen- 
eral supervision of church boards which functioned also as a 
town committee, looking after all the matters now committed to 
a board of aldermen and the officials appointed by them. 12 

The Brothers House was a hive of industry after it was 
finished and occupied in 1769. There lived the unmarried men 
of the town, there each carried on his own handicraft, and 
from there each married, set up his own home, and carried on 
as citizen and master craftsman. A catalog of the Single Breth- 
ren, that is the unmarried men of Salem, dated April, 1782, 13 lists 
forty-nine names and shows twenty-two separate and distinct 
crafts carried on by the owners of those names. The number 
of men in each craft varied. There were four shoemakers, 
three tailors, two carpenters, and one saddle-maker, for ex- 
ample, but the linen weavers topped the list with six: Adam 
Koffler, James Hurst, Johannes Flex, Christoph Reich, Johann 
Michael Seitz, and John Lischer. Gottfried Praezel had aban- 
doned his loom to enter the ministry, and had become the treas- 
urer of Salem congregation. Gottlieb Schober had become a 
maker of buckskin breeches, a school teacher, and by 1782 was 
a tinsmith. (Incidentally it may be noted that in the course of 
a long life Gottlieb Schober tried at least twenty-three trades 
and professions, and did rather well with all of them!) 

During the next twelve years things changed with these 
men, and by the time that the catalog of 1794 14 was written 
not one of them was weaving. Change of craft, change of 
residence, old age, and even death 15 had come into their ranks, 
and the only man listed as a weaver in Salem was Gottlieb 
Byhan, who, however, was then employed as a baker. 16 

But the women came to the rescue of the textile industry, 
and about the time that the men were giving up weaving the 
women developed it as a business. 

When Salem was begun the Single Sisters, that is the un- 
married women, had their quarters in the south part of the 

12 Minute books in Salem Moravian Archives. 
18 Filed in Salem Moravian Archives. 

14 Filed in Salem Moravian Archives. 

15 James Hurst died Dec. 15, 1794. 

M Report to the Unity Vorsteher Collegium, Aug. 31, 1796. 



4 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Gemein Haus, 17 a temporary measure until a Sisters House 
could be built. Brick and lumber were prepared for this, but 
in January, 1784, the Salem tavern burned, and the Sisters 
had to permit the use of their materials for the erection of a 
new tavern. 18 Their turn finally came in the following year, 
and a good brick house was built, with the necessary out- 
buildings, among them a weave-shed. This was a fairly large, 
one-story, frame house, standing in the yard behind the Sisters 
House. 

A set of books was opened for the Sisters House and its 
various activities, 19 and at one time the bookkeeper was paid 
a salary of £10 a year. 20 From the ledger, and especially from 
the journal, information can be drawn which is entirely lacking 
in regard to the weaving done by the Salem men; and in the 
Salem catalog of 1794 the names appear of five women employed 
in that handicraft: Mary Ellrod, Mary Ann Peddycoard, Anna 
Elisabeth Hauser, Johanna Dorothea Broesing, and Catharine 
Elisabeth Vogler. 

The books begin with April 30, 1786, and one of the first 
items in the journal records the purchase of four pounds of 
flax, at lsh. 6d. a pound. 21 There is nothing to indicate who 
raised the flax which was spun and woven in the Sisters House. 
In Bethabara flax did well 22 in the low land along the Grosse 
Johanna, 23 as they called the little stream flowing between the 
village and the graveyard hill, but there is nothing to indicate 
that the meadows along the Wach (Salem Creek) were used in 
that way. Probably the soil did not suit flax, for the Salem 
meadows furnished the clay used by the potter and the brick- 
makers. Yet a good deal of flax must have been raised locally, 
for flaxseed accumulated and linseed oil was made in the 
neighborhood 24 and was sometimes exported. 

In the Sisters House ledger a separate account was opened- 
for the Weberey (the weaving business), and this was supple- 
mented in the journal entries, which gave more details. 



17 Marshall's report to the Unity Elders Conference, Aug. 31, 1769. 

18 Salem diary, Jan. 31, 1784. 

19 On file in Salem Moravian Archives. 

20 Journal, 309. 

21 Journal, 2. 

22 Reuter's "Remarks on Herbs and Flowers," Adelaide L. Fries, ed., Records of the Mo- 
ravians in North Carolina, II (Raleigh, 1925), 573. 

23 See contemporary maps. 

24 Aufseher Collegium minutes, Feb. 12, 1784. 



One Hundred Years of Textiles in Salem 5 

Immediately a loom already in place was cleaned and its 
harness repaired, the cost being 5sh. 4d. for work on both. 25 
Brushes and harness were bought on the 1st of June, 26 and 
£1 :12 :6 was paid for 5 lbs. of twisted linen yarn. 27 

In the Sisters House there were women who supported them- 
selves in full or in part by spinning, so that craft was separate 
from the weaving. The Weberey, however, bought 10*4 lbs. of 
"sheep wool," paying 2sh. a pound for it, 28 and then paid for 
having it spun. 29 

From the House kitchen 9 lbs. of flour was bought, at lsh. 
6d. per pound, 30 presumably for use in making sizing for the 
warp. There are frequent entries of the purchase from the 
kitchen of candles, at lsh. per pound, 31 so evidently the indus- 
trious women wove by candlelight. 

Another item shows the receipt of £1 :6 :8 for the weaving of 
32 yds. of linen. 32 

By the end of the first fiscal year the Weberey had made a 
profit of £2:13:2, 33 no large sum, but it must be remembered 
that the purchasing power of money in 1786 was many times 
as great as it is today. In 1788 and 1789 there were deficits of a 
few shillings, but otherwise the balance was always on the right 
side even when it was small. The largest profit recorded was 
£14 in 1791. 34 

In June, 1787, a loom was bought for £3:2:8, 35 and another 
was added in November of the same year. 36 Two years later 
an additional loom "and everything that went with it" was 
bought for £9:12:9, 37 and two months later shuttles, a "spool- 
wheel," and slays were bought, 38 doubtless the better to equip 
the other looms. 

Various entries in the journal show the relative prices of 
materials used in the Weberey. Flax was bought for lsh. 6d. 



25 Journal, 2. 

26 Journal, 3. 

27 Journal, 4. 

28 Journal, 4. 

29 Journal, 6. 

80 Journal, 5. 

81 Journal, 8. 

82 Journal, 6. 

33 Journal, 15. 

34 Ledger, 48. 
85 Journal, 17, 
88 Journal, 21. 

87 Ledger, 48. 

88 Ledger, 48, 



6 The North Carolina Historical Review 

per pound, 39 wool for 2sh., 40 and cotton for 2sh. 6d. 41 The 
higher cost of cotton is natural, for before the invention of 
the cotton gin cotton was a garden crop, raised along with the 
beans and cucumbers. 42 Some cotton was brought to Salem by 
neighbors to be used in barter ; 43 and in 1789, when Mrs. Chris- 
tian Lewis Benzien sent two pairs of knitted gloves to friends 
in Pennsylvania, she said in the accompanying letter that the 
cotton had grown in her garden and that she herself had knitted 
the gloves. 44 Hand-knitted gloves are not exactly textiles and 
neither are stockings, but it may be noted in passing that, in 
1787, 7sh. was paid in the Sisters House for the knitting of a 
pair of common stockings, 45 which were sold soon after for 
12sh. 46 

Another entry, characteristic of the period, records the 
spinning of candle-wick yarn. 47 

The weaving done was not limited to one variety of cloth. 
Some of the woven linen was bleached 48 to improve its ap- 
pearance. In 1787 one and a half yards of striped cloth was 
sold for 6sh. 9d. 49 The stripes were probably blue. In earlier 
years Salem sent yarn to Pennsylvania to have it dyed with 
indigo, 50 but this was expensive and took much time, so in 1780 
Johannes Schaub, Jr., of Bethabara, went to Bethelem, Penn- 
sylvania, to learn indigo dyeing. On his return he set up a 
dye vat in Bethabara. 51 In 1784 Schaub was asked if he 
could not charge less for dyeing. He replied that as he had to pay 
14sh. for indigo a reduction was not possible. 52 In 1788 Abra- 
ham Loesch, of Salem, went north to learn how to dye and full 
cloth; 53 and by 1791 he had so much work that he could not 
attend to it all, so the Single Brethren began to dye what 
they needed for their own weaving. 54 The Single Sisters seem 



39 Ledger, 20. 

40 Journal, 4. 

41 Ledger, 32. 

42 Bethabara diary, May 11, 1781. 

48 Salem Aeltesten Conferenz minutes, Jan. 6, 1789. 

"Letter dated Salem, March 15, 1798. 

48 Journal, 24. 

*• Ledger, 32. 

47 Ledger, 20. 

"Ledger. 32. 

4 » Ledger, 20. 

"Letter, Graff to Seidel, dated Salem, June 28, 1780. 

61 Memorabilia of Wachovia, 1780. 

62 Bethabara diary, May 24, 1784. 

58 Aeltesten Conferenz minutes, Jan. 9, 1788. 
54 Aufseher Collegium minutes, July 19, 1791. 



One Hundred Years of Textiles in Salem 7 

to have taken that step earlier, for in December, 1787, there is 
record of the purchase of indigo and a dye-pot. 55 

Other entries in 1787 show a charge for weaving "half -linen," 
and the sale of IOV2 yards of half -linen for £2:10:9. 56 There 
is no statement as to what was used with the flax, but there 
may be a clue in an item of cash paid "for cotton and flax spin- 
ning and twisting." 57 In the same year bedticking was woven 58 
and £1 :9 :6 was paid for weaving 29 % yards of diaper cloth, 59 
of which 12 yds. were sold for £1 :16. 60 

The reference to bedticking is repeated at intervals, and 
there is also mention of a tablecloth for the kitchen, 61 necker- 
chiefs, 62 fustian, 63 muslin, 64 lining material, 65 and cloth with 
striped edges. 66 Those edges may have been indigo blue, or 
they may have been Turkey red, for late in 1789 the purchase 
of "Turkish yarn" is reported, 67 perhaps brought from Charles- 
ton, South Carolina, since madder was not raised in Wachovia. 

But as with the Brethren so with the Sisters the passing 
years brought changes, and at the beginning of 1805 68 the 
minutes of the Auseher Collegium wail that "the Single Sisters 
will have to give up their Weberey for lack of willing and 
skilful weavers. It is much to be wished that a way may be 
found to continue this industry." 

In this same year of 1805 a man came to Salem asking that 
he be given the job of equipping one of the looms with a "flying 
shuttle," saying that "it would enable one person to do the work 
of two, and with less strain on the health." 69 The boards and the 
Sisters agreed, however, that the expense was too great for 
what they would get out of it, and so the proffered improvement 
was not undertaken. 

One interesting custom of which glimpses appear in the ex- 
pense account must not be omitted, and that is the Nachtessen, 70 
the night lunch, for the Sisters in the weave-room. Expenditure 



65 Ledger, 20. 

58 Ledger, 20. 
57 Journal, 28. 

68 Ledger, 20. 
C9 Ledger, 20. 
w Ledger, 32. 
81 Ledger, 61. 
« 2 Ledger, 52. 
63 Ledger, 51. 
"Ledger, 52. 
esLederer, 116. 

69 Ledger, 187. 

67 Ledger, 51. 

68 Jan. 22, 1805. 

69 Aeltesten Conferenz, Jan. 22, 1805; Aufseher Collegium, Sept. 8, 1805. 

70 Ledger, 65. 



8 The North Carolina Historical Review 

for this night lunch appears repeatedly during the later years 
of the Weberey, but unfortunately the viands furnished are not 
specified. 

On April 30, 1807, the Weberey account was closed into the 
Arbeit (work) account; 71 and that in turn was closed into the 
kitchen account, which took over two remaining looms and a 
small amount of material. 

That the kitchen account was used for the dumping ground 
is not as ridiculous as it seems, for by 1807 the kitchen had 
become the most important business carried on in the Sisters 
House. In 1802 the church boards had decided to open a board- 
ing department in connection with the girls' day school, which 
had been in existence in Salem for thirty years. Many requests 
had come from outsiders asking that their daughters be al- 
lowed to share the educational advantages of the Salem girls, 
and in 1802 it was decided to arrange for them. The first 
outside pupils arrived in 1803 and were quartered in the Gemein 
Haus until the schoolhouse was finished. When the school 
moved into the new house in 1804 it was brought next door to 
the Sisters House, and the women living there agreed to provide 
the meals for the boarding pupils. At first this was a relatively 
small matter, but the number of boarders steadily increased, 
requiring more teachers, generally taken from residents in the 
Sisters House, and also requiring more food and more service 
in the way of laundry, sewing, and mending. 

Weaving was not dropped entirely. There are entries show- 
ing that from time to time weavers were secured, who were 
paid for making bedticking. That is the only type of cloth 
mentioned, although other varieties may be included in the re- 
peated, laconic entry: "for weaving." There are few entries 
of sales, so apparently the work was done for use in the Sisters 
House. In 1811 another loom was bought, 72 and until about 
1820 there are occasional entries of payment for weaving, but 
nothing of importance or informative. 

In 1812 Gottlieb Byhan at last set up his loom in the basement 
of a small house adjoining his cottage ; 73 but before many years 
had passed he was again called to other work. In 1822 a young 
man, Michael Rank, came from Lititz, Pennsylvania, hoping to 

71 Ledger, 135. 

78 Journal, 292. 

78 Aeltesten Conferenz, Nov. 25, 1812. 



One Hundred Years of Textiles in Salem 9 

be able to establish himself in Salem as a weaver of linen and da- 
mask. 74 There was no weaver in Salem under whom he could work 
as a journeyman, so temporary arrangements were made for him 
in the Brothers House; 75 but after a short time he returned to 
Lititz, where he became a physician after studying medicine 
with the father of the girl he married. 76 

It was in 1792 or 1793 that Eli Whitney invented the cotton 
gin, but use of the new contrivance developed slowly. That it 
gradually brought a demand for a larger supply of cotton may 
be inferred from a statement in one of the Salem minute books 77 
in April, 1806, which mentions that "some of our neighbors are 
trying to raise cotton this year," and it was suggested that if 
this attempt proved successful it might be well to make a cotton 
plantation at the new sawmill east of Salem on a small stream 
called the Brushy Fork. As nothing more is said about a Mora- 
vian cotton plantation the results of the trial were apparently 
not encouraging. 

In 1808 one of the Salem boards 78 recorded the fact that "there 
is a report that Mr. Eberhardt is building a machine for spin- 
ning cotton," the machine to be used in his own family. Again 
the absence of further comment indicates failure. 

The first successful effort to use machinery in connection with 
the textile industry came in 1815. Van Nieman Zevely was a 
native of South Carolina, and he had come to Salem as a boy. 79 
He was a cabinet maker by training, but when he married the 
daughter of Gottlieb Schober he moved to the paper-mill which 
Schober had built just west of Salem, and there for a while he 
superintended the making of paper. From there he and his 
family moved to land he had bought north of Salem. About 
where the North Cherry Street Extension crosses Peters Creek 
he built a dam and there installed a wool-carding machine, run 
by water power. 80 There he continued custom carding for a 
number of years, his business often interrupted by absence from 
home, for he became interested in the neglected residents in the 
mountains of southern Virginia. He visited them frequently, 
giving them the Gospel message. At first he was spurned, and 



7 *Aeltesten Conferenz, Oct. 16, 1822. 
75 Aufseher Collegium, Oct. 28, 1822. 

76 Lititz graveyard catalog. 

77 Heifer Conferenz furs Ganze, April 14, 1806. 

78 Aeltesten Conferenz, July 6, 1808. 

79 Memoir on file in Salem Moravian Archives. 

80 Salem Memorabilia, 1815. 



10 The North Carolina Historical Review 

then he was welcomed, and the account of one and another of his 
trips 81 makes good reading — or would if the script were better! 
Zevely finally sold his Peters Creek property to Edward Belo, 
who turned the mill into a foundry. 

In November, 1827, the eighteen-year-old Rudolph Christ re- 
turned to Salem from Lititz, Pennsylvania, where he had been 
trained as a weaver and dyer. As he was not of age and could 
not be recognized as a master craftsman it was arranged that 
he should work at his trade under the guardianship of his 
father, 82 though Christ, Sr., was a master potter. In 1835, how- 
ever, the young man went to Tennessee, where for a number of 
years he was a clerk in a store. He finally returned to Salem, 
and in a catalog of 1850 he is listed as a merchant. 

Steam power for driving machinery came to Salem in 1837. 
The preceding year some of the men of Salem organized the 
Salem Cotton Manufacturing Company, lured thereto by the 
reports that other cotton mills were getting as high as twenty 
per cent on their investments. 83 

At a preliminary meeting articles of association were drawn 
up, the amount of stock to be issued was fixed at $50,000 with 
the stock at $200 per share, and subscription books for the stock 
were opened. 84 

The stock was quickly subscribed, thirty stockholders taking 
from one to fifty shares each. Dr. Frederic Schuman was the 
largest individual subscriber, taking fifty shares. Church of- 
ficials, in charge of church funds, saw in the movement a chance 
for profitable investment and an opportunity to bring a new 
industry to the town, and they also subscribed liberally. 85 

The first meeting of the stockholders was held on July 9, 1836, 
in the concert hall. 86 It was agreed that the site for the factory 
should be in the western edge of Salem, south of the New Shal- 
lowford Street; 87 and the church boards agreed to sell them the 
land for a reasonable sum, and also agreed to give them a fee- 
simple deed to the property, although all other land in that 
neighborhood was still held under lease. 88 It was decided to 



81 On file in Salem Moravian Archives. 
^Aufseher Collegium, Nov. 12, 1827. 
ssAufseher Collegium, July 6 and 18, 1836. 

84 Salem Cotton Manufacturing Company, general meetings, 1. 

85 General meetings, 4. 

86 General meetings, 6. 

87 Now Brookstown Avenue, at south end of Cherry Street. 
w Aufseher Collegium, July 18, 1836. 



One Hundred Years of Textiles in Salem 11 

have a building committee of five men, and John Vogler and 
Jacob Blum were elected and were told to choose the other three, 
selecting men who would know most about such matters. They 
chose Emanuel Schober, Henry Leinbach, and Francis Fries. 

Under the supervision of this committee a substantial building 
was erected with a foundation of rough stone laid in lime mortar 
and brick walls above. Houses were built for the families 
to be employed, and boarding houses for the single men and 
women who would be needed, also two good brick houses on 
lots across the street, in which the agent and chief machinist 
were to live. A certain Danforth, "who brought the factory at 
Greensboro into operation," gave them helpful advice. Water 
was brought from the springs northwest of Salem which form- 
erly had supplied the waterworks of the town. 89 

In March, 1837, a charter was secured and was accepted by 
the stockholders. Directors were to be elected annually, and 
the members of the building committee were elected dirctors 
for the first term. Jacob Blum was elected president, and 
Francis Fries became agent and general superintendent. 90 

In 1838 an engine was bought in Baltimore, 91 and after some 
delay it reached Salem and was installed. It was estimated 
that twelve cords of wood per week would be needed to fire the 
engine, 92 so a large tract of woodland north of Salem was bought 
from the church boards. Spindles were put into operation as 
fast as the workers could be taught the art of machine spinning. 
There was such a good market for yarn that it was some time 
before enough could be spared to supply the thirty-six looms. 
The minutes note that "the weaving room requires only grown 
females." 93 

In view of the character of the stockholders it is natural that 
they had regard for the spiritual and moral welfare of the 
people who worked for them. A Sunday school was established 
for the children of the families on "Factory Hill," and in March, 
1838, the company made a cash donation for the purchase of 
Sunday school books. 94 



88 S. C. M. Co., general meetings, 7, 17, 18, 22, 23; directors' meetings, March 6, 
April 3, June 19, 1838. 

90 General meetings, 8; directors' meeting, March 31, 1838. 

91 General meetings, 17, 18, 19. 

92 General meetings, 20. 

93 General meetings, 22. 

94 General meetings, 31; directors' meeting, May 8, 1838. 



12 The North Carolina Historical Review 

In 1839 an "apparent profit" of over $7,000 was turned into 
a sinking fund, 95 and this action was repeated after each semi- 
annual report was rendered. There is only one mention of a 
dividend to the stockholders. In 1841 a three per cent dividend 
was declared, over the protest of President Schuman, but the 
resolution was rescinded at the next meeting of the board of 
directors, since the reports then were not encouraging. 96 

In February, 1840, all the directors resigned, although their 
terms had not expired. Francis Fries also resigned and evi- 
dently sold his stock, since he no longer attended meetings, 
either in person or by proxy. No reason is given in the minutes 
for the resignations. New directors were at once elected. 97 
Thomas Siddall, chief machinist, was made superintendent of 
the factory, 98 and a young man from Salem was employed as 
clerk to keep the books. He was utterly inexperienced, and lasted 
less than one year, leaving various problems behind him, 99 and 
for the first time the semiannual report showed a deficit. 100 

This loss was not all the fault of the young clerk. So many 
cotton factories had been erected in North Carolina that the 
local market was glutted with yarn, 101 and the Salem Company 
began to ship to consignees in Philadelphia. 102 In 1841 the 
"embarrassed situation" of the first consignee caused a draft 
on him, in payment for new machinery, to come back pro- 
tested. 103 

To add to the perplexity of the directors the Bank in Salem 
refused additional loans. 104 The company had started with too 
small a capital, and most of the time had to borrow money to 
buy cotton. 105 This meant continually increasing liabilities and 
large interest charges. To meet the situation the larger stock- 
holders guaranteed loans secured from private individuals. 106 

Another element of loss was the barter system then in vogue. 
Much of the yarn and "domesticks" sold locally was by barter, 
not for cash. Feathers and wool and tow linen accumulated, 



85 General meetings, 32. 

96 Directors' meeting, March 30, 1841. 

97 General meetings, 36. 

98 General meetings, 33; directors', May 10, 1842. 

09 Directors' meeting, March 13, 1840; Jan. 29, Feb. 1, Oct. 20, 1841. 

100 Directors' meeting, Oct. 30, 1841. 

M1 General meetings, 21. 

i° 2 Directors' meeting, Nov. 2, 1838; Sept. 13, 1841. 

103 Directors' meeting, June 21, 1841. 

104 Directors' meeting, March 25, 1841. 

i° B Directors' meeting, Feb. 8, May 8, Sept. 29, 1838; Jan. 21, 1839, etc. 
106 Directors' meeting, Dec. 1, 1840. 



One Hundred Years of Textiles in Salem 13 

deteriorated when not sold promptly, and were usually disposed 
of at a loss. Feathers, beeswax, and tallow were considered the 
safest articles to be taken in barter. 107 A smokehouse was built 
at the factory to take care of bacon received in the same way. 108 

Factory hands were constantly changing and were inex- 
perienced and unreliable. 109 The men employed as supervisors 
or agents were changed several times and were evidently not 
efficient. 110 Credit was given recklessly, and when the panic 
came there were losses from accounts scattered widely over 
Tennessee and Virginia. 111 Their best consignee in Philadelphia 
went down in the "money panic," causing another large loss. 112 

One incident of the period deserves notice. On October 26, 
1841, the directors asked President Schuman to write to other 
cotton factories and suggest a conference, hoping to secure 
united action on prices of cotton and cotton products. The 
suggestion was accepted, and a convention was called for June 
2, 1842, at Lexington. 113 The company minutes do not show 
any definite results gained, but the attempt is interesting. 

The minutes of the following years make rather dismal 
reading, but as a rule the accounts showed a small gain. In 
October, 1845, for example, the profit was divided between the 
interest account and the sinking fund ; but $12,000 was borrowed 
for the purpose of buying cotton. By September, 1846, the 
nominal value of the stock had fallen to $30 per share. 114 

By April, 1847, "liabilities had been increased to an alarming 
extent," and Constantine L. Banner, then the agent, was sent 
to Philadelphia to see what he could collect from former con- 
signees there. In the same month the directors recorded 
their dissatisfaction because Banner was employing four adult 
and three youthful slaves in the factory. They belonged to 
him, and he was collecting rather large sums for their work. 115 
The directors preferred white employees, and had planned "from 
the first that blacks were to be employed only in the picking 
room/' 116 



*>t Directors' meeting, Feb. 13, 1841 ; April 7, 1843 ; Dec. 16, 1852. 
108 Directors' meeting, Oct. 15, 1844. 

i° 9 Directors' meeting, Feb. 7, July 21, 1838; Aug. 15, 1839; Sept. 22, 1846. 
330 Directors' meeting, Feb. 23, Sept. 13, Nov. 3, 1841; May 18, Aug. 25, 1842; Oct. 2, 1844; 
Jan. 31, 1849. 

111 Directors' meeting, Sept. 22, 1846; Jan. 25, June 24, 1853; Jan. 9, March 4, 1854. 

^Directors' meeting, May 11, 1842; May 26, Sept. 22, 1846; April 13, 1847. 

118 Directors' meeting, Oct. 26, 1841; May 11, 1842. 

u * Directors' meeting, Sept. 22, 1846. 

115 Directors' meeting, April 22, 1847. 

U6 Director's meeting, July 21, 1838; April 26, 1847. 



14 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The beginning of the end came in September, 1847. There 
was too much yarn on hand; the mill was stopped for a while; 
and Banner was sent out again to collect debts, in which he 
was not very successful. 117 

As each discouraging report came in the directors tried to 
explain it to themselves. On January 31, 1849, they entered 
in the minutes the statement: "Owing to erection of a number 
of cotton factories in western part of the state the trade in 
coarse yarn has been overstocked.' ' By July 3, 1849, the direc- 
tors had become convinced "that the establishment must be 
sold, and without much delay." 

In April, 1850, a public sale of the land, houses, and "fixed ma- 
chinery" was advertised, and the directors set the minimum 
price they would accept as $20,000. Only $19,000 was bid at 
the sale, and the offer was rejected. 118 

On February 3, 1852, it was entered in the minutes that sale 
of the property was difficult "because we are situated beyond 
the limits of the cotton growing country, and because our factory 
is propelled by steam." 

By January, 1854, the situation had become so desperate 119 
that the directors decided on a second public sale, the property 
to be released at whatever it would bring. 120 The sale was held 
on March 21, and the property was bid in by John Morehead, 
of Greensboro, at less than half the amount that was refused 
at the first sale. The cloth on hand was placed with one of the 
Salem stores to be sold on commission. Francis Fries bought 
the mill supplies that were not included in the sale to More- 
head. 121 

The position taken by the larger stockholders was most hon- 
orable. 122 After it became known how far short the receipts 
would be they put in enough more money to cover all claims 
of non-stockholding creditors. One account extant is represen- 
tative of all of them : 123 

April, 1855. Stock investment 7,000.00 

Money loaned and debts assumed . . . 9,006.92 
Account current 207.12% 

Total loss .$16,214.0414 

117 Directors' meeting, Sept. 22, 1846. 

us Directors* meeting, Dec. 8, 1849; April 2, April 23, 1850. 

ii9 Directors' meeting, May 8, 1849; Aug. 15, 1850; Feb. S, 1852. 

120 Directors* meeting, Jan. 9, 1854. 

vn Directors' meeting, March 24, May 8, 1854. 

122 Directors' meeting, Feb. 5, 1853; May 24, 1854. 

128 Salem Congregation Journal, April, 1855. 



One Hundred Years of Textiles in Salem 15 

The story of the wool mill is quite different. Francis Fries 
made his plans in the fall of 1839, before he resigned from the 
cotton factory. Not much wool was raised locally, so he planned 
only a small mill, run by steam, in which he would card and 
spin the wool, the weaving to be done by the slaves on his 
father's farm near Salem. He also planned to use slaves to 
run the machines in the mill, and after much discussion the 
church board agreed that employing a Negro to run a machine 
was not teaching him a handicraft and that it was therefore 
not against the rules of the town and would not establish a 
precedent. The site selected was an ' 'out-lot" at the northwest 
corner of New Shallowford and Salt streets, about half way 
between Main Street and the cotton factory. It was believed 
that this was sufficiently far from town to avoid annoyance 
from the Negroes and from the smoke of the engine. 124 

As soon as he left the cotton factory, Francis Fries began work 
on his new project. For some years he kept a mill diary, 125 which 
gives a most interesting picture of what went on. Here the owner 
was also the superintendent, the foreman, and the best workman 
among them. No work was too menial or too hard. "Father's 
boys," that is the slave men, came and went from farm to mill 
and back to the farm under his direction. He helped to lay the 
rough stone for the foundation of the mill house, assisted by 
younger brother Henry, father-in-law John Vogler, another man 
who was a professional mason, and Al, a slave. A bit later "self 
and hands raise inside and outside scaffolding to save brick- 
layers time," the scaffolding being built with poles which had 
been cut in the woods. 

The brick walls were built, a tile roof was placed, the engine 
was installed by "Mr. Vogler, Henry and self," the first machin- 
ery was made ready, and on July 21, 1840, the energetic owner 
"got to carding in good earnest, and toward evening carded the 
first custom lot." On August 31 the entry is: "Several pretty 
heavy lots of wool came in that are to be carded immediately. 
Card all night, Henry, myself, and Allis [a Negro] taking it turn 
about." 

Spinning began on October 31, but custom carding continued 
to be the chief business, especially directly after sheep-shearing 

12 *Aufseher Collegium minutes, Oct. 25, Nov. 1, 21, 22, 1839. 
125 On file in Salem Moravian Archives. 



16 The North Carolina Historical Review 

time. When demand for yarn was heavy the spinning wheel was 
used as well as the spinning frame. On January 20, 1841, the 
owner "gave all hands free in afternoon to take a rabbit hunt." 
On June 28 two white girls came in and began to spin on the 
hand frame. On July 6 Elic, a slave, was "spinning with ten spin- 
dles on mule." 

Although the mill was now in full operation, an addition and 
more machinery having been added, Fries continued to work 
himself harder than he did his slaves. The entry of August 3 is 
typical: "Card all day and all night. Elic stays up till half past 
one ; let Elic sleep till nine o'clock next morning. The Englishman, 
Mr. Hinchliffe, spins slub work on mule. Girls yesterday and to- 
day slubbing on small frame ; brother till twelve, myself till morn- 
mg." 

The first mention of a loom, a hand loom, comes on August 
7, 1841. During that month also much stocking yarn, mixed white 
and blue or black wool, was spun and twisted. One wonders how 
the workers survived the constant "card all day and all night," 
but there is never an entry for Sunday, when everybody rested; 
and on September 10 the entry reads : "Card till 1 P.M., then stop 
mill and myself and boys go to the Circus." 

The entry of September 24, "Elic packing away toll wool," is 
significant, as it shows the usual way in which payment was 
made for the custom carding of wool. 

One characteristic work of that period was the carding of hat- 
ter's wool — the making of hats was one of the early industries of 
Salem. 

On October 4 there is a note: "Rather cold in the morning; 
turn steam through the mill," which was warmed in this modern 
fashion. During that month fine white cotton yarn was twisted, 
and coarse carpet yarn was spun. 

In November "myself" spent some days weaving a carpet on 
the hand loom. Two power-driven looms arrived on December 13 
and were at once set up. After some days of "experimenting" 
they "got the loom to work very well" on January 15, 1842. The 
spinning and weaving by hand or by power as was more con- 
venient then became another interesting feature of the diary. 

On May 2, 1842, Francis Fries announced to the "liberal pub- 
lic" that in his Woolen Establishment in Salem, N. C, he was 



One Hundred Years of Textiles in Salem 17 

"better prepared than I was last summer to attend to the con- 
stantly increasing carding custom. In regard to the spinning (in 
which, from want of experience, I confess that I was deficient last 
season,) I flatter myself that I will be able to do ample justice to 
my customers hereafter; having just returned from the North, 
and there discovered where I erred in this as well as in some other 
branches of the business." The advertisement says further that 
in a short time he will be prepared to "full, colour, or finish any 
blankets, flannels, lindseys, janes, or cloth," which may be 
brought in. 126 

In May, 1843, Fries issued another advertising sheet 127 in 
which he announced that he had "an assortment of good heavy 
Jeans, Lindseys, and Negro Cloths, at from 20 to 70 cents per 
yard; as also of Rolls, Stocking Yarn and common Yarn of su- 
perior quality." 

On March 5, 1846, another advertisement announced that 
Francis Fries had taken his brother Henry W. Fries into partner- 
ship and that the business would continue under the firm name 
of F. & H. Fries. 128 

For a number of years the wool mill bought the needed cotton 
warps from the Salem Cotton Manufacturing Company, 129 but in 
the winter of 1848 the Fries firm built an addition to the wool 
mill and installed the machinery for carding and spinning cot- 
ton, 130 thereafter supplying the wool mill with warps of their 
own making and ultimately weaving some cotton cloth. 

Ten years later, that is in 1858, the Fries firm built a gas 
plant, 131 so that gas light supplanted the oil lamps hitherto used 
in the mill. 

In 1860 the business of the wool mill had spread rather ex- 
tensively. The index to the letter book of April to October, 1860, 
shows a few more than three hundred names, the addresses scat- 
tered from New York to various southern states. 132 Not all the 
letters were on mill matters, but most of them were. 



126 Handbill, on file in Salem Moravian Archives. "Lindsey" was linsey-woolsey, a coarse 
wool filling on cotton warp. "Janes," or jeans, as made in the Fries mill, was a better 
grade of wool filling on cotton warp. 

^Another handbill. 

^Another handbill. 

129 S. C. M. Co., directors' meeting, May 16, 1843. 

130 Wool mill account books. 
i3i Wool mill account books. 

132 On file in Salem Moravian Archives. 



18 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The accounts at the end of the year 133 show a good supply of 
cotton on hand, much of it in the Fries warehouse at the station 
in High Point, that being the nearest railroad station. From there 
the cotton was hauled to Salem over the Fayetteville and Western 
Plank Road, of which a spur ran by the wool mill in Salem. 134 

The mill also had a good supply of wool 135 — Canada, Cordova 
sorts, tub, fleece, southdown, Cape, Smyrna, South Carolina, 
Santa Fe, East India, Spanish, and Hanoverian, among the rest. 
Colored wool was listed as blue, black, brown, yellow, and red. 

There were thirteen varieties of woolen cloth, listed by check 
letters, and four types of cotton cloth — plain, twilled, and colored. 

The dyestuffs on hand were soda ash, potash, alum, sumac, 
hypernic, blue vitriol, copperas, cutch, chrome, cudbea, sugar of 
lead, and extract of logwood. 

A new Corliss engine was bought for the mill during this pros- 
perous year. 136 

Then came the Civil War. John Fries, the eldest son of Francis 
Fries, a rather small, slender lad of fifteen years, postponed 
thoughts of college and went into the mill to do the work of a 
man. During the busy season the mill ran day and night, working 
up the wool brought in by farmers while making cloth for Con- 
federate uniforms. 

Young John worked, not eight hours but eighteen out of the 
twenty-four. Being the son of the elder partner he could choose 
his hours, so he worked from midnight to six P.M. of the next 
day; then after supper he returned to the mill and slept on a 
wool sack until midnight brought his next turn of work. The mill 
still did not run on Sunday, so he could and did sleep all that day 
to catch up! 137 

Francis Fries was in poor health when the war broke out, and 
on August 1, 1863, 138 he died, leaving his brother Henry W. Fries 
to carry on the business until his three sons should be old enough ' 
to become partners. 139 

When 1865 brought the end of the war, and also brought dis- 
aster to the South, the Fries mill lost heavily. 140 When a part of 



133 Mill Appendix, no. 1. 
^Aufseher Collegium, Jan. 16, 1854. 
185 Mill Appendix, no. 1. 
138 Mill Appendix, no. 1. 

137 Personal reminiscences of John W. Fries as told to the writer. 

138 Brief memoir in Salem Moravian Archives. 
18 »Will of Francis Fries. 

140 Mill Appendix, no. 1. 



One Hundred Years of Textiles in Salem 19 

Stoneman's raiding force came to Salem, under the leadership of 
General Palmer, the request of the town and school officials was 
granted and guards were stationed at the academy and at the 
mill. Much food was requisitioned for the soldiers, but looting 
was forbidden. Some people of the town, however, broke into the 
wool mill and carried off a good deal. After the excitement died 
down many of them brought back what they had taken, excusing 
themselves by saying that they had merely been trying to save 
it from the Yankees ! 141 

The close of accounts for 1866 gives some idea of the very 
large losses sustained by the mill. Both Confederate and state 
currency and bonds had become worthless paper. Much cotton 
had been lost when the High Point railroad station was burned, 
and the Fries warehouse with it. All the main accounts showed 
a loss. Fortunately the firm had built up a large contingent fund 
during the good years, and that was able to absorb a goodly share 
of the loss. The rest was shouldered by the partners. 142 

The come-back after the war was rather remarkable. Just be- 
fore Richmond was evacuated a messenger had taken a large 
amount of currency to Richmond to be exchanged for gold, and 
this gave the firm some stable cash on hand. 143 John Fries and S. 
E. Butner, a mill foreman, went south to salvage as much cotton 
as they could find, bought earlier by the firm but not delivered. 
The railroads had been broken in many places, so not a great 
deal of the cotton could be brought to Salem, but the rest was 
taken to the nearest seaport and shipped north, and in that way 
credit was re-established in the northern wool markets. 144 Barter 
could still be used locally, and neighbors brought in a large 
variety of things with which to pay for goods at the mill. The 
day book of January, 1866, mentions twenty such barter com- 
modities. 145 

By the end of 1867 inventories were small, but entries in the 
profit and loss account had returned to the right side. 146 



141 Reminiscences of John W. Fries. Salem congregational diary. April 10-12, 1865. Hand- 
bill in Museum of the Wachovia Historical Society. 

142 Mill Appendix, no. 1. 

143 Mill Appendix, no. 1. 

144 Reminiscences of John W. Fries. 

145 Bacon, brooms, butter, coat buttons, corn, cotton, eggs, envelops, flaxseed, flour, 
hauling, making horse-collars, meal, mending shoes, potatoes, shingles, tallow, wheat, wood, 
wood hauling. 

146 Mill Appendix, no. 1. 



RALEIGH'S ACCOUNT OF GRENVILLE'S FIGHT 
AT THE AZORES IN 1591 

By John H. Stibbs 

At one time or another most of us have read with mixed feel- 
ings of admiration and incredulity Tennyson's patriotic battle 
chant, "The Revenge," about the dramatic naval action at the 
Azores in which Sir Richard Grenville with one English man-of- 
war dared to oppose an entire fleet of fifty-three Spanish fight- 
ing ships. In stanza IX Tennyson writes, 

And the sun went down, and the stars came 

out far over the summer sea, 
But never a moment ceased the fight of the 

one and the fifty-three. 
Ship after ship, the whole night long, their 

high built galleons came, 
Ship after ship, the whole night long, with 

her battle-thunder and flame ; 
Ship after ship, the whole night long, drew 

back with her dead and her shame. 
For some were sunk and many were shatter'd, 

and so could fight us no more- 
God of battles, was ever a battle like this 

in the world before ? 

In considering the question at the end of the stanza the reader 
becomes interested in another, a more important question. Was 
there ever such a battle as this in the world of fact ? The answer 
is that this incredible event did actually happen. Tennyson's poem 
is based, for the most part, on an informative prose account writ- 
ten by Sir Walter Raleigh and published in the same year that 
the battle occurred, 1591. Raleigh's was the first account of the 
incident. His source of information, he tells us, was a Spanish 
captain who participated in the fight and was later taken prisoner 
by a small English ship and brought to London. 

Since this engagement really did take place, still another ques- 
tion arises. Why did the captain of the Revenge go into action 
when the odds against him were so terrible? The answer lies in 
an understanding of Grenville's motives. But how can we dis- 
cover these? The standards of history writing in the period of 

[20] 



Grenville's Fight at the Azores in 1595 21 

the Renaissance were not those of today. So rather than the 
careful enumeration of tactical and strategic plans and results 
which one expects in a modern battle report, in Raleigh's ac- 
count we find that attention is centered on the personal heroism 
of Grenville and the glamorous particulars about the battle. 
Moreover, Raleigh was writing about the bravery of his own 
cousin, and thus may have purposely avoided probing into details 
of motivation unfavorable to his hero. That is to say, Raleigh's 
is a thoroughly good narrative of what takes place in this sea 
engagement, but it is not entirely satisfactory for the reason 
that it does not fully explain why Grenville engaged the enemy 
when escape with honor was apparently possible. 

In the last decades of the sixteenth century the Azores were 
the grand rendezvous for the Spanish fleets from the West Indies 
and the Portuguese fleets from the East Indies. Hence the Azores 
became a theater of maritime warfare which was carried on ordi- 
narily by small raiding squadrons of English sea dogs against the 
Spanish and Portuguese treasure fleets. The Spanish stronghold 
on the island of Terceira gave protection to these fleets from the 
Indies as they swaggered about among the channels of the rocky 
isles waiting for powerful escorts which regularly came down 
from the Spanish seaport towns of Ferrol and Cadiz, a distance 
of about one thousand miles to the northeast. One may imagine 
the scene: blue waters, steep rocky cliffs, and dozens of giant 
carracks with their spider webs of rigging, straining under top- 
gallant canvas. Except when anchored in order to take aboard 
provisions, they would beat about the channels in a state of readi- 
ness, signalling each other by shortening sail, firing cannon, and, 
at night, showing lights. Officers, crews, and bright-armored 
soldiers would be tense with apprehension over small but fast and 
maneuverable English ships which might dash in upon them at 
any time. 

Because of uncertainty about the strength of the cruising 
squadrons of the English in the Azores, Phillip II had advised 
his annual fleet of 1590 from the West Indies to wait until the 
next year. It was common knowledge that the combined flotas of 
two years were to cross the Atlantic in 1591, and there was much 
discussion about who should be sent to intercept the treasure 



22 The North Carolina Historical Review 

fleet and what form the force should take. 1 The first plan was to 
have Sir Walter Raleigh and Lord Thomas Howard lead a joint 
command of some twenty ships and pinnaces. 2 But Howard was 
finally appointed to the command, with Sir Richard Grenville as 
vice admiral. Nevertheless, Raleigh continued to participate in 
the expedition, for he victualled the Revenge and the Crane. 3 And 
later in the year, after the battle in the Azores had been fought, 
Raleigh wrote and published his account of the battle, entitled: 
"A Report of the Truth of the fight about the isles of the Azores, 
this last Sommer Betwixt the Revenge, one of her Majesties 
Shippes, And an Armada of the King of Spaine." 4 

Besides Raleigh's account there are two other authoritative 
contemporary versions of the battle. The first is that of van Lin- 
schoten, a Hollander. This account was first published at Amster- 
dam in 1594 after the author had returned from the Azores. At 
the time of the battle he was on shore at Terceira. 5 The second is 
a Spanish account which has only recently been made available 
by A. L. Rowse in his biography of Grenville. And there are three 
seventeenth-century accounts which scholars have valued: (1) 
Bacon's Consideration Touching a Warre with Spaine, 1629 ; 6 (2) 
a passage in the Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins . . . , 1622 ; 7 
and (3) Monson's severe attack upon Grenville, entitled "Two 
Fleets at Sea . . . ," published in Megalopsychy, 1682. 8 

Briefly, Raleigh tells the following story. The English fleet 
consisted of six "ships," six "victualers," the "barke Ralegh," and 
two or three "Pinnases," riding at anchor near Flores in the 
Azores. 9 This time it was the English who were surprised. Many 
men were sick, and many were on shore when the Spanish fleet 
came in sight. Waiting to recover the men on land, Grenville was 
the last of the English captains to weigh anchor. Overtaken by 
a Spanish fleet of fifty-three warships — not vessels of the treas- 



1 A. L. Rowse, Sir Richard Grenville . . . (London, 1937), 292. 

a M. Oppenheim, The Naval Tracts of Sir William Monson (London, printed for the Navy 
Records Society, 1902), I, 257. 

3 Oppenheim, The Naval Tracts, I, 256. 

4 London, 1591. Huntington Library copy of the first edition. 

5 The text of Linschoten's account of the fight is to be found in Arber's reprint of 
Raleigh's account: E. Arber, ed., The Last Fight of the Revenge . . . (English Reprints, 
London, 1871). 

6 Huntington Library copy of the first edition. 

7 Reprinted by the Hakluyt Society, 1878, in The Hawkins Voyages, under the editorship 
of Sir Clements Markham. 

8 Oppenheim, The Naval Tracts. 

9 Sir Walter Raleigh, A Report of the Truth of the fight about the isles of the Azores, 
this last Sommer Betwixt the Revenge, one of her Majesties Shippes, and an Armada of 
the King of Spaine (London, 1591), 4-5. 



Grenville's Fight at the Azores in 1595 23 

ure fleets but an unexpected striking force sent from Spain — 
Grenville refused to run and attempted to pass through their two 
squadrons. The Spanish ships were filled with hundreds of sol- 
diers, whereas the Revenge had "beside the Mariners but the ser- 
vants of the commanders and some few voluntarie gentlemen." 10 
Realizing the impossibility of successful participation, the body 
of the small English fleet stayed away. The fight began at three 
in the afternoon and lasted fifteen hours. Whereas the Revenge 
began the fight with only one hundred men free from sickness, 
the Spaniards had fifteen thousand, and they made fifteen at- 
tempted boardings of the Revenge. Grenville was mortally wound- 
ed an hour before midnight. When all the powder was exhausted 
and all the pikes broken, Grenville commanded the master gunner 
to sink the ship. But the other men who remained alive wished to 
save themselves, and the Spanish Admiral agreed that the Eng- 
lish survivors should be sent back to England. Thus over- 
matched, Grenville was sent aboard the ship of the Spanish ad- 
miral, and there he died the second or third day after. 

There are many descriptions of the fleet that sailed out under 
Howard in 1591. Linschoten tells of sixteen ships at the Azores. 11 
Monson lists only the men-of-war and these he counts seven. 12 
Using the Pipe Office Declared Accounts, Oppenheim, the Eng- 
lish naval historian, has found that nine men-of-war were origin- 
ally sent out, but that the Moon was sent home on the tenth of 
July, the Nonpareil on the twenty-third of July, and that the 
Charles was cruising in the channel in September. 13 This would 
bring the total of men-of-war at the Azores to six, which is Ra- 
leigh's count. 

Fortunately for Howard, a Captain Middleton aboard the 
Moonshine warned the English at the Azores of a newly assembled 
armada, under command of Don Alonzo de Bazan, preparing for 
some kind of action to divert the English from the Spanish treas- 
ure fleet. 14 Middleton's information was a complete surprise to 
Howard. Raleigh writes that "He had no sooner delivered the 
news but the Fleet was in sight : manie of our shippes companies 
were on shore in the Hand." 15 



10 Raleigh, Report, 8. 

11 Arber, The Last Fight of the Revenge, 90. 

12 Oppenheim, The Naval Tracts, I, 253. 

13 Oppenheim, The Naval Tracts, I, 256. 
u Raleigh, Report, 5. 

15 Raleigh, Report, 5. 



24 The North Carolina Historical Review 

There has been considerable controversy about the time of 
Middleton's arrival at Flores. Raleigh, as we have seen, says 
that he arrived just before the Spanish armada came into sight. 
Monson, however, tells another story; he says that Middleton 
"advertised my Lord Thomas thereof with all expedition the very 
night before they arrived at Flores, where my Lord lay." 16 But 
there were other elements of surprise besides that of time. Ra- 
leigh writes that the "Spanish fleets . . . shrouded their approach 
by reason of the Hand." 17 And further, it is reasonable to suppose 
that Howard would be surprised by the strength of the new ar- 
mada. And to press the defense of Raleigh's version still further, 
we say that even though Monson tells that Middleton arrived 
the night before, the implication is perfectly clear that he arrived 
none too soon. With such a pestilence-ridden fleet as his seems to 
have been, Howard might even have been surprised on two days' 
advance notice. 

According to the contemporary Spanish account, "there was a 
good deal of firing on both sides as the first two Spanish squad- 
rons under Aramburu advanced into the channel. Bazan followed 
with the rest of the fleet, and the great galleons, San Phelipe and 
San Barnabe, now coming level with Howard tried to board the 
English flagship, and not being able to do so, gave her a broad- 
side at close range. Then, passing on with the wind filling her 
sails, the San Phelipe caught up with the Revenge. It was now 
nightfall, and according to the Spaniards, the rest of the English 
ships took to flight." 18 

Raleigh tells us that Grenville stayed to recover the sick men 
who were on shore and that this was the reason his ship was 
overtaken by the Spaniards. Monson has an entirely different 
explanation of Grenville's tardiness; he writes: 

. . . Greynvile being a stern man, and imagining this fleet to 
come from the Indies, and not to be with the Armada . . . would by 
no means be persuaded ... to cut his cable to follow his Admiral 
. . . nay, so headstrong, rash, and unadvised he was that he offer- 
ed violence to all those that counselled him to the contrary. 19 

More recently, Professor Callender has pointed out that the 



16 Oppenheim, The Naval Tracts, I, 254. 

17 Raleigh, Report, 6. 

"Coleccion Sanz de Barutell (Madrid), Art. 4, no. 1121, as translated and used by Rowse, 
Sir Richard Grenville, 307-308. 

39 Oppenheim, The Naval Tracts, I, 254. 



Grenville's Fight at the Azores in 1595 25 

Bonaventure, with a sick list longer than that of the Revenge and 
without her speed, was able to get away in good time. 20 

But none of these arguments is strong. If Grenville thought the 
approaching Spaniards to be the flota, he would, no doubt, have 
been extremely anxious to get undersail. And no matter how 
many sick she had aboard, the Bonaventure could get away faster 
than the Revenge if the latter had the responsibility of waiting 
for the men on shore. As Bushnell, one of Grenville's biographers, 
concludes, "Grenville might have instantly followed and thus 
obeyed that part of the order, but his duty as vice admiral was 
not only to bring up the rear but to round up, as it were, the fleet, 
and certainly included, if he judged it practicable, the bringing 
off of the men on shore." 21 

But Grenville's next move is not so easy to justify. Raleigh 
tells us that Grenville "refused to turne from the enimie" and 
attempted to "passe through the two Squadrons," and he sug- 
gests that "the other course had beene the better in so great an 
impossibilitie of prevailing." 22 Nevertheless, Raleigh apologizes 
for Grenville's rash action in a sentence which is noteworthy more 
for its exciting suggestion of heroics than for its clarity of mean- 
ing: "Notwithstanding," he writes, "out of the greatnesse of his 
minde, he could not bee perswaded." 23 

Linschoten has something to say about Grenville's rashness ; he 
states that 

. . . the Lorde Thomas Howard commaunded his Fleete not to 
fall upon them, nor any of them once to separate their shippes 
from him . . . notwithstanding the Vice Admiral Sir Rychard 
Greenfield, being in the ship called the Revenge went into the 
Spanish fleete, and shot among them. 24 

Linschoten attempts no apology, but he does offer an explana- 
tion. Grenville was, says Linschoten 

... of so hard a complection, that as he continued among the 
Spanish Captaines while they were at dinner or supper with him, 
he would carouse three or f oure glasses of wine, and in a braverie 
take the glasses betweene his teeth and crash them in peeces and 
swallow them downe, so that often times the blood ran out of his 
mouth . . . 25 



20 "The Battle of Flores," History, IV (July, 1919), 92, 93. 

21 C. H. Bushnell, Sir Richard Grenville (London, 1936), 265. 

22 Raleigh, Report, 7. 
28 Raleigh, Report, 7. 

24 Arber, The Last Fight of the Revenge, 90. 
^Arber, The Last Fight of the Revenge, 92. 



26 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Monson makes a more direct accusation: 

. . . the old saying, 'That a wilful man never wanteth woe/ or 
is the cause of his own woe, could not be more truly verified 
than in him . . . 26 

Howard, too, has had his share of adverse criticism. In a letter 
written in London on October 31, 1591, by Thomas Phelippes to 
his friend Thomas Barnes, he says: 

. . . they condemn the Lord Thomas for a coward, and some 
say he is for the King of Spain. 27 

Raleigh included in his "Report" a long defense of Howard; 
he says: 

If al the rest had entred, all had been lost. For the verie 
hughnes of the Spanish fleet, if no other violence had been off red, 
would have crusht them between them into shivers .... Not- 
withstanding it is verie true, that the Lord Thomas would have 
entred betweene the squadrons, but the rest wold not condescend 
. . . Which also in my opinion had il sorted or answered the 
discretion and trust of a Generall, to commit himselfe and his 
charge to an assured destruction. . . , 28 

One serious consideration which certainly does not flatter 
Howard, no matter how it be interpreted, is that one of his ships 
which at first fled with him apparently disobeyed his order and 
turned back to participate in the fight. This action is recorded 
both by Raleigh and by Sir Richard Hawkins. Raleigh tells us 
that, 

The Foresight . . . commanded by M. Th. Vavisor, performed 
a verie great fight, and stayd two houres as neere the Revenge as 
the wether wold permit him. . . , 29 

Moreover, Raleigh tells us that two of the victuallers, the 
George Noble and the Pilgrim, "hovered" about ; the first, at one 
time falling to lee of the Revenge, "asked Syr Richard what he 
would command." 30 In view of these incidents, we are forced to 
conclude that there was weakness somewhere in Howard's leader- 
ship, either in the justice of his command or in the power of his 
enforcement. 



26 Oppenheim, The Naval Tracts, I, 254. 

27 Calendar of State Papers, Elizabeth, as cited by Arber, The Last Fipht of the Revenge, 6. 

28 Raleigh, Report, 15-16. 

29 Raleigh, Report, 16. 

80 Raleigh, Report, 8, 10. 



Grenville's Fight at the Azores in 1595 27 

Both Raleigh and the other contemporary English commenta- 
tors on the battle are vague about the approach of the Revenge 
toward the Spanish fleet and the initial contact. Raleigh merely 
tells us that the Revenge tried to pass between their two squad- 
rons. The Spanish report, however, says that there was firing 
on both sides as the two Spanish squadrons advanced, that both 
the San Phelipe and the San Barnabe tried to board Howard's 
flagship and failing to do so gave her a broadside at close range, 
and that the San Phelipe then caught up with the Revenge. 

Speculation yields a number of possible reasons why the Span- 
ish galleons did not stand off and fire upon the smaller English 
ship from a distance. It may be that the Spanish could not soon 
enough effect a change of course so as to bring their guns to 
bear on the Revenge before she was among them. It may be that 
the Spanish were temporarily paralyzed with astonishment at 
Grenville's maneuver. It could be that the coming on of night 
had something to do with it. But the most acceptable reason is 
that the Spanish deliberately elected to employ other tactics. If 
possible, the Spaniards regularly chose to board. 

The naval combat methods of the Spanish were quite different 
from those of the English. 31 On the one hand, the Spanish sea 
discipline was of a military kind. The Spanish ship was organized 
like a fortress and manned with soldiers. There were, of course, 
seamen and gunners, but the soldiers were thought to be of great- 
er importance. On the other hand, the English had developed a 
more modern method of fighting at sea. The ship itself, rather 
than the soldier in it, was the fighting unit. In accordance with 
this conception, a new class of combat ships came into being dur- 
ing the reign of Elizabeth. Such ships as the Swiftsure, the 
Dreadnought, and the Revenge were constructed for speed and 
maneuverability. They were smaller than the earlier English 
great-ships, low in the water, and could move in rapidly to wind- 
ward of a high-charged ship and fire into her at point blank 
range without the enemy being able to return the fire. In the 
hands of expert English seamen these vessels could turn this 
way and that, pouring in broadsides at close range. 

Nor was improvement confined to the form of ships. In his 
"Invention of Ships," Raleigh names several new devices which 



81 The chief source of my information about the different methods of naval combat is 
J. S. Corbett, Drake and the Tudor Navy, 2 vols. (London, 1898). 



28 The North Carolina Historical Review 

had recently been introduced, such as the capstan and moveable 
topmasts. 32 Also, English ordnance was conceded even by the 
Spanish to be very superior. The Revenge, for instance, in ad- 
dition to her heavy guns, was equipped with secondary batteries 
which were especially effective against personnel on higher-built 
ships attempting to board. 

The Revenge was the crack ship of her class, the new middle- 
sized fighting galleon, and was regarded by Drake as the perfect 
warship of her time; she had been his flagship in the fight 
against the Armada in 1588. Tactically, therefore, it is clearly 
understandable why the Spaniards closed the range, or allowed 
the range to be closed. To be sure, they stood in danger of re- 
ceiving damage from the guns of the Revenge as the ships ap- 
proached each other and made contact at close range. But the 
Spaniards knew where their strength lay and planned to box her 
in and overwhelm her with their well-trained soldiers. 

Raleigh states that the San Phelipe was the first of the Span- 
ish ships to becalm and attempt to board the Revenge, and that 
four other Spanish ships followed suit. The Spanish account, 
according to Rowse, relates that the San Phelipe boarded the 
Revenge, "and at the first encounter threw nine or ten soldiers 
into her ; but not having grappled with grappling irons, but with 
a rope," the ships parted when the rope broke. 33 As compared to 
Raleigh's four, the Spanish account names but three ships that 
attempted to board after the San Phelipe. 

As for the number of hours that the fight lasted, Hawkins 
and Bacon agree with Raleigh that fifteen hours were con- 
sumed. 34 Concerning the number of Spanish ships, Raleigh says 
there were fifty-three. According to Labores y March, the Span- 
ish naval historian, there were fifty galleons, four galleasses, 
and six galleys. 35 Hence, we conclude that there were certainly 
no less than the number Raleigh names. 

None of the other accounts of the battle are in disagreement 
with Raleigh's "Report" about the gallantry of the English, or 
Grenville's resolve to sink his ship, or the agreement with the 
Spanish Admiral that the English prisoners should be sent back 



83 "A Discourse of the Invention of Ships, Anchors, Compass . . . ," etc., Works (Oxford 

University Press, 1829), VIII. 

33 Rowse, Sir Richard Grenville, 307. 

34 Hawkins, in Markham, The Hawkins Voyages, 102, says fourteen or sixteen hours. 
Bacon, Consideration Touching a Warre with Spaine, 33. 

35 Historia de la Marina Espanola, as cited by Oppenheim, The Naval Tracts, I, 261. 



Grenville's Fight at the Azores in 1595 29 

to England, or that Grenville was taken aboard the Spanish flag- 
ship. 

Of the number of Spaniards killed, Raleigh tells of two thous- 
and "slaine and drowned." 36 In republishing the "Report" in 
Hakluyt's Voyages, either Raleigh or Hakluyt changed this figure 
to one thousand. 37 It may be that this second figure, too, is mere- 
ly another wild guess, for Linschoten says that four hundred 
were drowned; the Spanish account admits that one hundred 
were lost. 

As for the number of Spanish ships that were sunk, Raleigh 
says three were sunk and one ran ashore. Linschoten says that 
the Spanish lost only two ships. Other accounts fail to contribute 
a figure on this most interesting point. 

Linschoten tells us, just as Raleigh does, that Grenville was 
taken aboard the Spanish flagship, the San Paule, where his 
wounds were dressed. According to Linschoten, at the hour of 
death Grenville said, 

'Here die I Richard Greenfield, with a joyfull and quiet mind, 
for that I have ended my life as a true soldier ought to do, that 
hath fought for his countrey, Queene, religion, and honor, where- 
by my soule most joyfull departeth out of this bodie, and shall 
alwaies leave behinde it an everlasting fame of a valiant and true 
soldier, that hath done his dutie, as he was bound to doe/ 38 

Raleigh tells us that shortly after the battle a storm destroyed 
the Revenge together with twenty-nine or thirty of the Spanish 
ships. Linschoten confirms this observation. But instead of St. 
Michael's, Linschoten would have the Revenge wrecked upon 
Terceira. 

In summary we may say that Raleigh is guilty of some patrio- 
tic inaccuracies — an exaggerated estimate of the number of 
Spaniards and Englishmen killed at the battle and an exaggera- 
tion of the number of Spanish ships that were sunk. But except 
for these patriotic numerical miscalculations and the report of 
Grenville's behavior aboard the Spanish flagship, found in Lin- 
schoten, Raleigh's observations agree fairly well with analogous 
observations in other accounts of the battle. Of all these accounts, 
Raleigh's is certainly the most complete. 



36 Raleigh, Report, 14. 

87 R. Hakluyt, . . . Voyages . . . (ed. Glasgow, 1904), VII, 47. 

38 Arber, The Last Fight of the Revenge, 91. 



30 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Nevertheless, all the details which Raleigh gives about the 
battle are in interest subordinate to Grenville's decision to en- 
gage in combat with the enemy and Howard's conflicting decision 
to flee from the enemy. We wish that Raleigh had more carefully 
weighed the responsibility of each man. But he dismisses the 
problem of Grenville's responsibility to follow Howard's orders 
with the mere statement that "the other course had beene the 
better," and he confuses the problem of Howard's responsibility 
by inconsistently commending both his flight and the partial 
participation of one of his ships. Raleigh has not clearly answer- 
ed these vital questions: first, did Grenville, for the purpose of 
exhibiting his personal bravery at the expense of losing both 
his ships and his men, disobey Howard's order to follow him in 
flight, or did he feel that he was fighting a necessary rear-guard 
action and as vice admiral had the right to neglect Howard's 
orders in the best interest of the entire fleet? Second, should not 
Howard have firmly resisted the entreaties of his subordinates 
and gone to the rescue of Grenville, as Raleigh tells us that he 
desired to do? Who knows what six English men-of-war might 
have done to the Spanish in a situation where the Revenge alone 
did such extensive damage? 

Perhaps we are asking too much of Raleigh. Other writers — 
for example Hawkins and Monson — are more definite about 
the responsibilities involved. But they fail to present anything 
like even the limited evidence presented by Raleigh. Perhaps 
there was little evidence available. After all, Grenville was dead, 
and Howard was hardly the man to accuse his deceased subordi- 
nate, and the men themselves would be confused about the re- 
sponsibilities of their leaders. If we knew that both Grenville 
and Howard were aware that the Revenge was fighting a nec- 
essary rear-guard action, we could answer all questions. But 
we know absolutely nothing about any such awareness. 

The question has been asked, might not Raleigh have neglected 
the problem of responsibility for the same reason that he ex- 
aggerated certain details about the battle — a sacrifice to patriot- 
ism whereby both Englishmen are judged in the best possible 
light? This may be the answer, but the evidence is insufficient 
to establish certainty. 

Full credit must be given Raleigh for his portrayal of the 
personal heroism of Grenville, and this seems to have been his 



Grenville's Fight at the Azores in 1595 31 

main purpose in writing the "Report." There was only a gam- 
bler's chance of fighting his way through the Spanish squadrons, 
but Grenville took that chance without fear of the consequences. 
And he fought until he was mortally wounded, even then com- 
manding that his men blow up the ship rather than surrender. 
In that personal courage lies the heroism of Grenville, and Ra- 
leigh makes the reader feel it intensely. 



THE SALEM BOARDING SCHOOL BETWEEN 1802 and 1822 

By Lucy Leinbach Wenhold 

This study has been undertaken in the belief that for the his- 
tory of North Carolina, especially for the history of education 
in the state, the founding and early circumstances of an institu- 
tion which has never closed its doors since first they were opened 
cannot be regarded as without importance. The effort to recon- 
struct the intimate life of the Salem boarding school — today 
Salem College — in the first two decades of its existence is the 
difficult attempt to make a mosaic out of very little pieces. For 
later periods, even for those not very much later, we have letters 
fortunately preserved, stories and reminiscences told by mothers 
and grandmothers to alumnae who yet live. But all who knew 
the life of those earliest years are long gone from earth. 

Bibliography in the strict sense of the word scarcely exists, 
though all possible use has been made of Dr. Adelaide Fries' 
Records of the Moravians in North Carolina, as also of her brief 
Historical Sketch of Salem Female Academy. The only other 
source materials used have been Salem College's own collection 
of unclassified documents, filed in the college library, and the 
ledgers and account books in the treasurer's offices. These latter 
were made available through the cooperation of Miss Anna Per- 
ryman, treasurer of Salem College, without whose generous help 
many items of information would have been wanting for the 
completion of this study. 

The Moravian settlement of Salem was thirty-five years old 
in 1801 when the official church records make first mention of 
the possible establishment of "a boarding-school for girls for 
which visitors so often ask." 1 

Since the founding of the village, a generation had been born 
and had grown to maturity in its little, low-roofed houses. The 
settlement was now a core of organized living in what was still 
in large part a wilderness, yet the isolation the first citizens of 
Wachovia had expected had never been theirs as they had thought 
it would be. All unknowingly they had chosen the site for their 
dwellings on the natural line of north-south passage, where the 



1 Adelaide L. Fries, Records of the Moravians in North Carolina, VI (Raleigh, 1943), 

2681. 

[82] 



The Salem Boarding School 33 

drift of migration brought a cross-section of colonial travel to 
their doors. In a pioneer society the transient's right to hearth- 
fire and bed and a share in whatever food there may be is recog- 
nized and accepted. So also it was in early Salem. All comers, 
be they wandering Cherokee Indians or the governor of the state 
and his staff, were visitors, sincerely so received, made welcome 
in the religious exercises of the Brethren and shown, if they 
cared to see, the sober industries on which the prosperity of the 
village depended. In the thirty-five years the character of these 
visitors gradually changed. From year to year there came fewer 
wandering, landless illiterates to whom Salem was an incompre- 
hensible place. There came more men of property and standing, 
some of them professional men who had been educated in Europe. 
To these the sight of the village schools, especially of the school 
for girls, greatly appealed. Today when educational opportuni- 
ties are commonplace, it is difficult to realize how at the begin- 
ning of the nineteenth century in this young, first republic of 
the Western World men craved for their children at least some 
part of the education they themselves had been given in the Old 
World or denied in the New. For the sons of these men there 
were private academies and even a few universities in this coun- 
try, and for the very well-to-do the great universities of the Old 
World. For their daughters there were no such opportunities 
anywhere in the South, yet every year the need was greater. 
As the cultivation of rice and indigo and later of cotton brought 
an ever-increasing slave population to the southern plantations, 
the daughters of the planters, served and often companioned 
by slaves and exposed constantly to the imperfect speech pattern 
of the Negroes, were sometimes not much more literate than the 
slaves themselves. 

As requests for the boarding school multiplied the Brethren 
felt increasingly that these constituted a call which they were 
not free to disregard. What they were asked to do was not more 
in kind than they were accustomed to do for their own children. 
Their own schools had existed ever since the settlement was 
founded, and the girls' school was already something in the nature 
of a boarding school, as some Moravian girls from outside were 
lodged with town families in order that they might share the ad- 
vantages the girls of the village had. The Moravian Church, the 
Brethren's Unity, was primarily a missionary organization, and 



34 The North Carolina Historical Review 

with its zeal for missions went a corresponding zeal for the edu- 
cation of youth. It had its boarding-schools in Germany, in 
Switzerland, in England. It had them in its far-flung mission 
fields. It had them in Pennsylvania where its continuing activi- 
ties in America had begun. It was only reasonable that there 
should be a boarding-school in Salem, center of Moravianism in 
the South. Gravely the elders of the congregation considered 
the matter and discussed it in conference, and on October 31 of 
the year 1802 they formally established the Salem Boarding 
School. 2 

As early as possible in the following year the building that 
was to house the boarding-school was begun. It was felt that two 
years should suffice for its completion, but in view of the im- 
mediate need temporary quarters were arranged in the Com- 
munity House 3 for ten boarding pupils and two teachers. During 
thirty years it had housed the village school for girls, and now, 
without any wrench of change, by the mere process of expansion, 
the school in which a generation of Moravian girls had been 
educated became "the boarding school for which the visitors so 
often asked." 

The accepted plans for the new building called for a brick 
house with two full stories, so constructed that additions could 
be made when its capacity needed to be increased, though with- 
out them it was to be large enough to accommodate some sixty 
girls. It was to be located close beside the recently built Sisters 
House, 4 today one of the dormitories of Salem College. 

The financing of the building's construction is an interesting 
paragraph in the school's history as well as an illuminating com- 
mentary upon the changing value of the American dollar. From 
the funds of the Salem congregation $5,887.50 were earmarked 
"for building the boarding school." Later on the school itself, 
doubtless out of its first income, paid $154.00 for some interior 
improvements, bringing the total cost of the building, now Salem 
College's South Hall, to $6,041.50. 5 



2 "Protokoll der Helfer-Conferenz in der Wachau," 156, 157, unpublished German document 
in Salem Moravian Archives, Winston-Salem, N. C. 

3 Known by the German name, Gemeinhaus. It had met the village's need for a meeting 
house until the church was built. 

* The Sisters House was a building in which the single women of the village lived more 
or less communally with a house superintendent chosen from their own number. The arrange- 
ment, then usual in Moravian communities and widely misunderstood outside them, had no 
special religious significance and was largely a matter of convenience. 

5 These financial details are taken from Ledger A, p. 44, the first ledger of the Boarding 
School, now located in the Treasurer's office of Salem College. 



The Salem Boarding School 35 

The advancing of the money for the construction of the school- 
house was regarded as a business proposition. The school paid to 
the congregation interest on the money at the rate of five per 
cent until 1815 when it began making payments on the principal, 
making the final payment in 1825. Meanwhile the building was 
depreciated at the rate of two and a half per cent beginning in 
1806, and charged off the books in 1827 in an account called 
"Fund for answering the decrease in the value of buildings." 6 

In May of the next year (1804) came the first boarding pupils : 
four girls from the town of Hillsborough, followed soon after 
by two from Halifax County, one from Fayetteville, and one 
from Caswell County. 7 There was room for two more, but the 
principal — known then as the inspector — the Reverend Samuel 
Kramsch, preferred to fill those vacancies with two carefully 
chosen local girls who in their association with the girls from else- 
where could help forge links of understanding between these 
latter and the unfamiliar aspects of Moravianism. Not two but 
three teachers were appointed for the care and instruction of the 
ten girls; a ratio of less than four pupils to one teacher when 
considered in our modern terms of teaching load. But these 
three, in rotating twenty-four hour periods, were responsible for 
their charges through every hour of the twenty-four. They were 
local young women who had received special training along 
lines considered then somewhat advanced in the education of 
women, precisely that they might teach. The inspector was a 
man of experience in school administration both in Europe and 
in America, and his wife was a trained and experienced teacher. 

The school had a waiting list, had had one while yet it existed 
only hypothetically. As soon as the building that was to house 
the students should be completed there would be many more 
applicants than could be received. What rule should be followed 
in the matter of an age limit for the receiving of girls from 
elsewhere? In Moravian boarding schools in Europe the practice 
was to take no girls over ten, but that practice could scarcely 
apply to Salem as most of its applicants were older than ten. 
In the Moravian boarding school for girls in Bethlehem, Penn- 
sylvania, 8 pupils were being received up to the age of fourteen. 



6 Ledger A, p. 78. 

7 This list is found in a series of books entitled "List of Pupils in Salem Female Academy," 
Book I, p. 1, now located in the Treasurer's office of Salem College. 

8 Founded 1742. See Joseph Mortimer Levering, History of Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, 
(Bethlehem, 1903), 104-105. 



36 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The decision reached for Salem was in general to take no girls 
over twelve but to decide the question in exceptional cases on the 
merits of the individual case. 9 This decision proved a recourse 
which soon made the rule a dead letter as requests quickly multi- 
plied for the admission of girls over the age of twelve. 

The domestic arrangements of the school were in the hands of 
the "sisters," the single women who lived in the Sisters House. 
They were to provide and serve meals for pupils and teachers, 
using their own dining room in the Sisters House for that pur- 
pose while the Boarding School building was still unfinished. 
What food they served, how they served it, and the price they 
set for it, were for them to decide. They considered the matter, 
discussed it among themselves, and finally agreed that as food 
costs were about the same in Salem as in Bethehem they would try 
charging for meals what was charged in the latter school: six 
shillings sixpence a week in the case of boarding pupils from else- 
where, with a reduction of one shilling for girls of the congrega- 
tion who might be living in the school. For this sum they planned 
to serve the following: 

For breakfast, milk, butter, and bread. There would also be 
coffee, tea, and sugar but those were to be provided by the in- 
spector. 

For dinner, meat, vegetables, bread, water (certainly an odd 
inclusion, possibly an affirmative way of calling attention to 
the fact that there would be nothing else to drink), bread and 
butter, and sometimes soup. 

For supper, milk, warmed-overs, pie, pancakes, mush (corn- 
meal), chocolate. 10 

The school building was completed within the two-year limit. 
The cornerstone was laid on October 3, 1803, and the completed 
building was dedicated on July 16, 1805. On both occasions there 
were appropriate exercises, the detailed accounts of which have 
come down to us in several prized documents. 11 Twenty girls and 
their three teachers moved into what must have seemed to them 
wonderfully spacious quarters. By the end of the year the build- 
ing's occupants, exclusive of teachers, had increased to forty- 
one and the next year the number was fifty-five. For a decade 



9 Fries, Records of the Moravians, VI, 2735. 

10 Fries, Records of the Moravians, VI, 2779. 

11 Salem College Collection of Unclassified Documents in Salem College Library. 



The Salem Boarding School 37 

thereafter there was a steady increase until finally the one 
building could no longer house the many girls whose parents 
wished to send them to Salem. In 1814 it was necessary to refuse 
further registrations for almost a year until more space could 
be provided. 12 

For many years there were no specified dates for the admission 
of pupils. Distances short today were long then and travel fa- 
cilities were poor. Roads were bad and sometimes unsafe. Parents 
brought or sent their daughters to Salem when and as they could. 
Many a girl came on horseback, riding for days, sometimes, 
on her own horse, sometimes, especially in those very early 
years, mounted on a pillion behind a relative or neighbor 
who had her in his care. 13 Well-to-do men who traveled some- 
what more aristocratically brought their daughters in their 
chaises with a mounted servant in attendance, if and when the 
state of the roads allowed a vehicle to get through. Girls entered 
at any time of the year and usually came with the understanding 
that they were to remain until their education was finished, 
two, three, or four years. The prevailing opinion of the times 
concerning the female sex was that if a girl was not through 
with school and ready for the serious business of marriage by 
the time she was sixteen, she was an example of retarded de- 
velopment. Some girls stayed in the school only a few months. 
For some, scarcely more than children as the majority were, 
incurable homesickness made the new, unfamiliar life in the 
boarding school an unbearable experience and they went home 
ill from weeping, but these cases were few. Girls who lived rela- 
tively near to Salem went home in the summer and returned in 
the fall. After the public examinations, held the latter part of 
May, classes were suspended for two weeks, but there was no 
vacation as we understand the term today. 

The newly opened boarding school's most immediate need was 
for supplies and equipment. The earliest record in the possession 
of Salem College is a ledger entry for the year 1803 which men- 
tions materials purchased for the school by the inspector, 
Kramsch: beds, feathers, muslins, linen, silk for students' em- 
broidery work. Apparently he used his own funds for these pur- 



12 Adelaide L. Fries, Records of the Moravians, VII (Raleigh, 1947), 3226. 

13 In the "Saddle Room" in the beautifully restored and redecorated Alumnae House of 
Salem College, a number of these side saddles, some of them dating back to early times, may 
be seen. 



38 The North Carolina Historical Review 

chases, for the amount expended is later mentioned as refunded 
to him. A thousand dollars in round figures was borrowed from 
certain individual citizens in amounts from a hundred to three 
hundred dollars at an interest rate of five per cent, for the pur- 
pose of furnishing the new building with the things necessary 
for life in it. There are ledger entries for 1804 which record 
the payment of bills for chairs, ink-powder, joyners' work, "sun- 
dry tools," dishes, knives and forks, tea, coffee, blankets, pewter 
plates, a copper tea kettle, and "sundry books." There is an entry 
for July, 1804, of payment of a bill for wine and cake used at the 
raising of the building on October 6, 1803, and another in Sep- 
tember, 1804, for pleasure riding in the stagecoach. One of the 
entries for March, 1804, records payment of a bill for printing 
three hundred copies of the "Plan for the Boarding School" 
wherein information concerning ages of students accepted, ex- 
penses, and subjects taught is given. It may be presumed that 
those three hundred copies were distributed to patrons and pos- 
sibly to the students themselves. 14 

The charge for board, lodging, and tuition was thirty dollars 
a quarter. Music and drawing were regarded as extras and 
shortly — though not in the earliest years — added five dollars to 
the quarterly rate. Teachers employed in the boarding school 
were paid infinitesimally small salaries. In 1804 the ledgers 
record a total payment of $12.10 for four weeks' salary to three 
tutoresses. However, they received free of charge board, lodging, 
laundry, and church dues. The treasurer of the Salem congre- 
gation made certain regular payments to the school, and these 
were credited to salaries. A fund for pensioning "aged tutoress- 
es" was begun some years after the establishment of the boarding 
school, looking toward a time when there would be superanuated 
teachers who needed financial help. The fund amounted to not 
quite fifteen hundred dollars, and interest from the account was 
used for the purpose designated until the year 1884 when it 
was charged into profit and loss. 

When the school moved into its new building the girls were 
housed in three living rooms on the first floor, with their dormi- 
tory, known then and for long thereafter as the sleeping hall, 



a *The financial details in this paragraph and in the following one are from the early 
ledgers and treasurer's records. The bill for printing is found in Ledger A, p. 11, located 
in the Treasurer's office at Salem College. A copy of the "Plan for the Boarding School" 
for 1806 may be seen framed in the Administration Building of Salem College. 



The Salem Boarding School 39 

in the story above. At first the rooms on the second floor 
were occupied by the inspector and his family, an arrangement 
which soon was changed. Within a very short time it was nec- 
essary to open a fourth living room because of the rapid growth 
of the school. The living rooms, which served also as classrooms, 
were uncarpeted. Tradition has it that the floors were sanded 
and that is probably true, for in the school's earliest inventories 
there is mention of a sand sifter. 15 The furniture, locally made, 
was very simple. Each living room had in it one walnut corner 
cupboard, one desk with drawers, and two long tables with draw- 
ers, all of these of walnut. At nightfall tallow candles burned on 
those long tables. There were in each room four poplar benches to 
be used with the tables, and the building had twenty-seven Wind- 
sor chairs, though how these latter were distributed in the rooms 
and how far they were for the use of students is not indicated. In 
the whole building there was only one closet with doors and 
drawers. Curiously enough there was, in one of the rooms, a 
coffee mill. Why it was there we can only surmise, but probably 
it had something to do with the serving of afternoon coffee, 
known then in the school, as in the community where it was cus- 
tomary, as "vesper." The building had thirty-three pairs of 
curtains, sixteen pairs made of white muslin, doubtless for the 
windows of the living rooms, the remainder made of material 
listed as "cotton and calico" to be used elsewhere, probably in 
the sleeping hall. There was one "house clock," possibly a grand- 
father clock. 

In the sleeping hall there were in the year 1806 fifty-five bed- 
steads. The beds themselves were chaff -filled bags as were also 
the pillows, but these were for use in warm weather. For winter 
there were feather beds and feather pillows and a total of sixty-six 
blankets. Evidently the school furnished bed linen, for the in- 
ventory for that year mentions sheets and pillowcases enough 
to allow three sheets and two pillowcases to each bed. Five chaff 
beds and four chaff pillows were kept ready for emergency, and 
a supply of bed ticking was held in stock. 

Feeding the pupils of the boarding school remained for a long 
time in the hands of the "Sisters" in the Sisters' House, but their 



15 All items which relate to the furnishings of the house are taken from the school's early 
inventories, filed now with the Collection of Unclassified Documents in the Library of Salem 
College. 



40 The North Garolina Historical Review 

dining room soon became too small to accommodate all the stu- 
dents. There seems to have been no place where dining tables 
could be set up and remain. The inventory of dining-room furni- 
ture mentions five table leaves with stands or bucks on which to 
lay them and ten benches for use with these removable tables. / 
When a fourth living room was opened, a dining room was made 
in the basement of the school building. Its floor was of hard- 
packed earth, probably sand-sprinkled, but it seems to have given 
satisfaction and must have relieved a most uncomfortable situa- 
tion. Plates for the tables were fifty-eight in number in 1806 and 
were pewter, as were also the tablespoons of which there were 
forty-eight. There were fifty-one pairs of knives and forks. Small 
bowls and a few small mugs must have been used for tea and 
coffee, for there were enough of them to serve that purpose and 
no other drinking utensils are mentioned. There were five teapots 
and nine large coffee pots. Coffee was the great American drink 
then as now. 

The school had its own "wash-house" and "ironing-room" in 
a structure apart from the building, and the early inventories 
mention all needed laundry equipment and supplies. Nevertheless 
laundry was one of the administration's problems. In the begin- 
ning the "Sisters" had it in their charge, either to do it or to 
have it done, both that of the pupils and that of the teachers, 
but the task soon grew too great for them. Probably their own 
sober and simple attire had not prepared them for the number of 
starched skirts, the quantities of petticoats, and all the bed linen 
that had to be done up. With the approval of the Elders' Confer- 
ence 16 a Negro woman, Betsey by name, was bought for that 
particular work, though she cannot have done it all. In general 
Moravian principle was against slavery, and the village of Salem 
had an ordinance against the owning of Negroes in the town, but 
such service could not be hired and pragmatic considerations 
ruled. 17 

One cannot read the so-called "plans," the schedules of work 
for the pupils of the girls' school in those very early years, with- 
out being struck by the fact that they were based on "the three 



18 The highest authority for both the village and the school. 

17 Fries, Records of the Moravians (document "Concerning Slave-holding in Salem"), VII, 
3544-3548. The College records for May 31, 1811, give $400 as the purchase price for Betsey in 
Ledger A, p. 159, located in the Treasurer's office at Salem College. 



/ 



The Salem Boarding School 41 

R's," as well as by the fact that the subjects most stressed were 
those most neglected nowadays: grammar and syntax, history 
and geography. The program for 1807 18 mentions, besides the 
foregoing, English reading and writing, 19 and arithmetic, called 
"cyphering." The other subjects taught were drawing and paint- 
ing, embroidery, plain sewing, and music, and the afternoon hours 
were devoted almost entirely to these, though music was taught 
throughout every hour from eight to four by one of the five 
teachers and an hour a day by each of two others. At this time 
the school owned two pianos and a guitar and shortly thereafter 
it acquired a third piano, 20 and the three were kept in constant 
use. They would appear to have been kept in the living rooms 
(which were also classrooms), and music lessons must have been 
given while other things were being taught. 

As a rule parents were satisfied to leave the matter of curricu- 
lum to the judgment of inspector and teachers, but occasionally 
a father specified the subjects in which he wished his daughter 
instructed. In these cases almost always the request was that the 
girl be taught plain sewing, to make and care for her own 
clothes, to acquire habits of industry and diligence. The request 
for music was very general as a branch in which most parents 
wished their daughters to excel. These requests may be found in 
the few letters from parents in the early period among the Un- 
classified Documents of Salem College. 

There have come down to us from that period some copies of 
the questions and answers used at the public examinations which 
took the place of the more modern Commencement exercises. 21 
These were written out in question and answer form by the 
teachers of the various subjects, and were then studied by the 
pupils until, when the great day came, each girl knew the exact 
answer to whatever question she might be asked. The public 
examinations were held in the church, there being no other place 
large enough, and parents, friends, and relatives of the pupils 
came in large numbers to listen to what had apparently been so 
well learned. That the learning had been done parrot fashion can 



18 Salem College Collection of Unclassified Documents in Salem College Library. 

19 German reading and writing were also taught to Moravian girls, but there is no inti- 
mation that they were taught to girls from elsewhere. 

20 The purchase of the first piano is recorded in Ledger A, p. 16, date January, 1805. 
This ledger is in the Treasurer's office at Salem College. 

21 Fries, Records of the Moravians, VII, 3347. 



42 The North Carolina Historical Review 

scarcely be doubted, but the age believed in the worth of a well- 
stocked memory and unquestionably something learned by rote 
was better than nothing learned at all. Toward the end of the 
first quarter of the century the inspector began to hold private 
examinations before the public ones, and from the results of these 
preliminary examinations questions and answers were prepared 
for the public examinations which, as occasions, aroused so much 
interest and were so generally and largely attended that it pres- 
ently became necessary to limit attendance. Notices were posted 
in the village tavern and elsewhere that only parents and rela- 
tives of the pupils would be admitted. 

Among the scholastic subjects which the girls of the boarding 
school were expected to learn, history seems to have been the 
most extensive, if we may judge by the examination questions. 22 
American history was studied only by the most advanced pupils, 
and one set of questions and answers deals with the circum- 
stances and outcome of the Revolutionary War, so near in point 
of time to the lives of those who were learning about it. The 
physiographic aspect of geography was taught in a course called 
"globes," and it is interesting to note that questions concerning 
latitude and longitude were based on the location of Salisbury, 
N. C. There was an examination in English grammar and another 
in syntax which differed from that in grammar. Students were 
expected to be able to parse sentences and to analyze and dissect 
rhetorical constructions of considerable complexity. The exam- 
inations were interspersed with musical selections which were 
in the nature of examinations of the girls' skill in piano playing ; 
and specimens of painting, drawing, penmanship, and the various 
sorts of needlework were on exhibition. These examples of man- 
ual skill and artistic taste went home with those who made them, 
to become treasured heirlooms in after years. The ledgers car- 
ried regular accounts for the purchase and resale to students of 
materials for embroidery, for silks, muslins, ribbons, for drawing 
pencils, colored chalks, and paints. Along with the examination 
questions there have been preserved copies of dialogues for 
Christmas or Easter, or for other, more general occasions. Few 
girls could go home at Christmas, and the inspector and teachers 
tried to make the occasion a festival for those who remained, the 



23 Examination questions and dialogues are preserved in the College's Collection of Un- 
classified Documents in Salem College Library. 



The Salem Boarding School 43 

great festival of the year, as it was for Moravian children. Some 
of the dialogues are in German, and the names of those who 
spoke the lines are familiar names of Moravian girls. 

From its very begining the school had a library. Proof of that 
exists in the inventories of the institution's assets. According to 
the inventory for the year 1807 the library consisted of fifty 
books- — not too insignificant a number considering the times. The 
collection included some purely Moravian material but also a 
good deal that was general, such books as, for instance, Pilgrim* s 
Progress, Robinson Crusoe, A Description of Three Hundred 
Animals, Letters From A Mother to Her Daughter, several 
novels by Charlotte Smith, two bound volumes of The Young 
Miss's Magazine, and a number of books of travel and geography. 
The purely Moravian books were those which the Moravian 
Church considered essential to an understanding of what the 
Unity of Brethren was and believed: a copy of the Brotherly 
Agreement by which the members of the Unity were bound to- 
gether, and a copy of the Summary of Doctrine. It may be doubt- 
ed that these latter were very generally read, but many girls 
bought copies of the Moravian Passion Week Manual. There was 
no proselyting in the school, but there was religious instruction. 

In 1809 the Salem Congregation again advanced money, a total 
sum of $4,850.00 23 and in the following two years the "Inspector's 
House," the present Administration Building of Salem College, 
was built. The school was flourishing, but that prosperity meant 
a congestion of pupils which presently became impossible. In 1814 
the information was sent out that for the time being no more 
boarding pupils could be received as the number in the school 
was already too great. 24 In 1818 the same measure was again 
necessary, and the following announcement was published in the 
papers of North Carolina and adjacent states: 

The female Academy in Salem, Stokes County, being over- 
crowded to the real Detriment of the Institution, not to mention 
the Detriment of the Pupils of the Same, the Trustees deem it 
their duty hereby to give Notice that for Twelve Months at least 
no Attention can be paid to any Application for entering Names 
on the Books as Candidates for the School. Moreover the said 
Trustees find themselves under the Necessity of requesting those 



28 Ledger A, p. 162, in the Treasurer's office of Salem College. 
24 Fries, Records of the Moravians, VII, 3226. 



44 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Parents, Relatives, Guardians etc. of Young Ladies who, upon 
Former Application, have received the Promise of their Admis- 
sion in the course of this Year, to defer bringing or sending them 
until further Notice from the Registrar of Salem Academy, there 
being no prospect of the Probability of their Admission in the 
Present Year. 25 

The notice was signed in the name and in behalf of the 
trustees. 

One result of the crowded condition of the school was a sharper 
differentation between boarding pupils and day pupils, and a 
measure of separation of the two which, unconsciously, perhaps, 
on the part of teachers, tended to become discriminatory. Mora- 
vian day pupils had at first been received in all classes on the 
same basis as the boarding pupils, even in the classes of drawing 
and embroidery, but shortly the authorities decided that unless 
a girl of the village showed unusual promise as a future teacher 
she should be taught plain sewing and knitting instead of artistic 
needlework. Thereupon the teachers protested that they could not 
teach sewing and knitting classes for the town girls and take 
them to services on Sundays and in the evening in addition to 
their other duties, and they asked that someone be secured for 
those particular tasks. This was done, and space being at a 
premium the younger town girls' classes were removed to the 
Community House where the day school had been before. 26 Thus 
an unfortunate distinction began, one which unhappily lasted 
many years before its influence was broken. Town girls, however, 
were and continued to be part of all classes in academic branches. 

In the first quarter of the century the settlements in Wachovia 
fell victims to the epidemics that afflicted more populous sec- 
tions, and the boarding school suffered accordingly. There were 
epidemics of fever, of measles, of smallpox, of fever again sum- 
mer after summer. In 1814 there were seventy-four cases of 
measles among the pupils. In 1817 there was an epidemic of fever, 
probably typhoid, which returned the next summer and took, in 
the two summers, the lives of two girls and one teacher. Yet the 
mortality in the school was very low for those early times. In 



25 Salem College Collection of Unclassified Documents in Salem College Library. There 
are several copies of this notice, evidently from different printings, and some include a 
request that the notice be accepted without resentment by patrons of the school. 

26 Fries, Records of the Moravians, VII, passim. These circumstances are referred to re- 
peatedly in short notes scattered through the diaries and minutes of the Salem congregation. 



The Salem Boarding School 45 

thirteen years, between 1807 and 1820, only four girls died. 27 
The second decade of the boarding schooPs existence ended on 
a pessimistic note. In the Congregation Record for the year 1820 
we read: 

Conference considered with sorrowful concern the difficult 
situation in the Boarding School in regard to filling the vacancies 
in the teaching force. All the Sisters approached have refused, 
either for the time or absolutely. . . . Probably still more diffi- 
culty along this line will arise, and it seems that the only remain- 
ing hope is to send an urgent request [for teachers] to Pennsyl- 
vania. 28 

There had been a time when no Moravian "Sister" would have 
thought herself free to refuse a call to the service of teaching, 
for the Brethren's Unity held its teachers as little less divinely 
called than its ministers. But times had changed. The school was 
full, the work was hard and exacting, and salaries could scarcely 
be said to exist. In village and school all was as it had been, but 
under the calm, unruffled surface of a regimented pattern of 
life individualism was astir. Yet the Salem Boarding School, be- 
gun in a spirit of service, went forward in that spirit, even under 
the trenchant blows of inevitable change. That same spirit of 
service has kept the school's doors open through prosperity and 
adversity, which circumstance is Salem's one unbreakable link 
with her past. 



27 These epidemics which the boarding school experienced with the town are noted in the 
records of every year in which they occurred. The names of the four girls and the dates 
of their deaths are recorded in the unpublished Salem Congregation Book A, 338, 350, 355. 
Their gravestones may be seen in the Moravian Burial Ground in Winston-Salem. 

88 Fries, Records of the Moravians, VII, 3450. 



[46] 






THE PRODUCE LOANS : A MEANS OF FINANCING 

THE CONFEDERACY * 

By Richard C. Todd 

From its inception, the Confederate States of America was 
engaged in a struggle for existence. The creation of its treasury 
and the establishment of a revenue were a concern of vital im- 
portance. Within a short time the organization of the Treasury 
Department was completed and, except for slight modifications, 
it adopted the system devised by Alexander Hamilton. 1 On 
February 19, 1861, Christopher Gustavus Memminger 2 of South 
Carolina was appointed Secretary of the Treasury, and under 
"An Act to Establish the Treasury Department," approved Feb- 
ruary 21, 1861, various bureaus were formed to carry on the 
business of the department. In its extraordinary straits for 
money, the Confederacy "resorted to every expedient known to 
finance, even the most desperate." 3 Federal specie located at 
the mints and customhouses of the South was confiscated ; prop- 
erty of alien enemies was sequestered and military supplies were 
impressed; duties were placed on exports and imports; direct 
taxes were levied; donations and gifts were cheerfully accepted 
and gratefully acknowledged; and Treasury notes flooded the 
market while loans were floated in an attempt to stabilize the 
redundant currency and offer a basis for foreign exchange. 

Striving to procure the funds requisite for its operation, Con- 
gress soon placed emphasis upon loans as its primary source of 



* A paper presented at the fall meeting of the Historical Society of North Carolina, held 
at Woman's College, Greenshoro, November 13, 1948. The paper is based on a portion of 
the author's doctoral dissertation, "A History of Confederate Finance." 

1 Henry D. Capers, The Life and Times of C. G. Memminger (Richmond, 1893, hereafter 
cited as Capers, Memminger) , 318-319. 

a Christopher Gustavus Memminger was born at Nayhingen, Wurtemberg, January 9, 1803; 
died March 7, 1888, Charleston, South Carolina. At the age of four, following the death of 
his father, he migrated to America with his mother who succumbed to disease shortly after 
reaching Charleston, South Carolina. Placed in an orphanage till eleven years old, he was 
then removed by Thomas Bennett (later governor of South Carolina) who offered him all 
the advantages of a wealthy home. Memminger graduated from South Carolina College in 
1819, and returning to Charleston, studied law, acquired a license, and began to rise in his 
profession. In 1836, as a member of the South Carolina state house of representatives, he 
began a long struggle to disassociate the state from banking corporations and to force the 
banks to maintain specie payments on pain of forfeiture of their charters. In these contests 
he won considerable reputation as a sound financier. Memminger was appointed Secretary of 
the Treasury, C. S. A., February 19, 1861, two days prior to the creation of the Treasury 
Department and retained the position until his resignation, June 15, 1864. He continued 
to direct the business of the Treasury Department, however, until July 15, 1864, when he 
was relieved by George A. Trenholm. Capers, Memminger, 7-370. 

8 Carl Russell Fish, The American Civil War: An Interpretation (New York, 1937), 433. 

[46] 



The Produce Loans : Financing the Confederacy 47 

income; later Treasury notes were emphasized; and then, per- 
haps too late, taxes were stressed. It is the former — loans, and 
more specifically the Produce Loans as a means of financing 
the Confederacy — to which consideration is given in the cur- 
rent paper. 

There were three Produce Loans — each differing slightly from 
the other. The first, the 50-Million Dollar Loan of May 16, 1861, 
was aimed at being a specie loan and did not authorize the gov- 
ernment to exchange its bonds for the actual produce subscribed 
to the loan. Instead, planters and farmers sold their crops and 
then paid the proceeds of the subscribed portion in specie or 
foreign bills of exchange, receiving 8 per cent-20-year bonds in 
return. The second form of the Produce Loan, the 100-Million 
Dollar Loan of August 19, 1861, was similar to its predecessor 
which it embodied, differing in only one respect. It authorized 
the receipt of Treasury notes as well as specie and foreign bills 
of exchange in payment of the proceeds of the portion of raw 
produce and manufactured articles subscribed to the loan. The 
receipt of Treasury notes in satisfying subscriptions to the loan 
was sanctioned in the hope of stabilizing the government's paper 
currency which had started to show signs of redundancy. The 
third and final form of the Produce Loans was the 250-Million 
Dollar Loan of April 21, 1862, which authorized a direct exchange 
of articles in kind for bonds of the government. 

50-Million Dollar Loan — The First Form of the 

Produce Loans 

As early as February 8, 1861, the Confederate Congress ac- 
cepted a $500,000 loan from the state of Alabama and on Febru- 
ary 28, 1861, authorized the first major loan of the Confederate 
States of America — a 15-Million Dollar Loan — a specie loan di- 
rected at the banking and commercial interests of the South. 
Thus, apparently turning to loans as the chief source of revenue, 
Memminger was nevertheless skeptical as to the advisability of 
attempting to float another before the next crop was harvested 
providing the planters with funds. 4 Having this in mind, he 



4 Raphael P. Thian, compiler, Correspondence with the Treasury Department of the Con- 
federate States of America, 1861-65 (Appendix, Part V, Washington, 1880, hereafter cited 
Corresp. with Treas. CSA.), V, 86-88, James D. Denegre to Memminger, May 4, 1861. 



48 The North Carolina Historical Review 

recommended to Congress the adoption of a $50-million, 8 per 
cent bond issue, with the government accepting from the invest- 
ors the "tender of any resources available as a means of credit." 
This recommendation pointed towards a produce loan. 

Congress showed its early willingness to adhere rather closely 
to the recommendations of the Secretary and by the Act of May 
16, 1861, authorized the issue of $50,000,000 in bonds, payable 
at the expiration of 20 years and bearing a rate of interest not 
exceeding 8 per cent. The bonds (after public advertisement in 
three newspapers within the Confederate States for six weeks) 
were "to be sold for specie, military stores, or for the proceeds 
of sales of raw produce or manufactured articles/' said proceeds 
to be paid in specie or foreign bills of exchange. The bonds were 
not to be sold "for Treasury notes, or the notes of any bank, cor- 
poration, or individual." 5 

The new loan, like its antecedent, was aimed at acquiring 
specie, but whereas the 15-Million Dollar Loan had been directed 
at the bankers and commercial interests, the 50-Million Dollar 
Loan, being in part a produce loan, was brought more specifically 
to the attention of the planters and farmers. 6 Memminger was 
well aware that most persons in the Confederacy had no avail- 
able money but that they did possess cotton, tobacco, and other 
essential provisions and were willing to lend a portion of these 
for the government's support. 7 As an aid in promoting the loan, 
it was considered advisable to circulate, in advance of the sale of 
the crops, subscription lists on which every planter could indicate 
the portion of his crop, the net proceeds of which he was willing 
to lend to the government. 8 Measures were immediately taken to 
canvass the rural areas for subscriptions. Two types of lists 
were prepared, one for subscriptions of cotton and tobacco and 



6 "An act to authorize a loan and the issue of Treasury Notes; and to prescribe the punish- 
ment for forging the same, and for forging Certificates of stock, and Bonds," approved May 
16, 1861. War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and 
Confederate Armies (128 vols., Washington, 1880-1901, hereafter cited, Off 'I. Rec'ds. The 
italics in quote are those of the writer), 4th S., I, 328-329; James M. Matthews, ed., The 
Statutes at Large of the Provisional Government of the Confederate States of America 
(Richmond, 1874, hereafter cited, Statutes at Large), 117-118; Journal of the Congress of the 
Confederate States of America, 1861-65 (7 vols., Washington, 1904-1905, hereafter cited 
Jour. Confed. Cong.), I, 227-229. 

6 Raphael P. Thian, compiler, Reports of the Secretary of the Treasury of the Confederate 
States of America, 1861-65 (Appendix, Part III, Washington, 1878, III, 59-66, March 14, 
1862; Capers, Memminger, 929-437. (Hereafter cited as Confed. Treas. Reports.) 

7 Raphael P. Thian, compiler, Correspondence of the Treasury Department of the Con- 
federate States of America, 1861-65 (Appendix, Part IV, Washington, 1879, hereafter cited 
Corresp. of Treas. CSA.), IV, 89-90, Memminger to E. Starnes, March 24, 1861; Memminger 
to F. S. Lyon, March 24, 1861. 

8 Corresp. of Treas. CSA, IV, 109, Memminger to H. K. Burgwin, June 18, 1861. 



The Produce Loans : Financing the Confederacy 49 

the other for subscriptions of provisions and military stores. 9 
Copies of both lists were "placed in the hands of all members of 
the Confederate Congress" to be circulated among their constitu- 
ents. 10 In addition to the Congressmen, many prominent local 
residents were commissioned to circulate the lists in an effort to 
increase the number of subscriptions to the loan. 11 

The lists 12 were self-explanatory, the subscriber agreeing to 
contribute to the defense of the Confederate States a portion of 
his crop. The cotton was to be placed in a warehouse, or in a 
factor's hands, and sold by the planter on or before a fixed day. 
Following the sale of the cotton, the net proceeds of the amount 
subscribed, less all charges, were to be paid to the Treasury in 
specie or foreign bills of exchange in return for 20-year bonds 
bearing 8 per cent interest. 13 Upon these pledged subscriptions 
the government hoped to realize at once funds for its immediate 
necessities. 14 

To arouse interest in the loan, rallies and assemblies were held 
throughout the South. 15 Playing upon the patriotism of the 
people and the merits of the government bonds, the work of the 
commissioners soon brought gratifying results. Numerous re- 
ports were received at the Treasury Department of the whole- 
hearted manner in which the planters were subscribing to the 



9 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 91-92, Memminger to F. S. Lyon, May 24, 1861. 

10 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 89-90, Memminger to E. Starnes, May 24, 1861. 

11 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 109-113, gives a list containing the names of hundreds of 
commissioners appointed by Memminger to take subscriptions to the loan in Alabama, 
Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennes- 
see, Texas, and Virginia. A similar list is found in vol. 11 IB. Record Book of Copies of 
Letters of Secretary of Treasury from March 1, 1861 to October 12, 1861, Manuscript vol. in 
Ace. 352 Confederate Archives (Treas. Dept., National Archives, Washington, D. C, here- 
after cited vol. 111B. Record of Letters of Treas.), 212-220. 

12 As soon as the commissioners had procured as many signatures as possible to any one 
list, it was to be forwarded to the Treasury Department. To provide against loss, each list 
was to be signed in duplicate and forwarded by different mails. Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 
109, Memminger to H. K. Burgwin, June 18, 1861; vol. 111B. Record of Letters of Treas., 
212-213, Memminger to H. K. Burgwin, June 18, 1861. 

13 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 95, Memminger to Geo. Trenholm, June 6, 1861. In addi- 
tion to the paragraph of explanation, each list was divided into four columns, respectively 
headed: NAMES, QUANTITY SUBSCRIBED, PLACE OF DELIVERY, NAME OF FAC- 
TORY OR WAREHOUSE. C. S. A.— Miscellaneous 116 (MSS. Division, Library of Congress, 
Washington, D. C). 

u Corresp. with Treas. CSA., V, 282-283, excerpt from the Feliciana Democrat (Clinton, 
La.), July 4, 1861. Upon hearing that Chas. Green was on his way to Europe, Memminger 
wrote him June 27, 1861, pertaining to the Produce Loan saying, "I think it likely that the 
proceeds of more than 1/2 a million of bales will be subscribed. I desire to ascertain upon 
what terms an advance of money could be procured upon these subscriptions, and to what 
extent — the advance to be paid from the sales of cotton either in this country or Europe, 
as may be found most advisable. . . ." Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 132, Memminger to 
Chas. Green, June 27, 1861. 

15 Vice President Stephens "addressed the people of his old district in Georgia" at several 
rallies on the subject of the loan and each time experienced the "happiest results." In Wilkes 
County alone, cotton amounting to $100,000 was subscribed at the conclusion of his speech. 
At another rally bringing together a large concourse from two or three counties, 2,800 bales 
of cotton were subscribed as a loan to the Confederate States. Corresp. with Treas. CSA., 
V, 283-284, excerpt from the Feliciana Democrat (Clinton, La.), July 4, 1861. 



50 The North Carolina Historical Review 

loan. 16 Subscriptions ranged from one-fourth 17 to offers of the 
whole crop 18 and there were instances in which subscriptions 
were to remain in effect yearly, during the course of the war. 19 
That the loan was well received throughout the South is indicated 
in a letter from Memminger to John A. Jordan, in which the 
Secretary writes: 

I am pleased to learn that the prospects of the subscriptions are 
so favorable in your section. The Government is cheered by 
similar reports from every quarter and the people seem to be 
vying with each other in a noble rivalry of patriotic zeal and 
liberality. The thanks of this Department are due for the 
prompt efficiency with which you have organized the subscrip- 
tion canvass in your States. 20 

The early success of the Produce Loan was also echoed by 
President Davis. In addressing the Provisional Congress, the 
enthusiastic President said : 

In the single article of cotton, the subscriptions to the loan pro- 
posed by the Government cannot fall short of fifty millions of 
dollars, and will probably exceed that amount; and scarcely an 
article required for the consumption of the Army is provided 
otherwise than by subscription to the produce loan. . . . 21 

100-Million Dollar Loan — The Second Form 

On August 19, 1861, Congress extended the Produce Loan by 
authorizing the 100-Million Dollar Loan. 22 Under this act, bonds 



16 Corresp. with Treas. CSA. f V, 187-188, John McNab to Memminger, July 3, 1861; V, 
140-141, Almazon Huston to Memminger, June 16, 1861; V, 165, John A. Jordan to Mem- 
minger, June 27, 1861; Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 173, Memminger to Thos. O. Moore, Aug. 
7, 1861; IV, 159, Memminger to R. W. Price, July 18, 1861; IV, 147, Memminger to Richard 
Winter, July 9, 1861; IV, 147, Memminger to F. T. Leake, July 9, 1861. Memminger wrote to 
Judge J. G. M. Shorter, June 18, 1861, saying "The cotton loan seems to take well, and we 
would have no difficulty from money, if we could only hurry up England and France to en- 
force shipment." Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 113. 

17 Charleston Daily Courier, Nov. 25, 1861. 

18 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 148, Memminger to Philip St. George Cocke, July 9, 1861. 

19 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 142, Memminger to Hon. James Williamson, Memphis, 
Tenn., July 3, 1861. 

20 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 164, Memminger to John A. Jordan, Little Rock, Ark., 
July 23, 1861. 

21 James D. Richardson, compiler, A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Con- 
federacy: Including the Diplomatic Correspondence, 1861-1865 (2 vols., Nashville, 1906, here- 
after cited Richardson, Messages and Papers of the Confederacy) , I, 123; Edward A. Pollard, 
Life of Jefferson Davis, with a Secret History of the Southern Confederacy Gathered Behind 
the Scenes in Richmond (Philadelphia, 1869, hereafter cited as Pollard, Davis), 176. 

22 No. 23. "An act to authorize the issue of Treasury notes, and to provide a war tax for 
their redemption," approved August 19, 1861. Register of Acts, C. S. A. (MSS. Dept., Duke 
University); Acts and Resolutions of the Third Sessions of the Provisional Congress of the 
Confederate States, Held, at Richmond, Va. (Richmond, 1861), 20-30; Jour. Confed. Cong., 
passed, 359, approved, 367. The debt of 100-million loan was arranged upon the plan of 
James G. Holmes, S. C., the principle of which was the distribution of the debt into install- 
ments which called for payment annually of a fixed sum for principal and interest, so ad- 
justed as to extinguish the whole in 20 years. This was to be accomplished by making the 
first installments payable in 2 years and the last in 20, and distributing the payments into 
36 semi-annual periods. This constant diminution of the principal annually lowered the 
interest and left a larger proportion of the fixed payment applicable to the remaining 
principal until the whole debt was discharged. Confed. Treas. Reports, III, 59-66, March 
14, 1862. 



The Produce Loans : Financing the Conffderact 51 

of the type issued under the $50-Million Loan were increased to 
100 millions. This, the second form of the Produce Loan, dif- 
fered only slightly from its predecessor, which it now embodied. 
The new act, unlike the 50-Million Dollar Loan of May 16, 1861, 
sanctioned the receipt of Treasury notes, as well as specie and 
foreign bills of exchange, in fulfilling subscriptions to the Pro- 
duce Loan. The purpose of the legislation was twofold ; first, to 
continue to establish a basis for credit at home and abroad 
through additional subscriptions of the net proceeds of produce ; 
and second, due to the inflationary tendency of the currency, to 
act as a stabilizer — an absorber for the fast becoming redundant 
Treasury notes. 23 To effect the latter, the act authorized the 
acceptance of Treasury notes "in payment for net proceeds of 
sales of raw produce and manufactured articles" subscribed to 
the Produce Loan and also permitted holders of Treasury notes 
to fund them in 8 per cent, 20-year bonds. 24 In its attempt to 
stabilize the currency, however, the loan proved a failure and 
every succeeding attempt of Congress to provoke a favorable cur- 
rency reaction met a similar fate. 

Bonds of the new loan, valued at 50-million dollars, were ex- 
pected to be taken up by subscription to the Produce Loan. 25 In 
this way the government hoped to continue to secure a large por- 
tion of its specie, military stores, and foreign bills of exchange 
without further derangement of the currency. Notices of the 
loan appeared in the leading newspapers soliciting subscriptions 
of the various crops and provisions — corn, flour, bacon, pork, and 
similar produce were desired by the commissary, while cotton 
and tobacco were sought by the Treasury. But as the year 1861 
drew to a close, reports of subscriptions to the loan became fewer 
in number. Nevertheless, the efforts of commissioners and 



23 Confed. Treas. Reports, III, 91-92, October 3, 1862. 

24 To aid the holders of Treasury notes to fund them in 8 per cent, 20-year bonds, the Com- 
missioners appointed to take subscriptions to the 15-Million Dollar Loan of Feb. 28, 1861, 
were asked to take a similar task under the 100-Million Dollar Loan. This new loan of Aug. 
19, 1861, unlike any previous Confederate loan, was directed at both the banking and com- 
mercial interests as well as at the agricultural interests. It was hoped that the former 
would take a large amount of the bonds in exchange for Treasury notes, while the latter 
would continue to subscribe proceeds from a portion of their crops. The 100-Million Dollar 
Loan was exhausted Feb. 25, 1863. Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 234-235, Memminger to 
Commissioners appointed for Receiving Subscriptions to the Confederate Loan, Nov. 25, 1861; 
Telegraph Messages, Treasury Department: Telegrams of the Confederate Treasury Depart- 
ment from February 27, 1861 to July 30, 1864, in Ace. 352 Confederate Archives (Treas. Dept., 
National Archives, Washington, D. C, hereafter cited as Tel. Messages Treas. Dept.), 344-345, 
Memminger to J. S. K. Bennett, Charleston, S. C, General Agent for Loan, Feb. 25, 1863, and 
Memminger to James A. Farley, Feb. 25, 1863. 

25 Charleston Daily Courier, Jan. 3, 1862. 



52 The North Carolina Historical Review 

agerits to raise subscriptions of produce during the first year 
proved reasonably successful. 26 

J. D. B. DeBow, Chief Commissioner of the Loan, in issuing the 
first report of the Produce Loan Office on January 16, 1862, 
stated that 417,000 bales of cotton had been subscribed along 
with 3,500 hogsheads of sugar, 3,500 barrels of molasses, 270,- 
000 bushels of rice, 5,000 bushels of wheat, and 1,000 hogsheads 
of tobacco. In addition, about a half -million dollars in Treasury 
notes was subscribed and about the same value in other produce. 27 

Origin of the Produce Loan 

The origin of the Produce Loan, as an instrument to aid the 
Confederacy in acquiring funds for financing itself, has given 
rise to some controversy. Edward A. Pollard claims that Pres- 
ident Davis originated the scheme, but at the same time admits 
that "Mr. Davis, with an effort at modesty, has referred to this 
measure as 'one happily devised by the superior wisdom of Con- 
gress.' " 28 Additional evidence exists pointing to the responsi- 
bility of Congress for the idea. On May 6, 1861, Congress re- 
solved that the Committee on Finance inquire into the advisabil- 
ity of adopting a system of finance based on : 

. . . the soliciting of subscriptions of cotton, tobacco . . . and sugar 
by agents appointed for this purpose. . . . Said products to be 
sold for and on account of the Government, and the net amount 
to be accounted to the subscribers, respectively in Treasury 
notes or bonds. . . , 29 

Before action could be taken on the resolution, however, Con- 
gress, abiding by the recommendations submitted by the Secre- 
tary of the Treasury, approved the $50-million loan on May 16, 
1861, embodying the original form for the Produce Loan. This 



26 That the agents for the loan were not always gentlemen in their efforts to solicit sub- 
scriptions is indicated by Memminger in a letter to Gen. Colin J. McRae. He writes, "I hope 
. . . that you will also cool down any irritation which any of our friends may feel against 
any ill-manners in my subordinates. They should not place that to the account of the 
Government or of myself. . . ." Corresp. of Treas. CSA. f IV, 96, June 7, 1861. 

27 Confed. Treas. Reports, III, 48, DeBow's Report, Jan. 16, 1862. John Chrrstopher 
Schwab, The Confederate States of America, 1861-1865: A Financial and Industrial History 
of the South During the Civil War (New York, 1901, hereafter cited Schwab, Confed. Sts. of 
Am.), 13, cites slightly different figures, saying, "By the end of 1861 over 400,000 bales of 
cotton had been offered, 1,000 hogsheads of tobacco, 5,000 bushels of wheat, 270,000 bushels 
of rice, 1,000 hogsheads of sugar and molasses, and about $1,000,000 worth of other produce; 
also $1,000,000 in money, that is, in treasury notes or bank notes." 

28 Pollard, Davis, 175; Richardson, Messages and Papers of the Confederacy, I, 123. 

29 The resolution was introduced by Walker Brooke, in Secret Session of the Provisional 
Congress, Monday, May 6, 1861. In this case Brooke would appear to be responsible for the 
origin of the Produce Loan, having tendered the resolution. Jour. Confed. Cong., I, 186. 



The Produce Loans : Financing the Confederacy 53 

indicates that Memminger was the originator of the Produce 
Loan and is substantiated by Henry Capers, contemporary biog- 
rapher of the Secretary. 30 

Numerous other suggestions, however, were also made to the 
government recommending the adoption of various forms of a 
produce loan 31 and it would appear that the establishment of 
the Produce Loan was not the idea of any one man, but rather 
the logical conclusion of an agricultural society. 

Almost from its inception, 32 until January, 1862, the Produce 
Loan was managed gratutiously 33 by James Dunwoody Brown- 
son DeBow 34 who "matured . . . the whole plan of the Loan, the 
blanks, etc. . . ." 35 As Chief Commissioner, he maintained a 
separate office for the Loan in Richmond. The handsomely 
furnished rooms became the "rendezvous of politicians' , where 
the "progress of the subscriptions was watched with the greatest 
solicitude." Newspaper reporters visited the office frequently 
and "published the list of subscriptions to excite the competition 
of particular districts." 36 

Problems of the Produce Loan 

While the agricultural communities were contributing to the 
loan, and the Confederate authorities expressed great pleasure 
and satisfaction over the mounting subscriptions of produce, 
there was another side of the story being unfolded — one perhaps 
less rosy but surely no less interesting. Serious problems arose 
early and had to be solved if the loan was to approximate the 
degree of success that was predicted for it. As the Federal 
blockade became more effective, many prospective subscribers 



30 Capers, Memminger, 342. 

sl Corresp. with Treas. CSA., V, 143-145, Wm. T. Sanford to Howell Cobb, June 19, 1861; 
V, 207, W. H. Jones to Memminger, July 11, 1861; V, 230, Chas. G. Johnson to Pres. Davis, 
July 19, 1861; V, 246-247, copy of letter to editor of Weekly News, Enterprise, Mississippi, 
July 25, 1861, from "An Old Merchant"; V, 256, James L. Jones to Memminger, July 31, 1861. 

32 Immediately following its inception there was a hearty response to the loan; many 
sections of the country, however, remained unsolicited. To remedy this, J. D. B. DeBow was 
appointed Aug. 3, 1861, "to organize the entire country and develop more completely the 
details of the [Produce Loan] plans." Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 169-170, Memminger to 
DeBow, Aug. 3, 1861; vol. 111B. Record of Letters of Treas., 426, Memminger to DeBow, 
Aug. 3, 1861. 

33 Confed. Treas. Reports, III, 47, Financial Report of Jan. 20, 1862. 

34 James Dunwoody Brownson DeBow (July 10, 1820-Feb. 27, 1867), editor and statistician, 
was born in Charleston, S. C. He founded Southern Quarterly Review, Commercial Review 
of the South and Southwest, and the famous DeBow's Review which occupied in the South 
and Southwest a place similar to Hunt's Merchant's Magazine in the country at large. 
Following his resignation as Chief Commissioner of the Produce Loan Office, DeBow 
accepted appointment as a paid General Agent to take subscriptions, purchase, and sell cotton 
for the Confederate government. Allen and Malone, eds., Dictionary of American Biography 
(20 vols., New York, 1930), V, 180-182. 

35 J. D. B. DeBow Papers (MMS. Division, Duke University Library, hereafter cited DeBow 
Papers), DeBow to G. A. Trenholm, Aug. 5, 1864, 

*> Pollard, Davis, 176. 



54 The North Carolina Historical Review 

feared that the existing Produce Loan plan calling for payment 
of the subscribed portion of the crop on a fixed day was a finan- 
cial trick — one by which the government could compel a forced 
sale at prices ruinous to the planters. 37 Numerous complaints 
were filed with the Secretary, some expressing opposition to a 
specific day for satisfying subscriptions to the loans, 38 others 
expressing fear of a forced or compulsory sale. 39 

In an attempt to alleviate these fears, Memminger wrote to 
General W. W. Harllee : 

The inquiries you made as to the appointment of a day of sale 
in the subscriptions have been made by several other gentlemen, 
and for the information of all I think it would be best to make 
this letter public. The whole scheme of this subscription act . . . 
assumes that the blockade will not be continued through the 
winter. The date of sale mentioned in the subscription was left 
optional with the subscriber. It intends merely to name the time 
when the crops of that region are usually sold and no one con- 
templated or desired a forced sale. An attempt to sell while the 
ports remain blockaded would injure both the Government and 
the owner. The subscription, being of net proceeds, would be de- 
structive of its object to call for a sale when the market was 
closed. You may, therefore, assure all subscribers that they need 
be under no apprehensions on this score. 

If the blockade be not broken, the crop will remain unsold and 
neither the owner nor the Government will realize any proceeds 
of sale until that difficulty be removed. If this difficulty should 
remain permanent, or if there should be reasonable ground to 
apprehend the continuance of the blockade, it will become proper 
to adopt some other scheme of finance providing for that con- 
tingency. 40 

As the blockade continued and the planters became harder 
pressed for funds, another "scheme of finance providing for that 
contingency" was urged. From all sides came proposals for the 
government to buy the whole cotton crop and any other produce 
it needed, paying the average price of the last five years, and 



37 Corresp. with Treas. CSA., V, 210-211, V. P. Reed to Memminger, July 13, 1861. 
Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 150, Memminger to A. M. Dantzler, July 11, 1861; IV, 182, 
Memminger to R. Moorman, Sept. 2, 1861. 

38 Corresp. with Treas. CSA., V, 143-145, Wm. T. Sanford to Howell Cobb, June 19, 1861; 
89 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 158, Memminger to James H. Brigham, July 17, 1861; IV, 

163, Memminger to John D. Williams, July 23, 1861. 

40 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 147-148. Memminger to Gen. W. W. Harllee, July 9, 1861; 
IV, 158, Memminger to James H. Brigham, July 17, 1861. Memminger wrote to John 
Willis, June 25, 1861, saying: "It is no part of the plan for cotton subscriptions that there 
should be any compulsory sale. The cotton is in the hands of the factor of each planter, and 
although a time is named for its sale, it is not expected that the sale will be forced. The 
difficulty is in a different direction. The factor having possession may invent excuses for 
delaying sale. . . ." Coresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 126. 



The Produce Loans : Financing the Confederacy 55 

giving its bonds and Treasury notes in exchange, thus saving the 
debtor planters from the throes of bankruptcy. 41 To assure 
government aid, the planters stressed that only by government 
ownership of the entire crop could "King Cotton" really perform 
"its right function in the war" — that of "keepting] the nations 
of the continent and Great Britain in their good behavior towards 
us." 42 Other proposals wanted the government "to simply make 
an advance to the planters, taking a lien on the crop in ex- 
change." 43 At conventions of the cotton planters, resolutions 
were frequently passed calling upon the government to issue 
notes and buy at least a part of the crop. 44 

To these numerous proposals 45 the Secretary of the Treasury 
replied, "Congress has only authorized the exchange of the pro- 
ceeds of the crops for the Government paper ; not the purchase of 
produce," 46 and added that : 

Congress has not deemed it expedient to receive IN KIND the 
agricultural produce of the country [in exchange for Government 
Bonds]. The plan adopted is simply a subscription by the 
planters of the proceeds of their crops, when sold, in exchange 
for bonds of the Government. This plan presumes a sale. If the 
blockade, or any other cause, should postpone the sale, the sub- 
scriptions, of course, will remain suspended. How far, in that 
case, it may be expedient for the Government to make an advance 
to the planters is a very grave question upon which there are dif- 
ferences of opinion. 47 

Memminger was originally "inclined to favor an advance," and 
stated he was "endeavoring to mature a plan for lending the 



41 James Hammond Papers (MSS. Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D. C), vol. 
XXIX, J. H. Hammond to Memminger, July 11, 1861; Hammond to Col. Thos. F. Drayton 
(Agt.), July 12, 1861; Hammond to Wm. Gregg (Agt.), July 12, 1861; Chas. W. Ramsdell, 
Behind the Line in the Southern Confederacy (Baton Rouge, La.; Louisiana State University, 
1944), 86-87; Corresp. with Treas. CSA., V, 359, Thos. M. Harris, Thos. F. Wells, Asa Dug- 
gan (a committee representing the people of Washington County, Ga.) to Jefferson Davis, 
Oct. 3, 1861. During the time of strong agitation for government ownership of the entire 
cotton crop, there was also some opposition to the idea. Corresp. with Treas. CSA., V, 338- 
339, C. L. Dubuisson to Memminger, Sept. 20, 1861. Ed. DeLony to Memminger, Aug. 17, 
1861, said the government will become "a great commercial machine ... an immense cotton 
brokerage, with hundreds of agents like leeches, fastened upon and drawing out the sub- 
stance of the Government. . . ." It would fix rates, perhaps one-third below cost and "it 
would be a step towards the assumption of central power that Lincoln's Congress would 
hardly dare to exercise. . . ." Corresp. with Treas. CSA., V, 280-281. 

42 Hammond Papers, XXIV, Herschel V. Johnson to Hammond, Aug. 29, 1861. 

43 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 196, Memminger to C. L. Dubuisson, Oct. 3, 1861; Pollard, 
Davis, 178-179. 

44 DeBow's Review, Oct.-Nov., 1861, 462 (convention, Macon, Ga., Oct. 1861): Charleston 
Daily Courier, March 3, 1862 (Cotton and Tobacco Planters' Convention, Richmond, Va.). 

45 Memminger credits Geo. A. Trenholm (Memminger's successor as Secretary of the 
Treasury) as being the first to suggest that the government buy the crop with Treasury 
notes. Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 117-118, Memminger to Chas. T. Lowndes, June 20, 1861. 

46 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 163, Memminger to Messrs. O'Hear, Roper, Stoney, Charles- 
ton, S. C, July 23, 1861; IV, 115, Memminger to A. Huston, June 19, 1861. 

47 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 185, Memminger to J. G. Wright, Paris, Texas, Sept. 6, 
1861; IV, 118-119, Memminger to W. C. Bibb, June 20, 1861. 



56 The North Carolina Historical Review 

credit of the Government to the planters in the shape of an ad- 
vance of Treasury notes, based upon the value of cotton." This, 
he believed, would give to the planters "all the advantages with- 
out the evils of a bank." 48 

The plan, however, failed to materialize at that time, and after 
further consideration of the proposals Memminger reported that 
government aid to the planter class would be unconstitutional. 
In a circular of October 15, 1861, to "The Commissioners Ap- 
pointed to Receive Subscriptions to the Produce Loan," the Secre- 
tary declared the government's policy was determined by its 
constitution, and that under that organ "no power is granted 
to any Department to lend money for relief of any interest"; 
that the "power of Congress regarding money is limited to 
borrowing, and no clause can be found which would sanction so 
stupendous a scheme as purchasing the entire crop of cotton with 
a view to aid owners." The Secretary then showed such a scheme 
would cost from 100 to 175 millions in additional Treasury notes, 
and would wreck the government's finances at the beginning of 
what appeared to be a gigantic war. Recommending that the 
planters turn their attention to remedies other than government 
aid, he suggested that they divert a portion of their labor from 
raising cotton to making clothes and other supplies and to pre- 
paring winter crops to ease the grain shortage, and finally, if 
emergencies should demand funds, apply to the great resource 
of money capital in banks and private hands for individual 
loans. 49 

Congress, abiding by the recommendations of the Secretary 
of the Treasury, refrained from legislating any measures in- 
suring relief to the planters. 50 Aid to the latter, however, was 



48 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 147-148, Memminger to Gen. W. W. Harllee, Marion, S. C, 
July 9, 1861. In the same correspondence, the head of the Treasury disclosed his plan to 
be as follows: "to issue Treasury notes at an interest of 2c per day per $100.00, and advance 
5c per pound in these notes to the planters, taking a lien on the cotton for the advance. The 
cotton thus borrowed on would be placed in the hands of some middle man. The notes 
being received as currency will enable the planter to pay his indebtedness and also any 
portion which he has devoted to the Government through the Produce Loan, and the cotton 
can remain an indefinite time, so that the foreigner will be compelled to break the blocade. 
In fact it might be repeated for 2 years. For all that we want abroad we probably have 
means enough there now to pay; but if the blocade continues we cannot get anything from 
abroad so that we will have nothing to pay for." Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 168, Mem- 
minger to Ed. G. Palmer, July 30, 1861. 

40 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 213-216, Circular to "The Commissioners Appointed to Re- 
ceive Subscriptions to the Produce Loan," Oct. 15, 1861; IV, 152, Memminger to W. H. 
Jones, July 13, 1861; IV, 200-201, Memminger to R. D. Powell, Oct. 9, 1861; Capers, Mem- 
minger, 352-355; Pollard, Davis, 179-180; Off'l. Rec'ds., 4th S., I, 689-691; Confed. Treas. 
Reports, III, 49-52, Schwab, Confed. Sts. of Am., 15-16. 

*>DeBow'8 Review, Dec. 1861, 558. 



The Produce Loans : Financing the Confederacy 57 

not to be denied, and the help refused by the Provisional Congress 
was soon "freely provided" by various state governments issuing 
their own bonds and treasury notes based on the security of cot- 
ton received in exchange for them. Expecting to redeem their 
bonds and treasury notes with receipts from the sale of the cot- 
ton, the several states carried on operations at home and abroad. 
These operations, interfering with the similar cotton speculation 
carried on simultaneously by the Confederacy, gave rise to con- 
flicts between the competing state and Confederate govern- 
ments. 51 

Organization for Collecting Subscriptions to the Produce 

Loans: Its Operation 

As the year 1862 got under way, there were frequent reports 
of planters selling their crops. In order to receive the portion of 
net proceeds subscribed to the Produce Loan, the government 
hurriedly completed plans for making collections. 52 

Adopting the arrangements made by DeBow, an organization 
was established to collect subscriptions. A General Agent of 
the loan was appointed for each state. He was to superintend 
the taking and collecting of all the subscriptions payable within 
his state. As an aid in collecting subscriptions payable at places 
other than his own residence, each General Agent was authorized 
to appoint Subordinate-Agents. 53 

To make the organization for collecting subscriptions more 
effective, all agents were to receive a compensation — a brokerage 
upon the amount each collected. In explaining the change from 
volunteers to paid agents, the Secretary said the duties of volun- 
teer agents had become so "onerous and responsible" and absorb- 
ed so much of their time that they were compelled to notify him 
of their inability to continue their services. Stating that since 
only 20 millions of the 100-million loan had been subscribed 
through the efforts of volunteers, the balance, he felt, required the 



51 Along with Mississippi, both Texas and North Carolina issued state treasury notes and 
bonds to the planters for cotton and engraved in extensive cotton speculations in competition 
with the Confederate government. A similar scheme for relief of the planters was also 
considered in Louisiana but failed fruition. Schwab, Confed. Sts. of Am., 25-26; Off'l. 
Rec'ds., 1st S., XXXIV, pt. 3, 730-734. 

52 Confed. Treas. Reports, III, 59-66, Treasury Report of March 14, 1862; Charleston Daily 
Courier, Jan. 25, 1862; Off'l. Rec'ds., 4th S., I, 689-691, (Memminger to Produce-Loan Com- 
missioners, Oct. 15, 1861); DeBow Papers, F. D. Conrad to DeBow, Nov. 7, 1861; Capers, 
Memminger, 352-355. 

53 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 247-248, Memminger to Robert Tyler, Register of the 
Treasury, C. S. A., Jan. 3, 1862. 



58 The North Carolina Historical Review 

active intervention of paid agents — the said agents to be compen- 
sated by a brokerage appropriated by Congress. 54 

Having completed the arrangements for collecting subscrip- 
tions, DeBow resigned the position he held gratuitously as Chief 
Commissioner of the Produce Loan Office 55 and two weeks later, 
January 17, 1862, accepted appointment as "General Agent to 
collect proceeds from the sale of subscriptions to the Produce 
Loan" for the city of New Orleans. 56 In announcing DeBow's 
resignation, Memminger insisted that the "new and onerous" 
duties of the Produce Loan Office be placed under the manage- 
ment of Robert Tyler, 57 Register of the Treasury, recommending 
that "a chief clerk with a salary of $1500 should have the chief 
charge of the business with one or two clerks under him" 58 at a 
salary of $1000. 59 In assuming the superintendence of the Pro- 
duce Loan, the Register of the Treasury, believing the chief 
clerk "should be a gentlemen of education, capacity, and integ- 
rity," submitted the name of Archibald Roane of the First Audi- 
tor's Office. 60 Memminger approved Tyler's request, and on 
January 21, 1862, he informed Archibald Roane 61 that "he was 



54 Corresp. of Treas. CSA. f IV, 276, Memminger to R. W. Barnwell, chairman, Com- 
mittee on Finance, Senate, March 28, 1862. The compensation of both General Agents and 
Subordinate- Agents was a brokerage at the following rates: On all sums of $100,000 and 
under, 1/2 of 1 per cent; on all sums over $100,000 and less than $500,000, 1/4 of 1 per cent 
additional; on all sums over $500,000 and less than $1,000,000, 1/8 of 1 per cent additional; 
and on all sums over $1,000,000, 1/16 of 1 per cent additional; until the whole compensation 
of any one agent shall reach $3,000, beyond which no charge shall be made. Confed. Treas. 
Reports, III, 53-54, "Instructions for the Agents Collecting Subscriptions to the Produce 
Loan, Jan. 3, 1862." 

55 Following DeBow's resignation Jan. 3, 1862, as head of the Produce Loan Office, a certain 
Norrell acted as temporary chief clerk until the appointment of Archibald Roane. Corresp. 
of Treas. CSA., IV, 247-248, Memminger to Robt. Tyler, Jan. 3, 1862. 

56 DeBow Papers, Memminger to DeBow, Jan. 13, 1862. 

57 Robert Tyler, son of President John Tyler, was born in New Kent County, Va., 1818; 
died in Montgomery, Ala., 1877. Educated at William and Mary College. Became a member 
of the Philadelphia Bar, 1844. From 1853 to 1861 he was prothonotary of the Supreme 
Court of Pennsylvania. With the start of the Civil War he moved to Virginia and was 
appointed Register of the Treasury, C. S. A., 1861-1864. Wilson and Fiske, eds., Appleton's 
Cyclopaedia of American Biography (6 vols., New York, 1889), VI, 199. 

58 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 247-248, Memminger to Robt. Tyler, Jan. 3, 1862. In the 
same correspondence, the Secretary wrote, "As the subscriptions are in substance offers to 
take so much of the issue of one hundred millions of bonds authorized by the act of Aug. 19, 
1861, the issue of said bonds for produce and the carrying into complete effect the sub- 
scriptions, are regular duties of your bureau, but, inasmuch as they are new and onerous, 
additional clerks will be furnished you for the purpose." Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 
247-248. 

5B Confed. Treas. Reports, III, 47, Memminger to Howell Cobb, Pres. of Congress, Jan. 20, 
1862. 

«° Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 255, Robt. Tyler to Memminger, Jan. 16, 1862. 

61 As the business of the Produce Loan Office expanded, Roane added two clerks to the 
Office. On Dec. 26, 1862, L. L. Howison was appointed to "examine and record invoices 
of tobacco purchases and Tithes" and also was responsible for "accounts connected with 
the shipment and sale of cotton and tobacco in Europe." J. W. Burke was appointed Feb. 
26, 1863, to "examine and record invoices of cotton purchases and Tithe Cotton" and also 
to "examine and prepare for settlement the accounts of Produce Loan Agents." "List of 
Clerks in the Produce Loan Office, Treasury Department, between the Ages of 18 and 45," 
Oct. 11, 1864, signed by A. Roane, Chief Clerk, Produce Loan Office, in Ace. 212, Confederate 
Archives (Treas. Dept., National Archives, Washington, D. C). 



The Produce Loans : Financing the Confederacy 59 

transferred from the office of First Auditor to the produce loan 
bureau, of which he will act as chief clerk." 

Desiring funds in England 62 predicated upon the Produce 
Loan, 63 Memminger instructed the General Agents to ascertain 
whether any merchants in their districts could give to the Treas- 
ury Department "a credit in England, secured by the deposit of 
cotton in this country, . . . upon a pledge that the cotton would 
be shipped to the house making the advance upon the removal of 
the blocade." 64 If this could be effected, the Secretary proposed 
that the agents procure the cotton from subscribers to the loan. 
"In making the purchases," he said, "it would be desirable to 
induce the subscribers to the produce loan to let you have, at the 
market price, the portion of crop which they had subscribed, 
and thus close the subscription. . . . You will readily perceive the 
advantage of exchanging the credit of the government in a bond 
for commodities which will be available for foreign pur- 
chase. . . ," 65 

Learning of the desires of the Secretary, the editor of the 
Richmond Daily Enquirer wrote that a project favorably enter- 
tained by the highest authorities was under way, saying "It is 
proposed that the Government take all the cotton subscribed 
under the produce loan act at . . . some . . . fair price, and as 
much more cotton as may be subscribed on the same terms" giv- 
ing government bonds in exchange. Commissioners were "to be 
sent to Europe with full powers to negotiate the sale of the cot- 
ton, or to make it the basis of a treaty alliance with Louis 
Napoleon." The editor added: 



62 S. N. Campbell (merchant, London) wrote "At this moment we are in advance Cash 
payments upward of 500,000 dollars" to the Confederacy, and "We are as you may suppose 
most anxious for remittances. . . . We shall be glad to receive produce, say cotton, tobacco, 
or turpentine, it can be purchased for our account and credit given . . . for the value in 
liquidation, or if you elect the produce can be shipped to us to be sold upon your account, the 
proceeds credited less our commission." John T. Pickett Papers (MSS. Division, Library 
of Congress, Washington, D. C, hereafter cited as Pickett Papers), S. N. Campbell to 
R. M. T. Hunter (Secretary of State), Jan. 29, 1862. 

63 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 264, Memminger to DeBow, Feb. 17, 1862. 

6 * Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 265, Memminger to L. W. Lawler, Gen. Agt., Feb. 17, 1862; 
DeBow Papers, Memminger to DeBow, March 28, 1862. 

65 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 272-273, 282-283, Memminger to Messrs. John Fraser and 
Co., Gen. Agts., March 24, 1862, and April 9, 1862; DeBow Papers, Memminger to DeBow, 
April 5, 1862. It is evident that Memminger also expected to use the cotton thus procured 
for purchases at home as well as abroad. On April 1, 1862, he wrote DeBow, "The War 
Dept. have purchased from Messrs. Gatherin and Co. a large supply of goods, for Army use, 
which they desire to pay for in cotton. If this can be purchased with Confederate bonds, it 
will be mutually beneficial to the War and Treas. Depts." Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 277, 
Memminger to DeBow, April 1, 1862. The Secretary of the Treasury believed "many owners 
would prefer changing their cotton into Government bonds rather than face the danger 
threatening it in the exposed areas." Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 269, Memminger to Geo. 
A. Trenholm, March 7, 1862. 



60 The North Carolina Historical Review 

It is believed that if a million of bales of cotton could be offered 
at a fair price, to meet the demand in France, that Government 
would purchase it on delivery in this country. This would neces- 
sitate the Emperor to raise the blockade and take possession of 
the purchase. . . . 66 

Motivated primarily by his desire to procure funds in Europe 67 
and also hoping to induce foreign aid in raising the blockade, 68 
Memminger recommended that Congress authorize the accept- 
ance of articles in kind subscribed to the Produce Loan in ex- 
change for bonds. 69 

250-Million Dollar Loan — Continuation of the Produce 

Loans : The Final Form 

Adopting the Secretary's recommendations, Congress on April 
21, 1862, approved "An act to authorize the exchange of bonds 
for articles in kind, and the shipment, sale, or hypothecation of 
such articles." 70 This was the third and final form of the Pro- 
duce Loan. The act empowered the Secretary "to exchange 
[$250-Million in] bonds or stock of the Confederate States for 
any articles in kind, required by the Government." Officers of 
the Commissary were directed "to receive, at the place of pur- 
chase, all such articles applicable to their Department, and apply 
same as though purchased by themselves." Section 3 of the act 
authorized the Secretary: 

... to accept for the use of the Government in exchange for . . . 
bonds or stock, cotton, tobacco, and other agricultural products 
in kind, which have been subscribed to the Produce Loan, or 



66 Richmond Daily Enquirer, editorial "Cotton and the Blockade," March 8, 1862. Speaking 
of the blockade on April 3, Memminger said, "It seems likely that the blockade will continue 
longer than I had supposed. England seems more set against us now than at the beginning of 
the war. . . ." Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 278, Memminger to James D. Denegre, April 3, 
1862. Regarding England's attitude, James H. Hammond said, "The Government should 
have taken over control of total cotton crop at first and Great Britain would have come to 
her aid for fear of Industrial suicide from loss of cotton. Instead the Gov't, refused to take 
over complete control and permitted speculators to take out cotton over blocade and when 
England got it without coming to aid of the Confederacy she refused to aid and remained 
aloof." James H. Hammond Papers (MSS. Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D. C, 
hereafter cited as Hammond Papers), XXIX, Hammond to Col. L. M. Keitt, June 27, 1862. 

67 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 265, Memminger to L. W. Lawler, Feb. 17. 1862. 

68 Charleston Daily Courier, address of Dr. C. K. Marshall, Mississippi, at meeting of Cot- 
ton Planters and Tobacco Planters in Richmond, Va., March 3, 1862; Hammond Papers, 
XXIX, James H. Hammond to Memminger, April, 1862. 

60 Confed. Treas. Reports, III, 59-66, Financial Report, March 14, 1862. 

70 Register pf Acts C. S. A., Act No. 80 of the Permanent Congress of 1862, passed April 
18, approved April 21, 1862; Matthews, Public Laws of CSA., 47. 



The Produce Loans : Financing the Confederacy 61 

which may be subscribed in kind at such rates as may be ad- 
justed between parties and the agents of the Government. 
Provided, That in no event shall he receive of cotton or tobacco, 
a greater value than $35 millions. . . . 71 

The Secretary was further authorized to procure advances on 
the cotton and tobacco by hypothecation, or to ship the same 
abroad, or to sell the same at home or abroad ; and, to assist these 
operations, he was permitted to issue Produce Certificates, which 
entitled the party to whom issued to receive the produce therein 
set forth, and to ship it to any neutral port. 72 

Procuring Articles in Kind under Act of April 21, 1862 

On May 21, 1862, detailed regulations were issued to the Pro- 
duce Loan agents instructing them to direct their efforts almost 
entirely to the purchase of cotton with bonds. 73 

The agents were "requested to proceed with vigor to the exe- 
cution of this trust, and in every part of the state where safe de- 
posit can be had of the cotton purchased . . . proceed to make 
purchases." 74 With cotton "being of a character useful to the 
Army or susceptible of being made ... a basis for credit and 
negotiation at home or abroad," 75 no limit was set to the extent 
of purchases, and as late as October 8 the agents were ordered to 
"purchase with 8 per cent bonds ... as much as you can get." 76 
Market value of the cotton was ascertained from actual bona fide 
sales, and varied from state to state and county to county, as the 



71 Matthews, Public Laws of CSA., 47. In addition to the thirty-five million dollars in 
bonds, Congress also placed two million dollars in Treasury notes in the depositories to be 
drawn on by agents for the purchase of produce. Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 366, Mem- 
minger to James Sorley, Oct. 17, 1862; IV, 370-371, Memminger to President Davis, Oct. 
22, 1862. "An Act making appropriations to carry into effect 'An act authorizing the 
exchange of bonds for articles in kind, and the shipment, sale or hypothecation of such 
articles,' " approved April 21, 1862, found in Matthews, Public Laws of CSA., 50. 

72 Matthews, Public Latvs of CSA., 47. 

73 For full text of regulations, see Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 297-299, "Regulations as to 
the Purchase of Produce under the 'Act to Authorize the Exchange of Bonds for Articles in 
Kind, and the Shipment, Sale, or Hypothecation of Such Articles,' Approved April 21, 1862," 
Memminger to all agents, May 21, 1862. 

7i Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 304, Memminger to Phinizy and Clayton, Gen. Agts., May 
29, 1862; DeBow Papers, Memminger to DeBow, June 10, 1862. Any cotton purchased by 
the government within 12 to 20 miles from a navigable river was to be removed by the 
planter to a safe distance and was to receive the same care by the planter as in its original 
location. It was to be "well housed and protected from weather, be safe from cattle, and 
not near enough to the ground to be injured." DeBow Papers, "Produce Loan — Instructions 
to Agents," Oct. 29, 1862. 

75 DeBow Papers, "Produce Loan — Instructions," July 24, 1862. DeBow to Subordinate- 
Agents. 

79 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 362, Memminger to Messrs. Phinizy and Clayton, Oct. 8, 
1862. 



62 The North Carolina Historical Review 

cotton was near or distant from market, or more or less exposed 
to the enemy. 77 

As the Produce Loan agents proceeded with their purchasing 
operations, many planters refused to sell their cotton and other 
produce to the government unless part of the transaction was 
paid in negotiable Treasury notes rather than in non-negotiable 
bonds. Learning of this Memminger informed all agents, "You 
are instructed to make your purchases with Bonds as far as 
practicable and whenever parties selling refuse to receive pay- 
ment entirely in Bonds you are authorized to make payment part- 
ly with cash not to exceed in any case more than one-half of the 
whole cost. ,,?8 

Cotton Certificates 

Temporarily overcoming the difficulty retarding the purchase 
of cotton, the government was able to procure a considerable 
amount which it stored on plantations and in warehouses. Using 
this cotton as security, the Treasury issued 1,500 Cotton Certifi- 
cates which it planned to sell in Europe, thus acquiring funds 
for its purchases abroad. The Cotton Certificates, adopted upon 
the suggestion of James M. Mason, Confederate Commissioner to 
Great Britain, 79 stipulated that the price of cotton be fixed at 
5 pence sterling per pound. Each certificate was valued at $1,000 
and called for 20 bales of cotton. 80 "Separate certificates were 
issued for Gulf and Atlantic ports, in amounts that could be de- 
livered at each." The certificates were "demandable only after 
peace, and within six months thereafter," as it was "impossible 
to deliver cotton in any great amount till then." In the event a 



77 During 1862 the government instructed its agents for purchasing cotton to adhere to the 
list showing valuation for different grades of cotton as issued by J. E. Valle, Cotton Broker, 
and Payne, Harrington and Co., Cotton Factors, New Orleans, April 17, 1862. Based on 
New Orleans Middling at 6, 9, and 10 cents respectively, the values were: 

Ordinary 4-1/2 6-3/4 7-1/2 

Good Ordinary 5 7-1/4 8 

Low Middling 5-3/8 7-3/4 8-1/4 

Liverpool Middling 5-3/4 8-1/2 9 

Orleans Middling 6 9 10 

Good Middling 6-1/2 9-1/2 10-1/2 

Middling Fair 7 to 7-1/4 10 10-3/4 

Fair 7-3/4 10-1/2 11-1/4 

Fully Fair 8-1/4 to 8-1/2 11 12 

Good, Fair, & Upwards 9-1/2 12 14-1/2 to 15 

Each of these prices was permitted to range from 1 to 2-1/2 cents for the same grade 
according to its degree of security. DeBow Papers, "Produce Loan — Instructions," July 24, 
1862. DeBow to Subordinate-Agents. 

78 DeBow Papers, Memminger to J. T. Doswell and Co., Dec. 5, 1862; Corresp. of Treas. 
CSA., IV, 360-361, Memminger to J. S. K. Bennett, Oct. 4, 1862; IV, 366, Memminger to 
James Sorley, Oct. 17, 1862; IV, 384, Memminger to Dr. S. P. Moore, Nov. 11, 1862. 

70 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 388-389, Memminger to James Spence, Nov. 26, 1862. 
80 A Cotton Certificate called for 20 bales of cotton, each valued at $50 per bale (5 pence 
Sterling or 10 cents per pound x 500 pounds to the bale), thus its face value of $1,000. 



The Produce Loans : Financing the Confederacy 63 

purchaser desired to run the blockade, the following clause was 
added to each certificate: "The Government further agrees to 
deliver cotton called for in this certificate at any time during the 
pending war, at any port within its possession upon the payment 
by the holder of the cost of the transportation." 81 

Believing Cotton Certificates offered the best means for raising 
money abroad, Memminger informed the Secretary of Navy, 
S. R. Mallory, of this belief, adding: 

. . . The embarrassment which my agents meet with is from be- 
ing obliged to purchase with bonds. This difficulty could be re- 
moved by your placing at my disposal the money which you wish 
to remit to Europe. With that my agents would buy cotton, and 
upon these purchases, Cotton Certificates could be issued and 
sent to Europe and their proceeds placed to the credit of your 
agent in Europe. 82 

Upon Mallory's approval to place at Memminger's disposal the 
appropriations made to the Navy Department for naval supplies, 
the Secretary of the Treasury hastened to fill the Navy and War 
departments* needs. To effect this, Memminger appointed J. B. 
Gladney, a Subordinate-Agent-At-Large, to purchase cotton in 
Mississippi. Writing to J. D. B. DeBow, General Agent for the 
State of Mississippi, Robert Tyler, Register of the Treasury, 
said, "Mr. Gladney has made some important contracts with the 
Navy and War Departments and cotton to be purchased by him 
is to be set apart and appropriated to the payment of these con- 
tracts until they are satisfied. This appointment is somewhat ir- 
regular, but it is made to meet a special case." 83 Adhering to 
this example, Memminger appointed the firm of J. T. Doswell 
and Company Subordinate-Agent-At-Large in northern Missis- 
sippi, Tennessee, and part of Arkansas lying between the St. 
Francis and Mississippi Rivers, "to fill contracts for military 
supplies, made by the Quartermaster General with Messrs. Walk- 
er, Harris, and Fowlkes." 84 The management of the Subordi- 
nate- Agents- At-Large came under the jurisdiction of the General 
Agent in whose area they operated. Their activities were guided 
by the general instructions sent to all Produce Loan and Pur- 



81 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 372-374 (Cotton Certificate Instructions), Memminger to 
James M. Mason, Oct. 24, 1862. 

82 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 382, Memminger to S. R. Mallory, Secretary of the Navy, 
Nov. 7, 1862. 

83 DeBow Papers, Robt. Tyler to DeBow, Nov. 21, 1862. 

84 DeBow Papers, Memminger to DeBow, Dec. 5, 1862. 



64 The North Carolina Historical Review 

chasing Agents, with one exception; namely, due to the time 
limit for satisfying the War and Navy contracts for cotton, the 
Subordinate-Agents-At-Large were not "expected like other 
Sub-Agents to operate in a particular district," but were author- 
ized to make the most advantageous purchases wherever they 
could within the limits described in their appointments. In order 
to identify cotton purchased by them, the Subordinate-Agents- 
At-Large were instructed to endorse their "name upon the Cer- 
tificates of Transfer, and place some distinguishing mark upon 
the cotton itself to the end that it may as far as possible be used 
in payment of the contracts made by the Quartermaster General 
. . . for military supplies." 85 

For all cotton purchased by the Special Agents, Cotton Cer- 
tificates were placed in the depositories, to be drawn on in satis- 
fying the contracts. The Cotton Certificates were "valued at 
the expense of purchase plus the fees of agents, plus the amount 
cotton had appreciated since the date of purchase." 86 

As the year 1862 drew to a close, the War Department, adopt- 
ing the idea fostered by the Treasury, appointed its own Sub- 
ordinate-Agents- At-Large in an attempt to expedite cotton pur- 
chases and complete contracts for supplies. 87 The result, how- 
ever, was not the favorable one anticipated — rather, it was a 
demoralizing one. The operations of the various Subordinate- 
Agents-At-Large competed with those carried on by the Produce 
Loan Agents, and both, in turn, competed with the various state 
and private agencies. As competition increased, prices rose, and 
with the rise of prices, many planters again refused to sell their 
commodity, hoping for a still higher price. • 

With the start of the new year, operations under the act of 
August 19, 1861, remained retarded owing to circumstances 
growing out of the state of war and the invasion and occupation 
of various portions of the Confederate States by the enemy, 88 
whereas the activities of the agents appointed to purchase articles 
in kind with bonds under the act of April 21, 1862, went on un- 
abated, their efforts continuing toward the procurement of cotton. 



ffi DeBow Papers, Memminger to J. T. Doswell and Co., Dec. 5, 1862. 

86 DeBow Papers, Memminger to DeBow, Dec. 5, 1862. 

87 Major A. A. Burleson was appointed a Special Agent by the Quartermaster General to 
fill army contracts payable in cotton, one of the contracts being with Barriere and Brothers 
for 10,000 bales of cotton and another with Walker, Harris, and Fowlkes for cotton valued 
at $1,000,000. DeBow Papers, Memminger to DeBow, Dec. 22, 1862. 

w Confed. Treas. Reports, III, 115-123, Thompson Allen, Chief Clerk of War-Tax, to Mem- 
minger, Jan. 6, 1863. 



The Produce Loans : Financing the Confederacy 65 

To increase purchases of cotton, DeBow advocated purchasing 
small lots that had been previously ignored. "By not purchasing 
small lots," he said, "the Government loses some of the best and 
best located cotton . . . and causes dissatisfaction among the 
smaller subscribers to the loan who are among the most reliable 
citizens." DeBow added that competing buyers "prefer lots of 
5-10-15 bales" believing that the "cotton is better and will be 
better taken care of. . . ." The General Agent, as a further means 
of increasing cotton purchases, again 89 suggested "buying cotton 
not in marketable order . . . put up in boards and under shed" 
saying it was "no more liable to loss than other cotton" and "if 
the war lasts long — cotton in rope and bagging will [also] suffer 
great deterioration." 90 

Approving both suggestions in the hope of increasing the sup- 
ply of government cotton, Memminger said he desired, however, 
that all purchases of cotton in lots of less than 20 bales be "ag- 
gregated as much as possible" and that all unbaled cotton should 
be purchased "at a considerably reduced rate." 91 

As the blockade continued in effect, the government's mounting 
supply of cotton was considered by some to be "a white ele- 
phant." 92 The Secretary of the Treasury, however, was well 
aware of its merits as a basis for speculation security and in 
January, 1863, contracted with the French house of Emile 
Erlanger and Co., to float a 15-million dollar loan in Europe. 
This was known as the Erlanger Loan. In compliance with the 
requests of the Secretary, 93 Congress authorized bonds of the 
Confederate States valued at 15-million dollars to be issued, 
payable 20 years after date, with coupons attached for payment 



89 On the recommendations of a Judge Harris, Nov. 9, 1862, DeBow suggested "purchasing 
cotton put up in boards," but the Secretary of the Treasury thought it best to buy only 
cotton put up in bales at that time, saying "the plan may merit consideration hereafter." 
DeBow Papers, Tyler to DeBow, Nov. 19, 1862. 

90 DeBow Papers, DeBow to Memminger, Jan. 1, 1863. 

91 DeBow Papers, Robt. Tyler to DeBow, Jan. 15, 1863. The planters, however, refused 
to sell unbaled cotton cheaper. They were willing to sell and pledge themselves to put it in 
good shipping order but wanted the same price that was paid for baled lots, saying: "Cotton 
now bought in baling and rope, if held till next winter will not be (in many cases) in ship- 
ping order, because of the bursting of ropes and rot of bagging. ... If any difference is 
made, it should be in favor of the seller who delivers his cotton in new baling and rope rather 
than against him. Besides, the cotton being bought and paid for at nett weights, [we] lose 
the sale of this rope and bagging price too . . ." DeBow Papers, Chas. Baskerville (sub- 
agent) to DeBow, Feb. 11, 1863. In answer to this, instructions "To agents of the Produce 
Loan," March 25, 1863, stated: "In purchasing unmarketable cotton . . . the weight of the 
bagging and rope hereafter to be used may be added, but a discount of 3/4 to lc per lb. must 
be made from market price of such cotton." DeBow Papers, Chas. Baskerville to DeBow, 
Feb. 11, 1863. 

92 Schwab, Confed. Sts. of Am., 16. 

93 Pickett Papers, II, Memminger to Davis, Jan. 9, 1863. 



66 The North Carolina Historical Review 

of interest abroad at 7 per cent per year. Certificates for de- 
livery of cotton in exchange for the bonds were also approved. 94 
To make the loan more attractive, Article 4, pertaining to the 
cotton procured by the Produce Loan Office, stated: 

Each bond shall be, at the option of the holder convertible at 
its nominal amount into cotton at the rate of 6 pence sterling for 
each pound of cotton, i. e., 4,000 lbs. of cotton for each bond of 
£100 . . . Notice of the intention of converting bonds into cotton 
has to be given to the representatives of the Government in Paris 
or London, and 60 days after such notice the cotton will be de- 
livered — if peace, in the ports of Charleston, Savannah, Mobile 
or New Orleans ; if war, at points in the interior of the country, 
within 10 miles of a railroad or steam navigable to the ocean. The 
delivery will be made free of all charges and duties except the 
existing export duty of 1/8 of 1 cent per lb. The quality of the 
cotton to be the standard of New Orleans middling. If any cotton 
is of superior or inferior quality the difference in value of cotton 
shall be settled by two brokers, one to be appointed by the Gov- 
ernment and the other by the bondholder. Whenever these two 
brokers cannot agree on the value, an umpire is to be chosen 
whose decision shall be final. 95 

By February 11, 1865, approximately five-sixths of the loan 
was sold, the Confederacy realizing up to that date $7,675,501.25, 
a trifle over one-half of its face value. 96 

With the $1,500,000 in Cotton Certificates and the $15-Million 
Erlanger Loan all supported by cotton presumed to be on hand, 
it became necessary for the agents of the Produce Loan Office to 
increase their cotton purchases and also induce the planters to 
satisfy their subscriptions to the Produce Loan, if the government 
hoped to extend its borrowing capacity abroad. However, with 
prices on the increase, many planters continued to refuse to sell 
their crops apparently waiting for a still higher price. If the 
government were to procure sufficient cotton to support its 
securities, additional measures had to be adopted. These meas- 
ures were not long in coming. 



94 Charles W. Ramsdell, Laws of the Last Confederate Congress (Durham, N. C, 1941, 
hereafter cited as Ramsdell, Laws of Confed. Cong.), 164-165, No. 1, Secret Laws and Reso- 
lutions (3rd Session), "An act to authorize a Foreign Loan," approved Jan. 29, 1863. 

85 Ace. 212, Confederate Archives (Treas. Dept., National Archives, Washington, D. C), 
Box 90, "Articles of Emile Erlanger and Co. Agreement of January 8, 1863"; Confed. Treas. 
Reports, III, 98a-98c, "Erlanger Contract," Jan. 9, 1863. 

96 Confed. Treas. Reports, III, 435-436, "Report on the Erlanger Loan, Feb. 11, 1865," show- 
ing proceeds from loan as of Oct. 1, 1864. 



The Produce Loans : Financing the Confederacy 67 

The-Tax-in-Kind and the 250-Million Dollar Cotton 

Bond Loan 

On April 24, 1863, Congress authorized the Tax-in-Kind, also 
known as the Tithe Tax. The provisions of the act were of vital 
concern to the Produce Loan Office for every farmer or planter 
in the Confederate States was compelled to pay, along with other 
produce, one-tenth of his cotton, wool, and tobacco as a tax-in- 
kind. 97 

In its effort to further supplement the government's cotton 
supply and also prevent the increasing redundancy of the cur- 
rency, Congress approved the 250-Million Dollar Cotton Bond 
Loan of April 30, 1863. 98 

Aimed at curbing the redundant currency and supplementing 
the government's cotton supply, the act empowered the Secretary 
of the Treasury to sell $250-million in 20 year-6 per cent Cotton 
Bonds for outstanding Treasury notes which the Secretary was 
then authorized to use for the purchase of agricultural products. 99 
To make the bonds attractive as an investment, coupons were at- 
tached providing for the payment of interest in specie (which 
was, of course, scarce and desirable) or cotton which was con- 
stantly appreciating in value. 

With the proceeds derived from the sale of Cotton Bonds, the 
Produce Loan Agents endeavored to purchase additional cotton 
in an attempt to alleviate the government's increasing obliga- 
tions. But as prices continued to rise along with the premium 
on coin, the established interest rates of the Cotton Bonds were 
considered by the Secretary as too lucrative an investment and 
on December 10, 1863, the Assistant Treasurers and Pay De- 
positaries were ordered to stop the sale of cotton interest 



97 "An Act to lay taxes for the common defense and carry on the Government of the Con- 
federate States," passed April 20; approved April 24, 1863. James M. Matthews, ed., Public 
Laws of the C. S. A. Passed at the Third Session of the First Congress, 186 S (Richmond, 
1863), 115-126. 

98 The original MS. copy of the act is found in Ace. 378, Confederate States of America 
Archives, 1861-'65 (Manuscript Division, Duke University Library). The act is listed in 
Register of Acts, C. S. A., as No. 70 (Secret Session), Permanent Congress, 1863, passed 
April 27, approved April 30, 1863, and is found in toto in Ramsdell, Laws of Confed. Cong., 
166-167. 

99 Ramsdell, Laws of Confed. Cong., 166-167. The 250-Million Dollar Loan of April 30, 1863, 
was floated in lieu of one hundred millions of dollars in bonds, which the Secretary of the 
Treasury had been authorized to issue March 23, 1863, at a rate of interest of 6 per cent 
per year, "payable at the pleasure of the owner in the currency in which interest was paid 
on the other bonds of the Confederate States or in cotton of the quality of New Orleans 
middling, valued at eight pence sterling per pound." Ramsdell, Laws of Confed. Cong., 
166-167; Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 474, editorial on the act, June 25, DeBow Papers, 
Memminger to DeBow, May 19, 1863. 



68 The North Carolina Historical Review 

bonds. 100 On Februray 6, 1864, the act of April 30, 1863, author- 
izing the 250-Million Dollar Cotton Loan was repealed, the total 
amount of 6 per cent Cotton Bonds issued under the act being 
$8,372,000. 101 

With the start of 1864, Produce Loan agents in the exposed 
areas were ordered to stop buying cotton and devote their "time 
and energies to preserving the cotton already purchased," for 
there was "scarcely a day that some report was not made con- 
cerning the exposed condition of Government cotton." 102 Mem- 
minger was "desirous that the condition of all cotton be looked 
into and repairs made where needed." Special Traveling Agents 
were appointed in the exposed areas "to examine as far as prac- 
ticable the condition of Government cotton, reporting their ob- 
servations and helping General Agents with the removal of cot- 
ton." They were also ordered "to report all persons undertaking 
interference without authority with cotton or to traffick in any 
manner to the end that legal proceedings be had against them." 103 

The appointment of Special Agents, however, was not the sole 
answer for ending the illicit traffic, 104 nor was it the answer for 
preserving and securing the cotton. Reports of cotton rotting 
from being unsheltered continued 105 and cases of fraud, stealing, 
and illicit trade with the enemy increased in number. 106 Planters 
in exposed areas resold cotton they had sold to the government. 107 
In an attempt to curb some of the lawlessness, newspapers ad- 
vertised liberal rewards which would "be paid for such evidence 



100 Tel. Messages Treas. Dept., 396, Memminger to W. Y. Leitch, Ass't. Treas., Charleston, 
S. C, Dec. 10, 1863; Tel. Messages Treas. Dept., 396, Memminger to all Pay Depositaries. 

101 Raphael P. Thian, compiler, Register of Issues of Confederate States Treasury Notes, to- 
gether with Tabular Exhibits of the Debt, Funded and Unfunded, of the Confederate States 
of America, 1861-65 (Washington, 1880, hereafter cited Register of the Debt, Funded and 
Unfunded, of the CSA.) , 187. 

102 DeBow Papers, Archibald Roane to DeBow, Jan. 29, 1864. 

103 DeBow Papers, Instructions from DeBow to Henry V. McCall (Special Traveling Agt.), 
Feb. 4, 1864. M. E. Wholey was appointed a Special Agt. by DeBow "to remove and pre- 
serve Gov't, cotton" on the recommendation of the Mississippi delegation in Congress to A. 
Roane. DeBow Papers, Roane to DeBow, Feb. 15, 1864. 

104 Several of the agents did not escape the vice of illicit trade, H. P. Atkins, Agent at 
Granada, Miss., H. V. McCall, and an agent, M. S. Dougall, being arrested and "charged 
with complicity of selling cotton." DeBow Papers, DeBow to C. W. Wood, April 1, 1864; 
DeBow to H. V. McCall, June 30, 1864; DeBow to Gen. Wirt Adams, July 13, 1864. 

105 DeBow Papers, Roane to DeBow, March 30, 1864. 

i°o DeBow Papers, DeBow to J. C. Bridgeforth, April 20, 1864; Dr. Jno. Ambrose (telegram) 
to DeBow, April 20, 1864; DeBow to Gen. Wirt Adams, April 29, 1864; DeBow to Memminger, 
April 30, 1864; DeBow to Gen. Polk, April 6, 1864; and others. 

107 In instances of this kind, the agents were to get "all gold, Sterling, or greenbacks 
received and turned over to the Gov't, at once or within 90 days the parties will be turned 
over to the authorities." DeBow Papers, DeBow to H. Allen, and E. E. Armstrong, March 
26, 1864; Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 599, Memminger to Col. W. A. Broadwell, March 9, 
1864. 



The Produce Loans : Financing the Confederacy 69 

as will lead to the conviction of any parties engaged in unlaw- 
fully appropriating the Government Cotton." 108 

Regarding the illegal trade being carried on in the exposed area 
of Mississippi, T. J. Wharton wrote: 

... As many as 23 wagons loaded with cotton . . . passed through 
the public streets of Jackson on the holy Sabbath, in view of the 
whole community. I am assured that, in the district between 
Raymond and Utica, women (I cannot call them Ladies, however 
respectable they may have been heretofore) mount their horses, 
and ride over the neighborhood, buying up cotton, to sell to the 
Yankees and invest the proceeds in merchandize such as coffee, 
clothing, and, in some instances, in every kind of luxury. Parties 
have been engaged in this illicit and demoralizing trade whom 
you know personally, and whose reputation would [shelter] them 
from the suspicion of even harboring a thought of engaging in 
such disgraceful transactions. The evil has not stopped with the 
sale of cotton owned by the parties, but very large amounts of 
Government cotton have been stolen. The heads with the marks 
removed, to prevent confiscation by the enemy and then sold at 
Big Block, in Vicksburg. . . , 109 

In response to the many reports of unsheltered cotton, illicit 
trade, stealing, and fraud, the Confederate House of Representa- 
tives resolved that an inquiry be made into the "condition of 
Government cotton contiguous to the Mississippi and its tribu- 
taries." Answering the inquiry, J. D. B. DeBow, General Agent 
of the Produce Loan Office for that area, wrote : 

From every source of information it is certain that the cotton 
in the exposed district is in the most deplorable condition. Large 
plantations are abandoned everywhere and the cotton has been 
left in sheds. These tumble down or are blown down. Stray cat- 
tle destroy the cotton; soldiers, particularly cavalrys strip it 
of the ropes and bagging, or make use of it for beds, scattering 
it in every direction ; fires are of frequent occurrence from acci- 
dent or incendiaryism ; the poor of the country take away as 
much as they can make use of; runaway Negroes devastate; 
thieves, with whom the country abounds, carry off the cotton by 
wholesale, trading it to the Yankees or hiding it in inaccessible 
places. They do it at night or even in broad daylight as there is 
little law in the country. Even those who have sold their cotton 
to the Government, in their desperate fortunes, regarding them- 



108 DeBow Papers, unidentified Mississippi newspaper clipping, April 12, 1864. 

109 Jefferson Davis Papers (MS. Division, Duke University), T, J. Wharton to President 
Davis, April 16, 1864. 



70 The North Carolina Historical Review 

selves as beyond the protection or reach of the Confederacy, sell 
it again to the Yankees, upon the pretext that they will replace 
it out of the next crop, or out of cotton in other quarters ! They 
justify the act by their necessities — there is reason to fear that 
soldiers are sometimes implicated in the guilt. Parties visit the 
section with forged powers, represent themselves as Gov't, agents 
and take away the cotton, using force if necessary. General 
demoralization prevails throughout much of the entire section, 
reaching to every class. Trade with the enemy is universal. 
The temptations to fraud are overwhelming. Even our own 
agents are often charged with complicity. I have endeavored 
to procure men familiar with the country and the best recom- 
mended. They report it to be impossible to prevent the depre- 
dations. . . , 110 

Numerous representations were handed to the Secretary of 
the Treasury, telling of this great quantity of cotton liable to 
capture which "could be disposed of to the advantage of the 
Government." 111 In answer to these representations the Treas- 
ury Department indicated "a willingness to sell the cotton in ex- 
posed districts" with the understanding that the Confederate 
authorities would not burn or interfere with it so long as the 
Government of the United States would respect the understand- 
ing and not interfere with it. 112 

On November 10, 1864, the Produce Loan Bureau issued its 
last annual report showing the following business as having been 
concluded by that branch of the Treasury Department: 

The original subscriptions to the Produce Loan 

under Act of May 16, 1861 amounted to $28,070,905 

The amount collected to date 16,897,000 



The amount still unpaid $11,173,905 

Further subscriptions to the loan under the act of August 19, 
1861, were subsequently received and collected amounting to 
$17,579,400, forming with the foregoing sum a total of $34,476,- 
400 collected. 



uo DeBow Papers, "Report on the condition of Government Cotton Contiguous to the 
Mississippi and its Tributaries," J. D. B. DeBow to Memminger, April 9, 1864; same report 
found in Confed. Treas. Reports, III, 341-345. 

111 DeBow Papers, Roane to DeBow, April 5, 1864. It was stated that much of the cotton 
in the exposed areas could be sold to buyers operating for France, England, and Belgium. 
Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 656, R. G. Latting to Memminger, May 23, 1864; IV, 650, John 
Duncan to Memminger, May 7, 1864. 

112 Corresp. of Treas. CSA., IV, 645, B. M. Bond to Memminger, May 2, 1864. 



The Produce Loans : Financing the Confederacy 71 

Under the act of April 12, 1862, authorizing the purchase of 
cotton and tobacco, the purchases of tobacco were comparatively 
unimportant, the total being $1,462,558.93; of cotton, however, 
they were of great magnitude, the quantity of cotton purchased 
being 430,724 bales at a cost of $34,525,219.40. From this must 
be deducted the following: 

Bales 
Lost by capture, burnt by C.S.A. authorities, and 

used for military purposes 129,771 

West of Miss., and subject to be used for military 

purposes 67,653 

Sold by the Treasury Department 6,961 

Shipped to Eng. in payment of the foreign debt, and 

for general purposes 19,683 

Expended in payment of cotton coupons 607 

Expended for Army supplies 15,000 

239,675 
Which deducted from the quantity purchased, 

leaves a remainder of 191,049 

To which should be added for the estimate yield of 

the tithe 15,000 



Total on hand 206,049 

The report stated that notwithstanding the deficiency occasion- 
ed by the large quantity lost and appropriated to military pur- 
poses, there was no pecuniary loss, the cotton on hand being 
sufficient, at the increased value, to reimburse the cost of the 
entire purchase, the value of 191,049 bales, at fifty cents per 
pound, being $38,000,000. 113 

Government Cotton and Tobacco and the Collapse of the 

Confederacy 

The question has often been asked, "What became of the 
Government cotton and tobacco upon the collapse of the Con- 
federacy ?" The following is offered as a partial answer. 

With the surrender of the Confederate military, all cotton and 
tobacco owned by the Confederate States of America was to be 
seized by the United States government and placed under the 



z^Confed. Treas. Reports, III, 385-388, "Annual Report of the Produce Loan Bureau," 
Nov. 10, 1864, Geo. A. Trenholm to R. M. T. Hunter, President pro tempore of the Senate, 



72 The North Carolina Historical Review 

supervision of Hugh McCulloch, Secretary of the United States 
Treasury. 114 

There is an indication, however, that all the cotton belonging 
to the Confederacy did not reach the hands of the United States 
government. In the correspondence of Charles Baskerville 
(Produce Loan Agent) to J. D. B. DeBow (Organizer and General 
Agent of the Produce Loan) , the former implies that many of the 
agents for the Produce Loan enriched themselves with some of 
the cotton. Baskerville wrote, "It seems that all the Cotton agents 
have abundant fortunes — the reapings from our labor." 115 
Whether this inference bears any truth may never be known. 

It is known, however, that in the very last stages of the war — 
just preceding the surrender — some of the Confederate author- 
ities received tobacco, cotton, and other property, in payment of 
individual debts contracted in behalf of the Confederacy. John 
T. Pickett, Confederate envoy to Mexico, received 2,769 boxes 
of tobacco in this fashion, which he immediately sold to William 
H. Warder for sterling bills of exchange, because he knew of 
Warder's "connection with a mercantile house of the highest 
respectability in New York," and because he had evidence of 
Warder's "being within the Confederate lines with the knowl- 
edge and consent of President Lincoln." 116 

Be these incidents what they may, a great portion of the Con- 
federate cotton and tobacco was acquired by the United States 
government, and with its acquisition came numerous demands 
from Europeans for the United States to fulfill the obligations 
stipulated in the various Confederate bonds which had been sold 
with the seized cotton as security. The United States govern- 
ment, however, refused to comply with any of these claims stat- 
ing that according to the Fourteenth Amendment to the United 
States Constitution: 



. . . Neither the United States, nor any State, shall assume or pay 
any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion 



114 Frequently the Federal agents took cotton whose ownership raised a question of doubt. 
In these cases private parties were compelled to contest their claim before the U. S. 
Treasury Department. DeBow Papers, Charles Baskerville to DeBow, Aug. 15, 1865. 

115 DeBow Papers, Baskerville to DeBow, Oct. 12, 1866. 

116 Pickett Papers, II, statement written and signed by Jno. T. Pickett, Sept. 11, 1865. 



The Produce Loans : Financing the Confederacy 73 

against the United States . . . but all such debts shall be held 
illegal and void. . . , 117 

Conclusion 

With the collapse of the Confederacy, the Produce Loans came 
to an end. Their primary purpose, as indicated, was that of 
procuring means whereby funds could be raised at home and 
abroad to purchase the critical supplies necessary for the govern- 
ment's existence. The expanding duties of the Produce Loan 
Office encompassed both the taking and collecting of produce 
subscriptions under the loan acts of May 16 and August 19, 1861, 
and later entailed the purchase of cotton and tobacco for govern- 
ment use as authorized by the act of April 21, 1862. Through 
its various operations, the Produce Loan Office endeavored to be- 
come a stabilizing instrument in the government's financial 
policy. Reacting as a curb on the inflated Treasury note cur- 
rency, it attempted to prevent the growing redundancy of the 
notes by withdrawing them from circulation, issuing long term 
bonds in exchange. The Produce Loan Office further attempted 
to restrict the inflationary tendencies of the note currency by 
paying for its purchases of produce with government bonds. 

As the responsibilities of the Office increased with the assump- 
tion of control over the cotton, wool, and tobacco derived from 
the Tithe Tax, its status was raised, on May 1, 1863, to that of 
a Bureau. In the final stages of the war, the entire efforts of the 
Bureau were expended in preserving the government cotton in 
exposed areas, and selling that which was most likely to fall into 
enemy hands. 

The full influence of the Produce Loans and the Produce Loan 
Office is impossible to relate. Monetarily speaking, it can be 
estimated as follows: 

Total income from Original Subscriptions to 

the Produce Loan, Act of May 16, 1861 $16,897,000.00 

Total income from New Subscriptions to the 

Produce Loan, Act of August 19, 1861 17,579,400.00 



Total income from the Produce Loans . . . $34,476,400.00 



U7 A booklet by J. Barr Robertson, The Confederate Debt and Private Southern Debts 
(London: Waterlow and Sons Limited, 1884), 8, in Ace. 212. Confederate Archives (Treas. 
Dept., National Archives, Washington, D. C). 



74 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Total amount of produce receive in exchange for 

bonds, Act of April 21, 1862 $35,987,778.33 

Estimated income from Tithe Tax, 15,000 bales 

@ $75 1,125,000.00 

Total business of the Produce Loan 

Office $71,589,178.33 

This sum, however, falls far short of indicating the true worth 
of the Produce Loan Office, for many of its activities are im- 
measurable in their intrinsic value. This is apparent by asking 
a few questions. 

What would have been the effect on the government's paper 
currency had the Produce Loan Office not been able to withdraw 
$34,476,400 in Treasury notes from circulation in exchange for 
bonds secured with cotton? 

What would have been the result had the Produce Loan Office 
not supplied cotton as security for the Erlanger Loan, from 
which the government realized $7,678,501.25 in foreign exchange 
at a time when its funds in Europe were totally exhausted? 

Too, what would have been the result had the Produce Loan 
Office not supplied cotton for interest on the $8,372,000 of Cotton 
Bonds issued under the act of April 30, 1863, or established 
security for Cotton Certificates? 

The answers to these and similar questions are of course con- 
jectural and it is not expected that definite answers be given — the 
questions have been raised simply to instill a deeper appreciation 
for the full significance of the Produce Loans and the Produce 
Loan Office as a means of financing the Confederate States of 
America. 



BOOK REVIEWS 

The Campus of the First State University. By Archibald Henderson. (Chapel 
Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. 1949. Pp. xvi, 412. $5.00.) 

This is an unhurried account of the founding of the University 
of North Carolina, and the halting stages by which, during a cen- 
tury and a half, the present campus was developed. By "campus" 
the author means the "University lands as well as the grounds 
upon which the institution is located: buildings, athletic fields, 
gymnasium, stadium, arboretum, forests, plants and flora, land- 
scape gardening, architecture, and innumerable other aspects of 
the University's life." 

Save for a few scattered flashes of sentiment and humor con- 
cerning the work of the fathers and the escapades of the stu- 
dents, the author adheres rather closely to the announced sub- 
ject. Excerpts from reminiscences are admitted when useful in 
illustrating the need or purpose of certain buildings or other cam- 
pus features. There is no discussion of the influence of the Uni- 
versity on the general growth of higher education in America. 
Only incidental references are made to the development of the 
curriculum. 

The author's chief interest, undoubtedly, lies in the future. He 
does not appear to argue a case, but throughout his narrative of 
the past he evaluates events in relation to their permanent re- 
sults. He is less inclined to praise the present beauty than to point 
the way toward further improvement. This is the greatest value 
of the book so far as the people of North Carolina are concerned, 
and it is this broad, long-trend planning aspect of the book that 
will probably prove most attractive to college presidents through- 
out the land. 

The book is useful also for the panorama of history which is 
reflected in the narration concerning the buildings and grounds. 
Among the founding fathers we find men of diverse poltical ideas 
such as William Richardson Davie and Willie Jones. The Uni- 
versity felt the conflict between Federalists and Republicans 
during its infancy, and it throbbed to the vigorous growth of de- 
mocracy during the first half of the nineteenth century. The Civil 
War and the period of bitterness that followed left deep scars. 

[75] 



76 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The subsequent growth of industry and urban life and the in- 
creasing popularity of higher education brought to the Univer- 
sity more students and more problems — and more buildings. 

The day has long since passed when university buildings could 
be constructed of brick that cost "40c. per pound" (p. 14), or 
when students could find board for thirty dollars per year (p. 46) . 
The General Assembly has usually been slow in appropriating 
funds for the University — preferring that private donors step 
forth. In view of the rapid multiplication of the cost of higher 
education and the other financial demands upon state treasuries, 
this condition is likely to continue. Will this mean that the Uni- 
versity may more frequently have the occasion to say "Thanks 
a million" (p. 294) to the federal government? One can scarcely 
conceive of so fine and useful an educational center being devel- 
oped save through the efforts and by the funds of those who la- 
bored with first-hand understanding, with pride, and with love. 

Gilbert L. Lycan. 
John B. Stetson University, 
Deland, Fla. 



The Woman Who Rang the Bell. The Story of Cornelia Phillips Spencer. 1 

By Phillips Russell. (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina 

Press. 1949. Pp. 287. Illustrations. $5.00.) 

Now and then there appears in the history of a community or 
an institution an individual whose qualities of mind and charac- 
ter and personality seem to typify the very best in the life of its 
people. Such a person was Cornelia Phillips Spencer of Chapel 
Hill. This lady possessed a mind so capable, a pen so persuasive, 
a spirit so vital, a character so dominating, and a personality 
so compelling as to leave behind her not only enduring memories 
among her loved ones but also a lasting influence upon village 
and university as well. The story of her life is largely the story 
of Chapel Hill and the University of North Carolina during the 
last three-quarters of the nineteenth century. What is here re- 
corded is called a biography but, in the words of the author, 
"really it will be a love story — Cornelia Phillips Spencer's love 
for a sleepy southern village and the University it contained." 

Although Mrs. Spencer was born in New York and died in 
Massachusetts her heart always dwelt in North Carolina and 



1 The author of this book was presented the Mayflower Society award Dec. 2, 1949. 



Book Reviews 77 

the village to which she came in 1826 at the age of one year, when 
her English-born father, Dr. James Phillips, became professor 
of mathematics at the University. For almost seventy years, with 
a few brief interruptions, she lived hard by the University and 
witnessed and participated in its turbulent history during both 
placid and critical times. During this span of time her father, 
both of her brothers, and her son-in-law taught as members of 
the faculty, but it does not appear an extravagant claim to argue 
that she, who was allowed only the "crumbs that fell from the 
University's table," was of more influence and significance in 
its life and growth than any one of the others. Generations of 
students came to know her and to admire her with an esteem that 
amounted almost to sacred reverence, and posterity has come to 
understand and appreciate her manifold services in its interest. 

Of all these services the most valuable was that of her pen in 
the dark days of Reconstruction. After the Civil War the Uni- 
versity fell on evil days. Under the Republican regime of the new 
president, the Reverend Solomon Pool, it was boycotted by the 
Conservative element in the state, and as a result was forced to 
close in 1870, for lack of students. Even before it had closed Mrs. 
Spencer began her campaign for its redemption. Her weapons 
were her friendships and her pen. She wrote a notable series of 
Pen and Ink Sketches of the University for the Raleigh Sentinel, 
as well as a weekly column for the North Carolina Presbyterian, 
through both of which mediums she constantly and ably defended 
the old regime and preached the necessity for reorganization and 
support. In addition, she wrote numerous private letters to prom- 
inent individuals of her acquaintance, urging upon them the im- 
portance of renewed energies in behalf of the stricken university. 
By her ceaseless vigilance and her continuous efforts she kept 
alive an interest in it, and inspired the plan by which it was re- 
opened in 1875. It was on her fiftieth birthday that the news of 
the favorable action of the legislature was telegraphed to her 
from Raleigh. That same day she climbed to the belfry, seized 
the rope, and began to ring the college bell which had been silent 
for five dreary years. "She did more than ring a bell ; she rang 
out an old world of defeat and inertia and rang in a new world of 
hope and belief" — a new world which her own indomitable zeal 



78 The North Carolina Historical Review 

and faith had done so much to make possible. And that bell has 
never ceased to ring out the same message to this day. 

In a philosophic mood, good Presbyterian that she always was, 
Mrs. Spencer might claim to recognize in this victory the hand of 
God which had brought her to Chapel Hill perhaps for just such a 
time as this. But in a lonely mood she would also confess, at least 
to her journal, that the hand of God was a heavy hand. For her 
presence in Chapel Hill in the war years and thereafter was the 
result of personal tragedy. In 1855 she had married James Mun- 
roe Spencer, who had only recently graduated at Chapel Hill, and 
had gone with him to his home in Clinton, Alabama. But 
"Magnus" Spencer had died in June, 1861, after a lingering ill- 
ness, and Mrs. Spencer, with her baby daughter, had returned 
to Chapel Hill late that year, where she found it difficult to 
acquiesce in what she admitted to be the will of God. But 
tragedy did not end then or there. The harrowing war brought 
new sufferings and military occupation at its tragic close added 
new humiliations. Only as the larger tragedy which was the 
South's — and the University's — was brought home to her sensi- 
tive spirit was she able to win her private battle with memories 
and take her pJace upon the stage of history. A growing deaf- 
ness which first came upon her during the war years added to 
her personal trials, but all these she was able to sublimate in 
some new activity or some new crusade. Until 1894, when she 
went to Cambridge to live with her daughter, she spent most of 
her time in the village which remained her first love until her 
death in 1908. 

Inevitably, Mr. Russell's book invites comparison with an ear- 
lier work about Mrs. Spencer, Old Days in Chapel Hill, by Mrs. 
Hope Summerell Chamberlain, published by the same press in 
1926. The earlier picture of her life and influence is not ma: 
terially altered by this later exposition. This is natural, since 
both authors have drawn largely from the same sources — the 
abundant correspondence and the several journals and diaries 
kept and preserved by Mrs. Spencer during most of her life. Mr. 
Russell has drawn from some material not used by Mrs. Cham- 
berlain, especially from numerous letters of mother to daughter 
written in the later period of her life, but the additional material 
simply adds authenticity and completeness to the already estab- 



Book Reviews 79 

lished picture, and changes it not at all. Both authors have al- 
lowed their subject to write much of their book for them, for the 
quotations are extensive, and well chosen. Anyone who has work- 
ed in the Spencer papers must comment on the neatness of Mrs. 
Spencer's writing, the perfection of her penmanship, her care- 
ful grammar, her preciseness of expression, and the frequent 
beauty of phrase. These features, together with the great variety 
of the subject matter of the collection, must have added to the 
delight of the research for this volume. 

Mr. Russell's book is obviously important for a number of 
reasons. Any general reader who is charmed by the story of a 
great personality will be pleased with this account. Those who 
are especially interested in social history in the nineteenth cen- 
tury, or in the history of the University of North Carolina, will 
discover valuable information and insights on almost every page. 
Especially detailed and enlightening are the numerous comments 
and intimate revelations about the leaders in the life of the Uni- 
versity — especially about Swain, Battle, and Winston. The stu- 
dent of North Carolina history will be attracted by the corre- 
spondence with the great and the near-great in the history of the 
State — Vance, Graham, and a host of others. But more impres- 
sive than the complete list of her correspondents and acquaint- 
ances among the great of her time is the revelation of the per- 
sonality and character of a very great lady who once wrote : "If 
one or at most two or three hearts hold me, when dead, in faith- 
ful remembrance, it will be as much as I ask, or expect." An al- 
ready extensive list of those who have not forgotten her should 
be greatly augmented by this fine book. 

Frontis W. Johnston. 

Davidson College, 
Davidson, N. C. 



The DeviPs Tramping Ground and Other North Carolina Mystery Stories. 
By John Harden, with drawings by Mary Lindsay McAlister. (Chapel 
Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. 1949. Pp. x, 178. $3.00.) 

This is a collection of twenty stories, all of which were pre- 
sented in a series of programs, "Tales of Tarheelia," by the 
present author over Radio Station WPTF at Raleigh in 1946 
and 1947. Mr. Harden makes no claim to originality of author- 
ship, but in his preface frankly refers to himself as a collector 



80 The North Carolina Historical Review 

and pays tribute to "North Carolina's humble raconteurs of 
legend and story who have kept many of these stories alive down 
through the years." 

Mr. Harden has made, nevertheless, a real and vital contribu- 
tion to North Carolina folklore in bringing together and pre- 
senting in clearcut and attractive form these outstanding ex- 
amples of mysteries that have grown from North Carolina soil. 
Each story presents the locale and attendant circumstances of 
the origin of a mystery that baffled contemporaries. Also ac- 
companying most of the stories are possible solutions that have 
been offered by contemporaries and by succeeding generations. In 
two cases these are sufficient to account for the origin of the 
mystery in the style of the more usual "whodunit" yarns. The 
others, as in the case of "The Lost Colony," will probably re- 
main unsolved. 

A geographical and chronological summary of the stories re- 
veals the collection as a well-balanced coverage of the state and 
its heritage. Eight of the stories have their origin along the 
coast, six are selected from middle or piedmont communities, 
and five are of mountain origin. The account of the disappear- 
ance of Captain Johnston Blakeley reaches the climax of its 
action at some uncharted point on the high seas. Three of the 
tales have been told and re-told since the days before the 
American Revolution ; seven, including a Civil War story, reflect 
the life of the nineteenth century ; six are based on incidents of 
the twentieth century that seem likely to remain unsolved mys- 
teries. "The Devil's Tramping Ground," which gives the volume 
its title, is based on a natural phenomenon that does not fit into 
a chronological system. 

Readers of this volume will find at least one story with which 
they are already familiar. Some will recall different versions, 
and many will be able immediately to relate reputed solutions 
not here included. These circumstances will lend increasing inter- 
est to these stories and to this book. So long as any mystery re- 
mains unsolved by the presentation of clear evidence of a tangible 
material sort one guess differs from another only in the degree 
to which it appeals to the universal human instinct for the bi- 
zarre, the unusual, and the unknown. The value of this work 
arises from the care with which the details of the various stories 



Book Reviews 81 

have been assembled and flavored with a liberal sampling of 
the numerous attempts at speculative solutions that have them- 
selves reached the status of collateral stories. 

Paul Murray. 

Eastern Carolina Teachers College, 
Greenville, N. C. 



Cloud Over Catawba. 1 By Chalmers G. Davidson. (Charlotte: The Mecklen- 
burg Historical Society. 1949. Pp. 210. $2.75.) 

Dr. Davidson, a member of the faculty of Davidson College, is 
an enthusiastic collector of Catawba Valley lore ; he has crammed 
a vast amount of it into this book. Taken on those terms, the 
book is a successful one and a useful contribution to the litera- 
ture dealing with the valley. It is the conviction of this reviewer, 
however, that Dr. Davidson should have given it to us straight 
instead of dresing it up in the habilaments of fiction. 

Anything between covers that offers itself as a novel must 
submit to judgment by standards beyond scholarly research; it is 
the function of the novelist to create a new world of his own, 
peopled with living, breathing creatures. Simply naming a thing 
is not enough to make that thing exist. The book is full of names, 
not flesh-and-blood people, not objects you can touch, not sensa- 
tions. To write the word "fear" does not conjure up a thick, dry 
tongue, clammy palms, a tight chest, a pounding heart. 

Yet the book is valid, though it does not come to life as a novel ; 
when you have finished it, you have a clear impression of the 
harsh, granite Puritanism that characterized the people who 
settled the piedmont, for in North Carolina east is east and west 
is west and sin is a leopard that changes his spots at the fall line. 

Peirson Ricks. 

Winston- Salem, N. C. 



Romanticism and Nationalism in the Old South. By Rollin G. Osterweis. 
(New Haven: Yale University Press. 1949. Pp. xi, 275. $3.75.) 

This study of the romantic movement in the South is a delight- 
ful and illuminating book. It is built from scattered evidence 
which orthodox political historians might regard as unsubstan- 
tial. Nevertheless, it contains a very provocative thesis which 
seems real to this reviewer. It is written with refreshing imagina- 



1 This book is no longer available. 



82 The North Carolina Historical Review 

tion, opening with a colorful scene of a tournament at White Sul- 
phur Springs, Virginia, on August 27, 1845. To economic-minded 
historians this study may seem to neglect to explore sufficiently 
the economic origins of romanticism in the land of Dixie. 

Southern romanticism was in part imported from abroad, but 
it developed along peculiarly Southern lines and was unlike the 
Northern type of romantic thinking which looked to the future, 
to a Utopian world with society reformed. Southerners of the 
ante-bellum period were essentially conservative. Their romanti- 
cism was backward-looking, based on an aristocratic ideal some- 
what like medieval chivalry, reflected in the mirrow of Sir 
Walter Scott and Byron, who were extravagantly admired in the 
Old South. Among the upper class — "the chivalry' ' — the roman- 
tic mood was exemplified in a taste for romantic literature, in 
the flourishing of the code duello, in the myth of the cavalier, 
Norman origin of Southerners, in giving romantic names to 
plantations and localities, in the imitation of medieval tourna- 
ments, in florid Southern oratory, in the cult of women, and, 
finest of all, in the development of a high sense of honor. From 
the concept of the honor of a gentleman arose the famous "Honor 
System" at the University of Virginia, which was established in 
1842 by a resolution introduced to the faculty by Judge Henry St. 
George Tucker. The most striking phases of Southern romanti- 
cism, however, emanated from the lower South, where there arose 
a gorgeous vision, nurtured by De Bow's Review, of making New 
Orleans the great port of America and where the dream of cre- 
ating a Southern republic was nourished. Professor Osterweis 
has made a contribution by pointing out that the romantic nation- 
alism which affected revolutionary movements in Europe also 
contributed to the growth of Southern nationalism. 

Clement Eaton. 
University of Wisconsin, 
Madison, Wis. 



The Southern Colonies in the Seventeenth Century, 1607-1689, by Wesley 
Frank Craven. A History of the South, volume I. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana 
State University Press and the Littlefield Fund for Southern History of 
the University of Texas. 1949. Pp. xv, 451. $6.00.) 

The ten-volume History of the South launched in 1948 by the 
Louisiana State University Press and the Littlefield Fund of the 



Book Reviews 83 

University of Texas is now well under way. The present volume, 
though not the first to be published, is the first of the series 
chronologically and forms a good introduction to the whole. If 
the authors of the other volumes of the series maintain the stan- 
dards of Professor Craven's work, the South will have a history 
worthy of that section's importance in the nation's history. 

Professor Craven presents skilfully the most recent research 
and contributes not a little by his own special studies into prob- 
lems where spade work still needs to be done. Better than most 
historians of a section he has avoided that imbalance which 
specialized emphasis makes all but inevitable. Best of all, he has 
written objectively. 

The peculiar problem facing the author when he started this 
work was to find those elements within the history of the region 
which contributed to making the South a distinctive section of 
the United States and yet to keep before his readers the fact that 
in the seventeenth century there was indeed no South, not even 
an America as a separate entity, only a group of English colonies, 
wherein men, primarily English, strove to continue a way of life 
inherited from past generations and at the same time to make 
a living in the new surroundings. 

Unlike Professor C. M. Andrews, whose volumes cover all the 
colonies, and who approached his subject almost exclusively from 
the English viewpoint, Professor Craven gives a picture of 
Spain's interest in the New World, especially in that region 
which today holds the Southern states of the United States. This 
introductory chapter provides an excellent opportunity to dis- 
cuss the products of the New World made known to Europe by 
the Spanish, especially tobacco, and also to give an account of the 
development of Negro slavery and the slave trade in the Spanish 
West Indies. Both tobacco culture and slavery, as they became 
part of the American scene, are important factors in shaping 
the sectional character of the South. 

Important also are Professor Craven's discussions of the sys- 
tem of local government, the relationship of church and state, 
and the rise of the planter class, all part of the distinctive pat- 
tern of Southern life. Yet in this treatment of the seventeenth 



84 The North Carolina Historical Review 

century there is no romancing, no striving for dramatic effect. 
Pocahontas comes into the story but briefly; the Assembly of 
1619 and accompanying reforms are "a logical culmination of 
policies adopted by the adventurers much earlier" ; Nathaniel 
Bacon is something less than the "Torchbearer of the Revolution," 
though none-the-less a significant figure; the treatment of 
Maryland's "Act concerning Religion" is eminently common 
sense. 

Though written with less verve (and with fewer prejudices) , 
Professor Craven's volume takes a place beside the late James 
Truslow Adams' Founding of New England as a first-rate history 
of the beginnings of a section of the United States. 

Robert E. Moody. 

Boston University, 
Boston, Mass. 



Humanistic Scholarship in the South. A Survey of Work in Progress. Com- 
piled by Thomas B. Stroup and others. Bulletin Number One, Southern 
Humanities Conference. (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina 
Press. 1948. Pp. 165. $1.50 paper, $2.00 cloth.) 

There are two basic divisions to this survey, wherein the term 
Humanities is taken to mean languages, literature, philosophy, 
religion, history, art, music, and anthropology viewed historical- 
ly. Part I is a list of scholars arranged alphabetically, with the 
titles of their studies and the institutions with which they are 
connected. Part II is a short-title list of studies arranged by dis- 
ciplines and sub-divided as conveniently as possible, with the 
scholars' names appearing alphabetically within each sub-divi- 
sion. The survey is a quantitative study only, and is not primarily 
concerned with the value of the projects reported. 

Yet from a mere listing of works in progress the reader may 
find a general pattern of what is going on, and observation may 
be followed by evaluation. Certainly one can conclude that many 
disciplines among the humanities are being neglected by South- 
ern scholars. There is little activity reported here in the fields of 
musicology, the history of art, Scandinavian, Oriental, and Slavic 
literature, archaeology, and historical anthropology. Neither is 
there much activity in the classics. 



Book Reviews 85 

On the other hand there are many fields, some of them sur- 
prising, where abundant activity is recorded. Southern history is 
receiving marked attention, both in basic studies and in general 
syntheses. The South is studying the South. Great interest is also 
shown in Southern folk-speech and dialect. Other fields in which 
impressive research is listed include American litrature, English 
literature, religion, philosophy, and Latin-American history. 

The uses of this report will be numerous. It presents a reason- 
ably accurate account of humanistic studies actually in progress, 
and it enables scholars in any field represented to find out what 
their colleagues are doing. It will save duplication of effort and 
may be of great aid in an attempt to achieve a better balance over 
the entire field. Certainly it should encourage cooperation in all 
the humanities. The report itself is an impressive record of the 
surprising amount of work actually under way in the South, and 
the compilers and their sponsors deserve the gratitude of all 
those interested in what the South is doing in the broad field of 

humane learning. 

Frontis W. Johnston. 
Davidson College, 
Davidson, N. C. 



The South in Action: A Sectional Crusade Against Freight Rate Discrim- 
ination. By Robert A. Lively. (Chapel Hill: The University of North Caro- 
lina Press. 1949. Pp. viii, 98.) 

The South in Action: A Sectional Crusade Against Freight 
Rate Discrimination is a remarkable document. It is volume XXX 
of the James Sprunt Studies in History and Political Science. 
Reference to the bibliography of eight pages immediately sug- 
gests tireless effort and great energy in combing that vast quan- 
tity of material for the understandable essentials which the au- 
thor has so skillfully condensed into a volume of six chapters, em- 
bracing a total of ninety interesting and highly informative pages. 
Yes, Dr. Robert A. Lively has treated a complicated and some- 
what controversial issue in a manner which will appeal not only 
to the layman but to the expert as well, whether he be a native 
of the South or whether he discovered America in other latitudes. 

There may be detected in this book a blending of object and 
subject combined with other aspects of method welded into a 



86 The North Carolina Historical Review 

fine style of presentation which, both adroitly and realistically, 
delineates the substance of that tenacious problem, sectional 
freight rate discrimination. While abstractions and academic dis- 
cussions are singularly absent from Dr. Lively's treatment of 
the problem, there is a zestf ul fleck of romance here and there, as 
for example, what the governor of North Carolina said to the 
governor of South Carolina. Weary of expert freight rate discus- 
sion, the governor said, "I think we have all been sufficiently 
confused and we should get down to some kind of vote." 

A general attorney for one of the western railroads in speaking 
of freight rate complexities once said that a simple rate structure 
is as impossible as hip disease in a snake. However that may be, 
a clear and concise description of the rate structure, readily un- 
derstandable, appears in chapter I of the book. 

In logical sequence chapter II under the title of "Sectional 
Awakening" accurately records the incipient activities respon- 
sible for bringing together in a common cause the forces which 
set in motion the active and relentless crusade against freight 
rate discrimination. 

Turning to chapter III dealing with the Southern governors' 
case, there is revealed an excellent account of the trying circum- 
stances under which it arose, developed, and was finally con- 
cluded with the satisfactory result of removing territorial dis- 
crimination from a number of manufactured articles, which move 
from the South to the North in competition with the same kind 
of traffic produced and transported within the North. This case, 
in and of itself, fell short of the hopeful results initially antici- 
pated by those who promoted it, but it was nevertheless a prece- 
dent which has since been successfully relied upon by Southern 
shippers in the removal of discrimination from additional com- 
modities by negotiation with the railroads and through adver- 
sary proceedings before the Interstate Commerce Commission. 
It also provided the springboard from which representatives of 
industry, agriculture, and government planned and coordinated 
their more thoroughgoing crusade against freight rate discrim- 
ination. 

In so vast an undertaking encompassing a wide range of di- 
verse interests coupled with a variety of personalities, some de- 
gree of friction and misunderstanding is inescapable. This con- 



Book Reviews 87 

dition is faithfully reported in chapter IV under the caption 
"Division In The South," wherein is chronicled the deterring 
activities of a shipper group and the course of action as pursued 
by a former highly placed public official. Here one is faced with 
the problem of determining for himself the purity or impurity, as 
the case might be, of the self-ascribed motives which impelled 
the discordant attitudes adopted by the seceders. Even the ex- 
perts are sometimes either unable or unwilling to reach a meet- 
ing of minds. 

The incessant voice of the South in action, ringing loud and 
clear, eventually resounded to bring about the most comprehen- 
sive freight rate investigation ever undertaken by the Interstate 
Commerce Commission, as is recorded in chapter V, "The Class 
Rate Investigation," and chapter VI, "Unfinished Business." 
There, in clear and unmistakable language, the real issues are 
traced in relation to the proof which thus far has turned those 
issues toward a victory for the South. 

A wellspring of confusion results from misunderstanding, mis- 
givings, fragmentary publicity, and many other such attributes 
of an undertaking of such proportions as the class rate and rating 
investigation. Henceforth, however, when relatives or friends 
seek an explanation of the freight rate controversy, a prompt 
response should refer to The South in Action: A Sectional Cru- 
sade Against Freight Rate Discrimination. For therein lies the 
full and accurate story of the whole matter. 

H. M. Nicholson. 

North Carolina Utilities Commission, 
Raleigh, N. C. 



Aesculapius Comes to the Colonies: The Story of the Early Days of Medi- 
cine in the Thirteen Original Colonies. By Maurice Bear Gordon, M. D. 
(Ventnor, N. J.: Ventnor Publishers, Incorporated. 1949. Pp. xiv, 560. 
$10.) 

This is an unusual book. Its title is significant; its contents 
and their arrangement are unique, in that both general and medi- 
cal history are combined in suitable degree and with equal un- 
derstanding. The author is the first medical historian who has 
devoted his attention exclusively to the original physicians in the 
thirteen American colonies, as a group. 



88 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Aesculapius Comes to the Colonies is indeed a comprehensive 
work, an exhaustive and scholarly volume, giving an interesting 
account of the rough and tumble lives of medical practioners in 
the colonial days. 

The reader is reminded that ''medicine in America was not 
born with a silver spoon in its mouth." The author believes that 
"Old World trickery and intrigue" were responsible for corrup- 
tion and inefficiency in our early colonization, little, if any, of 
which "was on an entirely honest plane." The colonial doctors 
showed a great interest in statesmanship ; five physicians signed 
the Declaration of Independence. But the chicanery in the medi- 
cal department of the army during the Revolutionary War 
"remains one of the blots on the pages of American medical 
history." 

The book as a whole is a story of the earliest days of medi- 
cine in America and represents also the affairs of the general 
population and in a larger sense the beginnings of the United 
States. The author's particular desire was to present "a more or 
less balanced picture of doctors and medicine in all the original 
colonial states" — a picture which "has never been published." 
Chapters for the states, as founded upon available recorded his- 
tory, are included in the following order: Virginia, Massachu- 
setts, New Hampshire, New York, Connecticut, Maryland, Rhode 
Island, Delaware, New Jersey, the Carolinas, Pennsylvania, and 
Georgia. 

Of more particular interest to this reviewer and perhaps to 
others in this area is the chapter entitled "The Carolinas." These 
two colonies, treated together, are presented as a unit, although 
much more medical history has been written, as well as made, 
in South Carolina than in North Carolina. The settlements of 
North Carolina came in the 1580's, but they were not permanent, 
and no mention is made of any medical men among either the 
first or the second Elizabethan expeditions. 

Dr. Gordon mentions the names of five physicians who flour- 
ished in the early days of North Carolina history. They were Dr. 
Armand John De Rosset, Dr. John Brickell, Dr. Martin Kalber- 
lahn, Dr. Nathaniel Alexander, and Dr. Ephraim Brevard. The 
first two lived in the east, the next one in the piedmont section, 
and the last two were farther west. They were eminent men, dis- 



Book Reviews 89 

tinguished for other achievements besides their professional 
talents. 

In addition to these worthies, the author does not fail to give 
deserved credit to Dr. Hugh Williamson in the chapters relating 
both to the Carolinas and to Pennsylvania. No narrative of emi- 
nent men, medical or other, in these three states would be com- 
plete without including the career of "this amazing man" — 
clergyman, physician, scientist, statesman, historian, and mili- 
tary surgeon. While he resided in North Carolina his home was 

at Edenton. 

Hubert A. Royster. 
2318 Beechridge Road, 
Raleigh, N. C. 



Westward Expansion: A History of the American Frontier. By Ray Allen 
Billington. (New York: The Macmillan Company. 1949. Pp. x, 873. $6.25.) 

With the collaboration of Professor James Blaine Hedges, who 
has contributed three chapters, Professor Billington of North- 
western University presents in his book an attempt "to follow 
the pattern that Frederick Jackson Turner might have used had 
he ever compressed his voluminous researches on the American 
frontier within one volume." The author states that he has fol- 
lowed roughly the outline of the course on the history of the 
frontier as given by Professor Turner at Harvard, and has at- 
tempted a synthesis of the monographs and other writings pro- 
duced by the Turner school. 

Approximately one-fourth of the text is devoted to the colonial 
frontier, another fourth to the trans-Appalachian frontier, and 
the remainder to the trans-Mississippi West. The section on the 
colonial frontier is particularly valuable, as most current his- 
tories of the westward movement dismiss that period in two or 
three brief chapters. The theme of the six types of frontier is 
held clearly all the way through, and the organization is tightly 
knit, making an organic whole of the entire book. 

In style the author possesses an ease and clarity, spiced with 
humor, which should be most acceptable to students. Social and 
economic factors receive the great emphasis which is their due, 
as this book is by no means a rehash of political and diplomatic 
history. For instance, land policies are described in detail with 



90 The North Carolina Historical Review 

good diagrams, and the processes of community concentration 
and social organization are significantly interpreted. Yet there 
could be more attention to the folk culture produced by the 
frontier, and to the frontier aspects of the South since the Civil 
War, as lumbering and oil towns. This would, however, carry the 
author beyond the confines of the Turner thesis, although it is 
an integral part of our frontier history. 

As courses in westward expansion are not as yet too common 
in the Southeast, most students in this region will find in Pro- 
fessor Billington's book a freshness of interpretation and view- 
point which will stimulate their appreciation of the South's 
frontier history and its similarities to and kinship with that of 
the rest of the nation. The critical bibliography is well done and 
extremely valuable as a stimulus to further reading. While the 
eighty-odd maps are well-placed and contain all the items de- 
scribed in the text, they vary so much in scale that some indica- 
tion of latitude and longitude would seem advisable. There is a 
surprising number of typographical errors. The size of the book, 
although in accord with the custom today, would almost pre- 
clude its use in a one-semester course. In conclusion, Professor 
Billington's book is well-suited for use by advanced undergrad- 
uates who are majoring in American history, and is perhaps the 
best offering the reviewer has seen. 

Sarah McCulloch Lemmon. 
Meredith College, 
Raleigh, N. C. 



The Territory of Illinois, 1809-1814. Compiled and edited by Clarence Edwin 
Carter. (Washington: Government Printing Office. 1948. Pp. 502. $3.25.) 

Volume XVI of The Territorial Papers of the United States is a 
worthy addition to this definitive set. Dr. Carter has solved the 
problem of transcribing for scholars all of the territorial papers 
in the National Archives by a carefully formulated plan of se- 
lection. To control this choice he excludes documents heretofore 
published unless they are a necessary part of a series repro- 
duced in this volume. He gives priority to decuments concerning 
territorial administration. Transcriptions of correspondence in 
the letter books of the Postmaster General and memorials and 
petitions from the settlers to Congress are reproduced with care, 



Book Reviews 91 

and in these categories, the compiler tells us, "students may feel 
fairly assured there is little need to investigate further in the 
Washington archives." 

A lighter touch has been necessary in the selection of papers 
relating to the sale and administration of public lands, Indian 
affairs, and territorial defense, but omissions have been atoned 
for by ample footnotes and citations. 

This volume is the first of two devoted to Illinois territorial 
documents. It begins with the committee report recommending 
a division of Indiana Territory in 1808. Papers relating to the 
administration of Acting Governor Pope and the first two ad- 
ministrations of Governor Edwards are included. Thus the vol- 
ume ends in 1814. A 52-page index adequately aids the researcher 
in finding pertinent items. This volume, like its predecessors, is 
a priceless tool for scholars. 

J. Monaghan. 

Illinois State Historical Library, 
Springfield, 111. 



Captain Dauntless. By William Bell Clark. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State 
University Press. 1949. Pp. x, 317. $4.50.) 

Captain Dauntless is an account of the life of Nicholas Biddle 
of the Continental Navy. Biddle went to sea in 1764 at the age 
of fourteen and during the next ten years acquired considerable 
knowledge of ships and men. He served in the Royal Navy both 
as midshipman and as coxswain of the captain's launch during 
the polar expedition of Captain Constantine John Phipps. The 
advent of the Revolution interrupted Biddle's career in the Royal 
Navy. He returned to his native state, Pennsylvania, to command 
the Franklin galley. For the next four years he served in the 
Continental fleet. In 1778 while fighting the British Man 0' War, 
Yarmouth, Biddle' s vessel, the Randolph, exploded, killing the 
twenty-seven year old captain and virtually all of his crew. 
During his service in the Continental Navy, Biddle acquired a 
reputation as an able fighting man, good captain, and excellent 
student of human nature. 

This volume was written by William Bell Clark, already well 
known for his writings on naval history. Research for this biog- 



92 The North Carolina Historical Review 

raphy must have been tedious and time-consuming. The footnotes 
are full and, as far as this reviewer could check, accurate. The in- 
dex and bibliography are expertly done. The volume is attractively 
bound and jacketed and is another on the long list of excellent 
publications of the Louisiana State University Press. All in all 
this volume is one of the most careful and painstaking research 
efforts to appear in recent months. It is indeed refreshing to find 
research continuing in source materials when the present ten- 
dency seems to be toward synthesis and secondary materials. 
Captain Dauntless is well written and, considering the wealth of 
Navy terminology and detail, it is easy reading. It illuminates 
the efforts of the Continental Congress to build a navy. Mr. 
Clark is worthy of high praise for the work he has done. 

Bennett H. Wall. 

University of Kentucky, 
Lexington, Ky. 



Guns on the Western Waters. By H. Allen Gosnell. (Baton Rouge, La.: 
Louisiana State University Press. 1949. Pp. xii, 273. $6.50.) 

If there be any naval enthusiast who believes that naval war- 
fare has been conducted only on salt water and high seas, let him 
but read any one of the nineteen chapters in this stimulating 
work dealing with numerous episodes in the over-all story of 
gunboats on Western waters during the Civil War; for Mr. 
Gosnell here presents real naval warfare — warfare which is 
intensely dramatic and significant — which involves many of the 
high seas factors plus numerous factors unique in river opera- 
tions. 

By no means aiming to write a complete or definitive work on 
gunboat warfare or even on gunboats in the Civil War, the 
author makes his presentation unique. Each chapter (except the 
first) is begun by a brief introduction of the topic, and as soon 
as possible the author turns over the narrative to one of the 
participants or eyewitnesses of the battle or expedition being 
described. Sometimes a gunboat commander will begin the ac- 
count but will be cut short by a New York Tribune war corre- 
spondent who will be permitted to carry the story along to the 
point where the commander's words are more appropriate. 



Book Reviews 93 

When Mr. Gosnell has been unable to locate any satisfactory 
contemporary account he fills in with his own words until a 
suitable source is available. 

The author's results are unusually pleasing, for he has select- 
ed what appear to be the most accurate, colorful, objective 
sources and has so integrated his quotations with his own words 
as to produce a vivid, true-to-life picture of gunboat activities 
during the Civil War. 

Some of the more interesting episodes related include Com- 
modore A. H. Foote's operations against Fort Donelson, as de- 
scribed by the war correspondent Junius Henri Browne; the 
saga of the Confederate gunboat Arkansas to which Mr. Gosnell 
pays the tribute, "Her career lasted only twenty-three days, but 
what a career! It included so much action that there probably 
never was another vessel that averaged anything like as much 
fighting per day as did the Arkansas" ; another is "Guns on The 
Bayous," the account of how Admiral David Porter, commanding 
his fleet of gunboats, crashed through inundated forest areas in 
northwestern Mississippi (Porter himself is allowed to tell much 
of the story) ; and the reader is taken along on the Red River 
expedition and allowed to witness the phenomenal engineering 
accomplishments of Colonel Bailey and his famed Red River dam. 

On two occasions the scene leaves the rivers of the West, once 
to relate a Suwanee River event and later to describe an Atlantic 
coastal operation. 

In order to provide the reader with a working vocabulary of 
gunboat terms, Mr. Gosnell has prepared an introductory chap- 
ter entitled, "The Gunboats and How They Fought," and herein 
lies a genuinely original contribution by the author. Later, when 
the action of a pivot gun is referred to, the reader has had ele- 
mentary training in that type of gunnary providing, of course, 
he has read chapter one thoroughly. 

This volume has been admirably prepared and contains a 
remarkable set of photographs, all printed in an unusually fine 
manner. 

Two omitted items are greatly missed; first, an index; and 
second, a list of sources quoted. Had these "tools" been included 
in this volume, its usefulness would have been appreciably en- 



94 The North Carolina Historical Review 

hanced, but despite these ommissions the work is a worthy ad- 
dition to our understanding and appreciation of the role of the 
inland navy in the Civil War. 

R. M. Langdon. 

United States Naval Academy, 
Annapolis, Md. 



Fourteenth Annual Report of the Archivist of the United States for the 
Year Ending June 30, 1948. (National Archives Publication No. 49-20. 
Washington: Government Printing Office. 1949. Pp. vi, 65.) 

Ninth Annual Report of the Archivist of the United States on the Franklin 
D. Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, N. Y., for the Year Ending June 30, 
1948. (National Archives Publication No. 49-19. Washington: Government 
Printing Office. 1949. Pp. iv, 18.) 

These unusually interesting reports actually cover more than 
one year's operations for they review the entire administrations 
of Dr. Solon J. Buck (1941-48), the second Archivist of the 
United States, and of Fred W. Shipman (1940-1948), who, as 
first Director of the Franklin D. Roosevelt Library, served under 
Dr. Buck and his predecessor, Dr. R. D. W. Connor. Out of the 
complex activities of the National Archives, three tasks emerge 
most impressively. The first, the custody and preservation of 
the records, has assumed enormous proportions— 855,925 cubic 
feet of records were in the custody of the Archivist on June 30, 
1948. These included or were supplemented by 1,500,000 still- 
pictures, 35 million feet of still and sound motion pictures, and 
260,000 disc sound recordings. The efficient performance of this 
custodial task, involving many subordinate problems such as 
cleaning, repair, boxing, and shelving of records, gains signifi- 
cance from the second task of the National Archives — that of 
making records available for the use by government officials 
and private searchers. This archival mountain, the creation of 
the two houses of Congress, the executive departments, many 
independent agencies, and part of the judiciary, bears upon 
almost every sort of question that has concerned the government 
of the United States from its foundation through World War II. 
Yet its sheer bulk might baffle the searcher were not the cus- 
todian to provide for him finding media and expert personal 
assistance. With reference or service requests in 1947-48 reaching 



Book Reviews 95 

1,000 or more a day, the National Archives found itself too busy 
to do the amount of record description that seemed urgently 
necessary; indeed, the attainment of a balance between descrip- 
tion and service is a major problem to the agency. If description 
lags badly, current service ultimately suffers also. Whatever the 
difficulties have been, the Report shows that valuable tools were 
developed during Dr. Buck's administration, including numerous 
inventories, checklists, and reference information circulars, and 
a Handbook of Federal World War Agencies and Their Records, 
1917-21 (1943), a brief guide entitled Your Government's Rec- 
ords in the National Archives (1946), and a more elaborate 
Guide to the Records in the National Archives on December 31, 
1945 (1948), a work designed to replace the earlier Guide pub- 
lished in 1940. Progress is also reported on a handbook of Fed- 
eral World War II agencies and their records. These volumes, the 
work of trained scholars, not only provide to readers a general 
picture of the archives of their government but also constitute 
outright contributions to scholarship especially in the newly de- 
veloped field of administrative history. One significant service of 
the National Archives involves the photographic reproduction of 
records — either of isolated individual documents or of continuous 
bodies. The scholar and the librarian both need to know of the 
"file-microcopy" program by which they can secure at moderate 
cost positive microfilm reproductions of entire volumes or even 
entire series of records of outstanding research value. This pro- 
gram, which the present reviewer helped to originate in the year 
before the war, has now received the support of a substantial 
grant from the Rockefeller Foundation. 

The third task involves the development, in cooperation with 
other agencies, of effective records administration programs. 
The orderly retirement of World War II records, the development 
of scheduling as a more adequate procedure in authorizing the 
disposal of records having insufficient administrative or his- 
torical value to justify their preservation, and the recognition of 
the importance of records administration by the Congress, the 
President, and the Hoover Commission, as well as by the agencies 
themselves, attests the success of the National Archives in this 
respect. 



96 The North Carolina Historical Review 

A surrogate's decision in July, 1947, increased the holdings of 
the Franklin D. Roosevelt Library in Roosevelt presidential pa- 
pers from some 2,000 cubic feet to about 4,400 cubic feet by 
awarding to the library the Roosevelt papers which were in the 
White House on April 12, 1945. The result, in the words of the 
archivists, is that "for the first time . . . the papers of an Ameri- 
can President, undiminished and unexpurgated by his heirs, have 
come without delay into the possession of a responsible public 
agency, conceived by that President and established by the Con- 
gress of the United States during his lifetime/ ' 

The library is growing around the nucleus of these papers. 
It acquires "by gift, loan, purchase, or exchange manuscripts, 
papers, books, pamphlets, newspapers, recordings, and museum 
objects related to and contemporary with material received from 
Mr. Roosevelt." In actual practice, "the Library's acquisition pol- 
icy is largely confined to historical material relating to national 
and international aspects of American history from 1933 to the 
end of World War 11" together with pertinent background ma- 
terial and all material relative to the public and private career 
of the late President, his family, and his progenitors. The acqui- 
sitions of 1947-1948 will illustrate this policy in action. They 
include, in addition to the presidential papers previously men- 
tioned, segments of Mrs. Roosevelt's papers, some correspond- 
ence concerning Cabinet posts from the files of the Democratic 
National Committee, politically significant papers presented by 
Miss Mary W. Dewson (a former director of the Women's Divi- 
sion of that Committee) , and working papers and other materials 
of the President's Committee on Administrative Management 
(Brownlow Committee). At the end of the year 1947-48, the 
library's manuscript holdings reached 5,400 cubic feet. Other 
acquisitions received in the same period ran the total linear foot- 
age of motion picture film to 275,000 ; the total number of still 
pictures to nearly 14,000 ; the number of printed volumes in the 
library's library to 49,000; and the number of museum pieces 
to more than 9,000. 

Fortunate in their past leadership, the National Archives and 
the library confronted serious problems as their new heads as- 
sumed control. Organizing highly efficient but numerically in- 
adequate personnel to perform the essential tasks of both agen- 



Book Reviews 97 

cies in face of the imbalance imposed by extraordinarily rapid 
expansion of holdings and consequent public interest (346,000 
service requests came to the National Archives during the year 
and 60,000 sight-seers visited its Exhibition Hall, while 400,000 
passed through the library's museum at Hyde Park) is a tremen- 
dous responsibility in itself. This reviewer knows that the new 
Archivist of the United States, Wayne C. Grover, and the new 
Director at Hyde Park, Herman Kahn, are spendidly qualified 
for their responsibilities, and he has great faith that both agen- 
cies will grow in service to their public and in the general esti- 
mation of all who contact them. Preston W Edsall 

North Carolina State College, 
Raleigh, N. C. 



Lincoln and the Baltimore Plot. Edited by Norma B. Cuthbert. (San Marino, 
California: The Huntington Library. 1949. Pp. xxii, 161. $3.00.) 

This is a collection of papers on the plot in February, 1861, of 
Southern sympathizers to assassinate Lincoln as he passed from 
one railroad station to the other in Baltimore on his way to 
Washington for his inauguration. It includes the reports of the 
Pinkerton agents, who were hired to discover the plot, the state- 
ment of Lincoln's friend, Norman B. Judd, who helped arrange 
Lincoln's escape, and letters relating to the plot and to the 
Pinkerton reports. 

The editor, Norma B. Cuthbert, who is chief cataloguer of 
manuscripts of the Huntington Library, has included an excellent 
introduction and copious explanatory notes. She makes no effort 
to prove or disprove the disputed question of whether there ever 
was a Baltimore plot. Instead, as she states in her introduction, 
she offers the papers to historians "because as source materials 
they belong with the literature of the Baltimore plot; because 
they reveal a peculiarly significant personal element behind the 
Lamon-Black treatment of the plot ; and finally, because in these 
documents real detectives tell about their own 'cloak-and-dagger 
operations' " (p. xxii). 

In the opinion of this reviewer, she has accomplished her three 
purposes. She has added significant material which will be of 
value in determining if there was a plot. The reports of the 



98 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Pinkerton agents, and especially of Allan Pinkerton himself, give 
evidence to prove that Southern sympathizers were actively dis- 
cussing and expressing desires for a plot to kill Lincoln. Some 
confessed knowledge of a plot. 

Much space in the notes and introduction is given to the Black- 
Lamon treatment of the plot. Miss Cuthbert states that Ward 
H. Lamon, Lincoln's law partner, had Chauncey Black write 
Lamon's first life of Lincoln in which the Baltimore plot was 
denied, and that in his second book on Lincoln Lamon accepted 
the Baltimore plot. The editor discloses from the Lamon papers 
in the Huntington Library that the Pinkerton Papers which Wil- 
liam H. Herndon had borrowed passed into Lamon's hands and 
that he used them to discredit Pinkerton and to glorify himself. 
Apparently Miss Cuthbert does not disagree with Pinkerton's 
characterization of Lamon as "a brainless and egotistical fool" 
(p. xx) . 

Miss Cuthbert has presented a fascinating story which is told 
in vivid language by the detectives themselves. Posing as South- 
ern sympathizers and even contributing liberally to the funds for 
the Southern cause, the Pinkerton agents succeeding in obtaining 
admissions which seemed to support the numerous rumors of a 
projected plot. The activities and undercover work of these 
agents are evidences of the effectiveness of the Pinkerton 
agency. The reports are also good reading. 

Henry T. Shanks. 

Birmingham- Southern College, 
Birmingham, Ala. 



Codrington Chronicle: An Experiment in Anglican Altruism on a Barbados 
Plantation, 1710-1834. Edited by Frank J. Klingberg. (Berkeley and Los 
Angeles: University of California Press. 1949. Pp. ix, 157. $3.00.) 

When Christopher Codrington, the younger, died in 1710 he 
bequeathed his West Indian plantations to the Society for the 
Propagation of the Gospel to found a college in Barbados for the 
training of prospective missionaries and also for the conversion 
and education of the slaves. This little volume is an examination 
of the Society's attempts to carry out Codrington's intentions 
during the first century and a quarter after his death. It is a 
cooperative study, the outgrowth of a war-time seminar con- 



Book Reviews 99 

ducted by Professor Klingberg at the University of California, 
Los Angeles, using microfilms of the Library of Congress repro- 
ductions of the essential British manuscripts. Seven students, 
writing singly or in pairs, have contributed six chapters which 
deal with the launching of the enterprise, the protracted building 
operations, the running of the plantations in good times and bad, 
and the educational work for whites and blacks. The chapters are 
detailed and thorough if at times a little repetitious. 

The study is "largely one of setbacks." Management, both of 
the plantations as economic enterprises and of the educational 
projects, at long range from England proved a serious handicap 
and the work progressed with almost incredible slowness. A 
grammar school for white boys — an essential preliminary to a 
college — was started only in 1745 and Codrington College itself 
was not opened until 1830. Meanwhile local society was unsym- 
pathetic, if not openly hostile, to efforts to convert and educate 
the slaves, and even the Society's own plantation managers 
showed little disposition to cooperate in what was unquestion- 
ably a radical project. Nevertheless, the Society kept this human- 
itarian and religious purpose alive and, in the opinion of the 
authors, the work ultimately played a part in the development of 
sentiment in Great Britain which finally led to emancipation 
throughout the Empire. It is probably in this connection that the 
story of the Codrington experiment has its chief significance. 

Leonard W. Labaree. 

Yale University, 
New Haven, Conn. 



Preliminary Inventory of the Land-Entry Papers of the General Land 
Office. Compiled by Harry P. Yoshpe and Philip P. Brower. (Washing- 
ton: National Archives Publication No. 49-30. 1949. Pp. iii, 77.) 

In order to render better service to the public, "the Archivist 
of the United States in February 1941 directed the establish- 
ment of a systematic program for the compilation of finding 
aids." As a result of that directive the National Archives has 
prepared a number of preliminary checklists and inventories. 
They are not intended to gain minute control of records but they 
have served to give at least top control. Since the control of rec- 
ords is a matter of degree, the word preliminary might well be 



100 The North Carolina Historical Review 

dropped; then one could simply consider them as finding media 
used as stepping stones to tighter control. Moreover, there may 
be records groups which require no more control than this, while 
others may require such finding aids as calendars and indexes. 
As a matter of fact, this is the ultimate objective of the National 
Archives. 

These inventories are preceded in each case by an introduction 
which gives a brief history of the creating agency and any unus- 
ual factors influencing the number of such records acquired by 
the National Archives. Each records group is broken down into 
series, and the inclusive dates, the bulk (in cubic feet), and a 
brief description are given. 

Even though the National Archives professes to be doing only 
a superficial job, there are many archivists and historians who 
prefer some type of control for all records rather than minute 
control of some and no control whatsoever of others. 

The inventory under consideration, a typical one, is well done. 
The introduction, written by Herman Kahn, briefly traces the 
history of the disposition of the public domain and explains the 
conditions under which the various records were created. The 
records are arranged by series and two main arrangement pat- 
terns are followed. With some few exceptions, the "warrants, 
scrip, coal cash, mineral, lieu-selection entries, and all patented 
cases subsequent to 1908 are arranged" numerically. In the sec- 
ond part of the inventory entries are arranged alphabetically by 
state and thereunder by the districts in which the entries were 
made. 

In the appendix there is a list of land laws under which most 
land entries have been made, an alphabetical list of land offices, 
and a list of the twenty-two inventories which have been pre- 
pared by the National Archives to date. The inventory is not 
indexed, but, even so, here is a tool of great value when placed 
in the hands of the research scholar. This reviewer is constrained 
to say that he believes that the National Archives is on the right 
track even though the whole process of preparing finding media 
is still in the experimental stage. 

W. F. Burton. 

State Department of Archives and History, 
Raleigh, N. C. 



Book Reviews 101 

Record of Commissions of Officers in the Tennessee Militia, 1796-1811. 
Volume I. Compiled by Mrs. John Trotwood Moore. (Nashville: Williams 
Printing Company. 1947. Pp. 165.) 

This roster of officers in the Tennessee Militia, issued by 
the Tennessee Historical Commission as a Sesquicentennial Pub- 
lication, is designed to "facilitate the preparation and publica- 
tion of county histories'' and to assist biographers and geneal- 
ogists. It is the opinion of this reviewer that the latter group 
stands to profit most from this work. 

This volume "undertakes to include" the officers who were 
commissioned during the first three gubernatorial terms of 
John Sevier. The names are arranged alphabetically by county, 
and the counties are in alphabetical order. This arrangement, 
together with the fact that the volume is well indexed, makes 
it more useful than similar rosters that have been prepared for 
several other states. 

The first page in the book, a vari-typed insert, detracts from 

a volume which is otherwise attractive in binding, format, and 

arrangement. Up to page sixty-two commas appear after the 

days of the months, but after that they have been omitted. This 

may well be the way that the dates are written in the original 

lists; even so, an explanatory footnote could easily have been 

included. It seems reasonable to expect, however, that the 

genealogists will welcome the other volumes in this series. 

W. F. Burton. 
State Department of Archives and History, 
Raleigh, N. C. 



The History of Grace Church, Charleston, South Carolina: The First Hun- 
dred Years. By William Way. (Charleston: The Author. 1948. Pp. xiv, 
208. Illustrations.) 

Although the Episcopal Church has always been strong in 
South Carolina, the history of this denomination has not been 
adequately chronicled for the period following the appearance 
of Frederick Dalcho's Historical Account of the Protestant Epis- 
copal Church in South Carolina in 1920. For this reason, his- 
tories of individual parishes in the state, especially the more 
recently organized ones, are of particular significance, since these 
often contain information regarding the organization of con- 
gregations, erection of churches, lists of rectors, and other sta- 



102 The North Carolina Historical Review 

tistics not readily obtainable elsewhere. They are also import- 
ant as sources for histories of the diocese if and when such 
works are compiled in the future. 

Twenty-five years ago the rector of Grace Church, Charleston, 
having already demonstrated his interest in the history of 
Charleston institutions by the publication of his History of the 
New England Society, undertook to record the history of his 
parish. Upon his retirement in 1946, the centennial year of the 
church, he was commissioned by the vestry to revise, enlarge, 
and bring down to date the history of the parish which he had 
served for a longer period than any of his predecessors. 

One of the temptations to which the author of a parish history 
often succumbs is to make his work a series of genealogies of 
prominent families in the parish. Mr. Way has wisely avoided 
this and has centered his treatment around the church itself — 
the organization of the congregation, erection and history of the 
building, significant memorials and legacies, and biographical 
material relating to the various rectors. In the last named 
category, particular attention is given to the work of the Rev- 
erend Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, "The Great Rector," whose 
ministry extended from 1850 to 1898. 

Since Grace Church is only one of a number of Episcopal 
churches in Charleston, and a fairly recent one as churches 
in that area go, it is not to be expected that this work should 
essay a comprehensive history of the Episcopal Church in the 
city, as is often done where a church under consideration is the 
only one of its denomination in a given city or county. It would 
have been desirable, however, to include more information with 
regard to the relations that must have existed between Grace 
Church and the other Episcopal parishes in the city, and to 
attempt some evaluation of the part played by this parish in 
the religious life of the city generally. Likewise, the author's 
treatment of the Civil War period, when the rector moved his 
family to Pendleton and considered his ministrations in Charles- 
ton "as missionary tours to a deserted parish," seems unduly 
abbreviated. 

In general the history of a parish is of interest mainly to the 
members of the parish, and the present work cannot be said 
to form an exception to this rule, Nevertheless, it is superior 



Book Reviews 103 

to the average work of its type, and because of its reproduction 

of many of the parish records, its lists of wardens, vestrymen, 

and other officials, its accounts of the parish's financial and 

business activities, and the inclusion of sermons and addresses 

delivered at the centennial celebration in 1946, it should stand 

high upon the shelves of the libraries of the members of Grace 

Church and their descendants. James W. Patton. 

The University of North Carolina, 
Chapel Hill, N. C. 



Old Illinois Houses. By John Drury. (Occasional Publications of the Illinois 
State Historical Society, general editor, Jay Monaghan. Springfield. 1948. 
Pp. xiv, 220.) 

The material in John Drury's Old Illinois Houses first appear- 
ed as a series of weekly articles in The Chicago Daily News. 
The Illinois Historical Society has done a service for the state's 
historical records by publishing the material between covers. 
Not only the history of Illinois but that of the United States 
as well is mirrored in the procession of houses the author set 
out to photograph. He has provided a brief note, giving the 
historical and architectural background of the various houses, 
many dating back to the early French and English settlers 
and the frontier period. Mr. Drury has excluded Chicago 
houses which he treated in an earlier volume. 

Although much of the material is primarily of interest to 
students of Illinois history and local lore, the book should be 
appealing to students of American history in general, for the 
homes of Lincoln and Grant are here, as are those of such 
prominent Americans as William Jennings Bryan, Jane Addams, 
Vachel Lindsay, Lorado Taft, Carl Sandburg, and Ernest 
Hemingway. From log cabin to Frank Lloyd Wright, the author 
ably covers a large expanse with very good photographs of his 
subjects which he had the foresight to take before spring ob- 
scured most of them behind their sheltering trees. It would 
have been helpful if a composite map of Illinois had been used 
along with the small outline maps of each of the three sections 
of Illinois : northern, central, and southern. 

Armin Rappaport. 

University of California, 
Berkeley, Cal. 



104 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Indiana Politics During the Civil War. By Kenneth M. Stampp. (Indianap- 
olis, Indiana Historical Collections, Indiana Historical Bureau, volume 
XXXI. 1949. Pp. xxii, 300.) 

Professor Stampp treats the impact of the Civil War on 
Indiana on several levels. Primarily, he is concerned with the 
social changes which the war brought about and the "deep and 
bitter division between those who wanted 'the Union as it was* 
and those who wanted to break with the past and build a new 
nation functioning upon new economic principles." He does 
not neglect, however, other aspects of the story: the sectional 
and interstate rivalry, and the conflict between the federal 
government and Indiana in the military sphere. 

Most serious from the national viewpoint was the last of 
these. Rather ironically, whereas the Confederacy fought as a 
union, the Union fought as a confederacy. The individual North- 
ern states refused to surrender control over their troops. Thus 
a truly national army was never formed. Rather, a conglomera- 
tion of regiments took the field under military leaders who 
owed their appointments to state governors. What obtained in 
the case of Indiana was true for each of the other Northern 
states to a greater or lesser degree. 

The author has drawn his material from a wide array of 
sources: private papers of the leading participants, official 
records of the state of Indiana, and many newspapers. He has 
brought forth an instructive and highly readable "case study 
of how the war affected a typical commonwealth of the Old 

Northwest." 

Armin Rappaport. 

University of California, 
Berkeley, Cal. 



HISTORICAL NEWS 

On October 7 Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, 
Mr. William S. Powell, and Mr. D. L. Corbitt of the State Depart- 
ment of Archives and History and Mrs. Crittenden attended the 
pageant, "Torchlight On The Pee Dee," at Wadesboro, which 
was an historical pageant staged by Anson County celebrating 
its 200th anniversary. This pageant was written by Mary Louise 
Medley of Wadesboro. Governor W. Kerr Scott and Dr. I. G. 
Greer of Chapel Hill delivered addresses during the celebration. 

On September 5 Scotland County began a week's celebration of 
its fiftieth anniversary by staging an historical pageant en- 
titled "Golden Milestone." More than four hundred people par- 
ticipated in the eighteen-scene pageant. Senator Clyde R. Hoey, 
Lieutenant Governor H. P. Taylor, and Agriculture Commission- 
er L. Y. Ballentine appeared on the program. 

On September 22, 23, and 24 Duplin County celebrated its 
200th anniversary by staging an historical pageant entitled 
"The Duplin Story," which was written by Mr. Sam Byrd of 
New York, a native of the county. More than 500 people par- 
ticipated in the drama of seventeen scenes. A choir of 100 voices 
rendered the music for the occasion. 

On September 23 Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Mr. D. L. Cor- 
bitt, and Mr. William S. Powell of the State Department of Ar- 
chives and History, Mrs. Christopher Crittenden, and Miss Lucy 
Cobb attended the historical pageant "The Duplin Story" at 
Kenansville. 

During the week of September 19-24 Washington County 
celebrated its sesquicentennial by staging at Plymouth an his- 
torical pageant entitled "Carolina Cavalcade." Senators Clyde 
R. Hoey and Frank P. Graham and Representative Herbert C. 
Bonner appeared on the program. Dr. Sankey L. Blanton, dean 
at Wake Forest College, of the School of Religion delivered the 
sermon on Sunday night before the celebration began. 

[105] 



106 The North Carolina Historical Review 

On September 16 the State Department of Archives and His- 
tory purchased from Mr. Charles W. Traylen of Guilford, Surrey, 
England, the original Carolina charter of 1663 granted by Charles 
II to the eight Lords Proprietors. This purchase was made pos- 
sible by twenty-three private citizens and the North Carolina 
Society for the Preservation of Antiquities. 

On September 29 North Carolina State College observed its 
sixtieth anniversary. Dr. David A. Lockmiller, formerly a mem- 
ber of the staff of the history department at State College and 
now president of the University of Chattanooga, delivered the 
principal address entitled "North Carolina State College in the 
Nation's Service." 

Dr. Christopher Crittenden on September 19 and 20 attended 
the annual meeting of the Society of American Archivist which 
was held at Quebec, Canada. Dr. Crittenden was the retiring 
president of the Society. 

Mr. D. L. Corbitt of the State Department of Archives and 
History on October 18 delivered an address, "The Publication 
Program of the State Department of Archives and History," 
before the annual meeting of Wachovia Historical Society, Win- 
ston-Salem. 

Mr. D. L. Corbitt of the State Department of Archives and 
History on November 3 gave a talk before the Exchange Club 
of Knightdale on the activities of the State Department of Arch- 
ives and History. 

Mr. D. L. Corbitt on November 4 attended the meeting of the 
North Carolina Historical Society at Chapel Hill. 

Phi Alpha Theta, the National Honorary History Fraternity, 
established its Gamma Delta chapter at the Woman's College of 
the University of North Carolina, in May 1949. Ten seniors, six 
juniors, and ten faculty members became charter members of 
the Fraternity's first chapter in the state of North Carolina. 
Dr. Austin L. Venable of Winthrop College presided at the in- 
stallation ceremony. 



Historical News 107 

The third annual Social Science Forum was held at the Wo- 
man's College of the University of North Carolina, on November 
10-12, 1949. Two hundred and sixteen students and faculty dele- 
gates from twenty-eight colleges in seven states were in attend- 
ance. The three-day sessions attracted audiences averaging 1,500 
persons each. Forum leaders were Dr. Louis Hacker, Columbia 
University economist and historian; Dr. Caroline Ware, Ameri- 
can and Howard universities historian and social economist; 
Dr. Paul Douglas, United States Senator from Illinois ; Dr. Otto 
Klineberg, Columbia University psychologist and United Nations 
Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization official; Dr. 
Glenn Negley, Duke University philosopher; Dr. Rupert P. 
Vance, University of North Carolina sociologist ; and Dr. Quincy 
Wright, University of Chicago political scientist. Discussions 
centered around the lag between what is known in the social 
sciences and what is practiced in our society. Special attention 
was given to this problem in the areas of minorities, the welfare 
state, and nationalism. 

Mr. T. L. Patrick, after a year's leave of absence doing gradu- 
ate work at the University of North Carolina, has returned to 
Catawba College as a member of the staff of the history de- 
partment. Mr. Patrick represented the department at the annual 
meeting of the Southern Historical Association, November 10-12, 
1949. 

On November 16 Mrs. Charles A. Cannon of Concord was 
elected president of the Roanoke Island Historical Association 
succeeding Mr. Jonathan Daniels of Raleigh, editor of The Neivs 
and Observer. 

Dr. Lillian Parker Wallace of Meredith College has been pro- 
moted from associate professor of history to professor of history. 

On November 11 the Gold Star Mothers of Cleveland County 
unveiled in Shelby a marker in memory of the known and un- 
known men of Cleveland County who made the supreme sacri- 
fice during World War II. Senator Frank P. Graham made the 
principal address. 



108 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Dr. Preston W. Edsall of North Carolina State College at- 
tended on November 8, 9, and 10 the annual meeting of the 
Southern Political Science Association held in Knoxville, Ten- 
nessee. 

Mr. Marvin L. Brown, Jr., formerly an instructor in history 
at Haverf ord College, has been appointed an instructor in history 
and political science at North Carolina State College. 

Dr. William T. Laprade of Duke University recently celebrated 
his fortieth year as a member of the staff of the history depart- 
ment. 

Governor W. Kerr Scott on November 18 dedicated a museum- 
on-wheels which contains many of the French "Thank You" 
gifts and which will be taken into the one hundred counties of 
North Carolina for inspection by school children and interested 
adults. At the dedication ceremonies Dr. Christopher Crittenden, 
director of the State Department of Archives and History, pre- 
sided and Colonel Wiley Pickens, executive vice commander of 
the North Carolina division of the American Legion, and Mr. 
J. Warren Smith, director of Vocational Education for the State 
Department of Public Instruction, appeared on the program. This 
museum-on-wheels is owned and operated by the Division of 
Public Displays of the State Department of Archives and His- 
tory. These items as well as many others, too numerous to in- 
clude in the trailer museum, were presented to the state of North 
Carolina during the past year by the people of France in ap- 
preciation for the gifts sent by North Carolinians to the French 
people on the Friendship Train. 

Dr. John George, who holds the doctorate from the University 
of Michigan and for the past several years has been head of the 
department of history and political science at Rutgers Univer- 
sity, will become a member of the social science faculty at East 
Carolina Teachers College at the beginning of the winter quarter. 

The members of the staff of the history department of East 
Carolina Teachers College who attended the annual meeting of the 



Historical News 109 

Southern Historical Association at Williamsburg, Virginia, No- 
vember 10-12, 1949, were Dr. Lawrence F. Brewster, Dr. Hubert 
A. Coleman, Dr. Paul Murray, and Mrs. Betty Unterberger. 

The North Carolina Historical Society held its fall meeting in 
Chapel Hill on November 4. Dr. Douglas L. Rights of Winston- 
Salem read a paper, "Early Days of Salem College," and Mr. 
Aubrey L. Brooks of Greensboro read a paper, "David Caldwell 
and His Log College." At the evening session Dr. R. D. W. Con- 
nor delivered his presidential address, "The Genesis of Higher 
Education in North Carolina." At the business session Dr. Charles 
S. Sydnor of Duke University was elected president, Dr. Rosser 
H. Taylor of Western Carolina Teachers College was elected 
vice-president, and Dr. Cecil Johnson of Chapel Hill was re- 
elected secretary-treasurer. 

The law office of William Gaston located in New Bern has been 
restored by the New Bern Garden Club with the assistance of 
interested citizens and the Garden Club of North Carolina, Inc. 
The building was given the Garden Club by Mr. and Mrs. Ben 
0. Jones in memory of their daughter, Mrs. Elizabeth Jones 
Bass. 

The Greensboro Historical Museum Society on October 27 en- 
tertained members and out-of-town guests at a preview of ex- 
hibits prior to the official reopening of the museum. Dr. Christo- 
pher Crittenden, Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, Mr. Alton Mclver, Miss 
Dorothy Reynolds, Miss Manora Mewborn, and Mr. William S. 
Powell of the staff of the State Department of Archives and 
History attended the preview. Dr. Crittenden made a brief talk. 

The State Department of Archives and History has published 
the third edition of Guide to North Carolina Historical Highway 
Markers (1949), pp. 88, illustrated; The War of the Regulation 
and the Battle of Alamance, May 16, 1771, by William S. Powell, 
pp. 33, illustrated ; and The Hall of History, by Mrs. Joye E. Jor- 
dan, pp. 24, illustrated. These pamphlets will be mailed to public, 
college, university, and school libraries of the state and to history 



110 The North Carolina Historical Review 

teachers and interested individuals who make application to the 
Division of Publications, State Department of Archives and His- 
tory. 

The State Department of Archives and History has in the 
hands of the printer a book, "The Formation of the North Caro- 
lina Counties," by D. L. Corbitt. The Division of Publications 
hopes to have the book ready for distribution during the summer. 

Mr. D. L. Corbitt, head of the Division of Publications of the 
State Department of Archives and History, has edited the Pub- 
lic Letters and Addresses of Joseph Melville Broughton, Gover- 
nor of North Carolina, 1941-1945, and the material is in the hands 
of the printer. It should be ready for distribution during the 
late spring. 

The Council of State of the State of North Carolina has made 
available to the State Department of Archives and History the 
sum of $6,500 for publishing the Public Letters and Papers of J. 
C. B. Ehringhaus, Governor of North Carolina, 1933-1937. These 
papers were edited by Mr. D. L. Corbitt. 

Dr. Adelaide Lisetta Fries, a member of the Editorial Board 
of The North Carolina Historical Review, died in Winston-Salem 
on November 29. Dr. Fries during the years edited and the State 
Department of Archives and History published The Records of 
the Moravians in North Carolina, vol. I (1922), 1752-1771, pp. 
512; vol. II (1925), 1752-1775, pp. 462; vol. Ill (1926), 1776- 
1779, pp. 518; vol. IV (1930), 1780-1783, pp. 472; vol. V (1941), 
1784-1792, pp. 489; vol. VI (1943), 1793-1808, pp. 570; vol. VII 
(1947), 1809-1822, pp. 481. In addition to this series Dr. Fries 
contributed several articles to The North Carolina Historical 
Review, the latest of which is published in this issue (pp. 1-19). 

Mr. William S. Powell of the State Department of Archives 
and History is now editing History News, a monthly publication 
of the American Association for State and Local History, and 
is contributing a regular news column to the Association's new 
quarterly, American Heritage. 



Historical News 111 

To mark the 200th anniversary of the establishment of the 
printing press in the colony of North Carolina, which occurred 
last year, the State Department of Archives and History, with 
the cooperation of the Graphic Press, Inc., has issued in facsimile 
the first book printed in the colony. This book, The Journal of 
the House of Burgesses, of the Province of North Carolina, was 
printed at New Bern in 1749 by James Davis. An introduction 
for the facsimile edition of this book was prepared by William 
S. Powell, a member of the staff of the State Department of 
Archives and History. Copies of this publication are being made 
available to the public, school, college, and university libraries 
of the state and to certain of the larger libraries outside the state. 

At the annual meeting of the Southern Historical Association 
held at Williamsburg, Virginia, November 10-12, 1949, Dr. James 
L. Godfrey of the University of North Carolina read a paper en- 
titled "Revolutionary and Napoleonic Period," before the session 
which discussed the general subject "Langer's Rise of Modern 
Europe Series" ; and Dr. Lambert Davis of the University of 
North Carolina Press read a paper entitled "From the University 
Press Angle", before the session which was discussing the general 
subject "Recapturing The Lost Reader: Publishers and Histo- 
rians." 

Other North Carolinians attending the meeting were : Profes- 
sors Harold A. Bierck, Jr., C. 0. Cathey, Fletcher M. Green, 
Cecil Johnson, James E. King, Frank W. Klingberg, Hugh T. 
Lef ler, A. R. Newsome, and J. Carlyle Sitterson of the University 
of North Carolina; Mr. Rex Beach, Mr. Charles M. Brown, Mr. 
Charles F. Kolb, Mr. Philip M. Rice, and Dr. Stuart Noblin of 
North Carolina State College; Dr. Percival Perry, Mr. C. B. 
Yearns, and Mr. E. L. Puryear of the history department of 
Wake Forest College; Dr. Lillian P. Wallace, and Dr. Alice B. 
Keith of Meredith College; and Mr. W. Frank Burton, head of 
the Division of Archives, and Mr. William S. Powell, researcher 
for the Highway Marker Program of State Department of 
Archives and History. 



112 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Dr. J. Carlyle Sitterson of the University of North Carolina 
was re-elected secretary-treasurer, and Dr. Rupert P. Vance of 
the University of North Carolina was elected to the executive 
committee of the Southern Historical Association. 

The twenty-third annual session of the North Carolina State 
Art Society was held in Raleigh on November 30. At the luncheon 
session Mrs. Jacques Busbee of Steeds read a paper, "Jugtown 
Pottery," and Mr. Matthew Norwicki of Raleigh read a paper, 
"Design at N. C. State College." Col. J. W. Harrelson, chancellor 
of North Carolina State College, made a brief talk and introduced 
Dean Henry L. Kamphoefner and Mr. Matthew Norwicki, visit- 
ing professor of the School of Design at State College. At the 
evening session Mrs. Katherine Pendleton Arrington brought 
presidential greetings, Judge W. A. Devin presented posthumous- 
ly a certificate of merit and award to former governor J. C. B. 
Ehringhaus, and Attorney General Harry McMullan presented 
posthumously a certificate of merit and award to Jacques Busbee 
and a certificate of merit and award to Miss Katharine Morris 
of Raleigh. Miss Lucy Cherry Crisp, executive secretary of the 
State Art Society, presented purchase awards to Mr. Duncan 
Stuart of Raleigh for his painting, "The Sisters Apollinox," 
as first prize; to Mr. Gerard F. Tempest of Olivia for his 
painting, "Lead Year," as second prize; and to Mrs. Lena Bul- 
lock Davis of Rocky Mount for her painting, "Kissed by the 
Gods," for third prize. 

Mr. Norman Cordon of Chapel Hill, formerly a Metropolitan 
Opera singer, rendered three selections. Mr. H. W. Wijdeveld, 
a Dutch architect and visiting lecturer of the School of Design 
of North Carolina State College, gave an illustrated lecture, 
"How It Grew — Ideas of a Visiting Artist." After the lecture 
a reception was given for members, patrons, and guests in the 
State Art Gallery. 

At the business meeting held December 1 Mrs. Katherine 
Pendleton Arrington of Warrenton was re-elected president, Mr. 
John Allcott of Chapel Hill was re-elected vice-president, and 
Mrs. Jacques Busbee of Jugtown and Mrs. Harry McMillan of 



Historical News 113 

Wilmington were elected vice-presidents. The congressional dis- 
trict vice-presidents elected were : Mrs. J. H. B. Moore of Green- 
ville ; Mrs. Charles Tucker of Warrenton ; Mrs. William Dunn of 
New Bern ; Col. William T. Joyner of Raleigh ; Mrs. 0. 0. Ef ird 
of Winston-Salem; Mr. William E. Prince of Chapel Hill; Mrs. 
Peter McKoy Williams of Fayetteville ; Mrs. Frank L. Dunlap of 
Wadesboro ; Mrs. Percy Grimes of Salisbury ; Mrs. Harold Dwelle 
of Charlotte ; Mrs. 0. Max Gardner of Shelby ; and Mr. Anthony 
Lord of Asheville. The following members of the board of direc- 
tors were elected to the executive committee: Mr. Carter 
Williams, Miss Katharine Morris, Dr. Clarence Poe, and Mr. 
Alexander Crane, all of Raleigh ; and Dr. Robert Lee Humber of 
Greenville. The following directors of the Society were elected: 
Dr. Clarence Poe, Mrs. Henry M. London, Miss Katharine Morris, 
Mr. Alexander Crane, Mrs. Isabelle Bowen Henderson, Mr. Carter 
Williams, Mrs. Howard Manning, all of Raleigh, and Mrs. Julius 
Cone of Greensboro. 

The ninth annual session of the North Carolina Society for the 
Preservation of Antiquities was held in Raleigh on December 1. 
At the noon meeting and luncheon Mr. Warren T. White of Nor- 
folk, Virginia, delivered an address, "Your Heritage and Mine. ,, 
At the evening meeting Mrs. Charles A. Cannon brought presiden- 
tial greetings, and Mrs. Inglis Fletcher of Edenton presented a 
precis of John Locke's Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina to 
Dr. Christopher Crittenden who accepted it on behalf of the state. 
Dr. Clyde A. Milner of Guilford College presided at a session de- 
voted to the topic, "Quakers in Piedmont Carolina," at which 
Mrs. Ernestine Cookson Milner of Guilford read a paper, "Dolly 
Madison's Family at New Garden," Miss Dorothy Lloyd Gilbert 
of Guilford read a paper, "Planting of Quakerism in Piedmont 
Carolina," Mr. Charles C. Underwood of Guilford directed a group 
in singing several songs, and an episode in Guilford's history, "In 
Faith and in Unity," directed by Miss Mildred Marlette of Guil- 
ford College, was presented. Mr. Paul Green of Chapel Hill pre- 
sented the Charles A. Cannon awards to the following: Mrs. 
Katherine Pendleton Arrington of Warrenton; Mrs. Ernest L. 
Ives of Southern Pines; Mr. James Boyd, Jr., on behalf of his 
father, the late James Boyd of Southern Pines; Mrs. Charles 



114 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Brickell of Boston on behalf of her mother, Mrs. R. N. Duffy of 
New Bern ; Dr. Douglas L. Rights of Winston-Salem on behalf of 
Mrs. James A. Gray of Winston-Salem; Mrs. Lyman A. Cotton 
of Chapel Hill on behalf of the late Col. Joseph Hyde Pratt of 
Chapel Hill; and the Reverend A. C. D. Noe of Bath. Mrs. John A. 
Kellenberger of Greensboro presented on behalf of her mother, 
Mrs. James E. Latham, 31 pieces of furniture, chiefly Chippen- 
dale originals, 3 crystal chandeliers, mirrors, silver, china, and 
paintings for Tryon's Palace when it has been restored. Mr. 
George R. Ross, director of the Department of Conservation and 
Development, accepted the gifts on the part of the state. The res- 
toration of the palace will be under the direction of this Depart- 
ment. After the program a reception was given for patrons, 
members, and guests. 

The forty-ninth session of the State Literary and Historical 
Association was held in Raleigh on December 2. At the morning 
session Mr. Richard H. Barry of Durham read a paper, "Fort 
Macon and Its History," Mr. Roger P. Marshall of Raleigh read a 
paper, "A Mythical Mayflower Competition: North Carolina 
Literature in the Half-Century Following the Revolution," Mr. 
William S. Powell of Raleigh read a paper, 'The Bicentennial of 
the Printing Press in North Carolina," and Mr. William T. Polk 
of Greensboro read a paper, "Review of North Carolina Books of 
the Year." At the business meeting Dr. Charles S. Sydnor of Dur- 
ham was elected president, Miss Dorothy Lloyd Gilbert of Guil- 
ford, Mr. George M. Stephens of Asheville, and Mr. Richard 
Walser of Raleigh were elected vice-presidents, and Dr. Christo- 
pher Crittenden was re-elected secretary-treasurer. Dr. Sylvester 
C. Green of Durham and Mr. Roger P. Marshall of Raleigh were 
elected on the executive committee. The nominating committee 
elected for the year consists of Mr. W. T. Bost of Raleigh, Mr. 
J. M. Justice of Boone, Dr. Broadus Jones of Wake Forest, Dr. 
Mary C. Wiley of Winston-Salem, and Dr. M. L. Skaggs of 
Greensboro. 

At the evening meeting Mr. W. T. Bost of Raleigh delivered the 
presidential address and Mrs. Thomas Jefferson Byerly of 
Winston-Salem, governor of the Society of Mayflower Descendants 
in North Carolina, presented the Mayflower award to Mr. Phillips 



Historical News 115 

Russell of Chapel Hill for his book, The Woman Who Rang The 
Bell. Mrs. Robert Lee Humber of Greenville, president of the 
North Carolina Division of the American Association of Univer- 
sity Women, presented posthumously to Dr. Adelaide L. Fries of 
Winston-Salem the cup of the American Association of University 
Women for excellence in writing a county history, Forsyth, A 
County on the March. Dr. Thomas J. Wertenbaker of Princeton, 
New Jersey, then delivered an illustrated lecture, "The Restora- 
tion of Colonial Williamsburg." A reception to members and 
guests followed. 

The North Carolina Archaeological Society held its semi-annual 
meeting December 3 and 4 at Cherokee. Mr. Joe Jenkins, Super- 
intendent of the Cherokee Indian Reservation, welcomed the 
members and guests and Dr. Arthur Kelly, head of the Depart- 
ment of Anthropology and Archaeology at the University of 
Georgia, delivered an address, "Problems of Cherokee Origins." 
At the business meeting Dr. Christopher Crittenden of Raleigh 
was elected president, Mrs. Charles A. Cannon of Concord was 
elected vice-president, and Mr. Harry T. Davis of Raleigh was 
elected secretary-treasurer, Mr. H. M. Doerschulk of Badin, and 
Mr. C. D. Howell of Salisbury were elected members of the execu- 
tive committee, and Dr. J. L. Coe of Chapel Hill was elected 
bulletin editor. 

In connection with this meeting the Cherokee Indians held their 
second annual feast. The Indians at the feast staged the Boger- 
man Dance performed by a group from the Soco Day School. Mr. 
Samuel E. Beck of Asheville, founder of the museum of the 
Cherokee Indians, presented a small Sequoia tree to vice-chief 
Miller Ross on behalf of the United States Forest Service and the 
University of Calif ornia. The tree was planted on the reservation. 

The thirty-eighth annual session of the North Carolina Folk- 
Lore Society was held in Raleigh on December 2. Dr. Guy B. 
Johnson of Chapel Hill read a paper, "Notes on the Gullah Dia- 
lect," and Mr. Virgil L. Strugill of Asheville gave "Old Song 
Ballets from the Appalachians." A resolution in memory of New- 
man Ivey White was passed and a report on plans to publish the 



116 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Frank C. Brown Collection was made. Officers elected for the 
coming year are: Dr. George P. Wilson of Greensboro, president; 
Mr. Cratis D. Williams of Boone re-elected first vice-president; 
Mr. Bascom Lamar Lunsford of South Turkey Creek was elected 
second vice-president; and Dr. A. P. Hudson of Chapel Hill was 
re-elected secretary-treasurer. 

The annual meeting of the North Carolina Society of County 
Historians was held on December 1 in Raleigh. Dr. Mary Callum 
Wiley of Winston-Salem talked on "How We Wrote Our County 
History,'* in lieu of Dr. Adelaide L. Fries, and Mr. Malcolm 
Fowler of Lillington delivered the presidential address. The fol- 
lowing officers were elected for the coming year : Mr. Willis G. 
Briggs of Raleigh, president, and Mr. John A. Oates of Fayette- 
ville, vice-president. The Society announced the publication of 
Fighting over the Battle of Moore's Creek Bridge. Notes on the 
Memorial Service Held at the National Park, February 27, 19^9, 
by Paul Green. Copies may be procured for fifteen cents by 
writing the secretary, Mr. John H. Monger, Sanford. 

The Institute of Early American History and Culture an- 
nounces that it is prepared to provide a limited number of Grants- 
in-Aid of Research to individual writers or scholars who are 
carrying on studies in the field of American history prior to the 
year 1815. These grants are made in conjunction with the publi- 
cation program of the Institute and upon the condition that the 
recipients shall submit the completed product of their researches 
to the Institute for consideration for publication. 

Early application for grants will be advantageous; candidates 
must file their applications not later than March 15, 1950. An- 
nouncements of awards will be made May 15, 1950. Requests for 
applications and other information should be addressed to the 
Director, Institute of Early American History and Culture, Good- 
win Building, Williamsburg, Virginia. 



CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE 

Dr. Adelaide Lisetta Fries was Archivist of the Moravian 
Church in America, Southern Provience, and an ex officio mem- 
ber of the Triennial Synod, the Supreme Governing body of the 
Southern Moravian Church. 

Dr. John H. Stibbs is director of the Division of Student Life 
and associate professor of English, The Tulane University of 
Louisiana, New Orleans 18, Louisiana. 

Dr. Lucy Lienbach Wenhold is an emeritus professor of mod- 
ern foreign languages, Salem College, Winston-Salem, N. C. 

Mr. Richard C. Todd is a member of the faculty of the depart- 
ment of social studies, High Point College, High Point, N. C. 



[117] 



The North Carolina 
Historical Review 

Volume XXVII APRIL, 1950 Number 2 

AN ECONOMIC INTERPRETATION OF THE RATIFICA- 
TION OF THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION IN NORTH 

CAROLINA 

PART I 

THE HILLSBORO CONVENTION— BACKGROUND AND 
ECONOMIC INTERESTS OF THE FEDERALISTS 

By William C. Pool 

Background 

One of the most common assumptions about the contest over 
ratification of the Federal Constitution is that it was primarily 
a conflict of economic classes in which a relatively small group 
of wealthy property owners were lined up against men of little 
or no property. If such an economic interpretation be followed, 
then the launching and ratification of the Constitution was 
merely another incident in the age old conflict between rich man 
and poor man, creditor and debtor, have and have-not, merchant- 
capitalist and agrarian, and aristocrat and democrat. The eco- 
nomic interpretation suggests that all those favoring the new 
government were motivated primarily, if not solely, by the hope 
of immediate personal gain; that the debtor and small farmer 
class were deliberately excluded from representation at the 
Philadelphia Convention of 1787 and, as far as possible, from the 
state conventions that debated ratification ; and that substantially 
all of the opposition came from the debtors and small property 
owners. 1 

The original source of this doctrine is Dr. Charles A. Beard's 
An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United 
States, published in 1913. According to Beard the movement for 
the Constitution of the United States was originated and carried 



1 Eugene C. Barker, "Economic Interpretation of the Constitution," Texas Law Review, 
June, 1944. 

[119] 



120 The North Carolina Historical Review 

through by four groups of personalty interests adversely af- 
fected under the Articles of Confederation: "money, public 
securities, manufactures, and trade and shipping." The members 
of the Philadelphia Convention are represented as being im- 
mediately, directly, and personally interested in, and deriving 
economic advantages from the establishment of the federal sys- 
tem; while, on the other hand, the leaders who supported the 
Constitution in the state ratifying conventions represented the 
same economic groups as members of the Philadelphia Conven- 
tion, and "in a large number of instances" they were also directly 
and personally interested in the outcome of their efforts. Further- 
more, it is said that in the ratification contest there was a line 
of cleavage for and against the Constitution between substantial 
property interests on the one hand and the small farming and 
debtor class on the other. 2 

To explain the fundamental unsoundness of Beard's "economic 
interpretation" is a baffling task. It is difficult to explain the 
essential falsity of conclusions drawn from a partial statement 
of selected facts which, though they may be true, are deplorably 
incomplete. Such a difficulty arises, in part, from the fact that 
a parallel study of the same problem must be of a fragmentary 
nature because of the intangible characteristics of the issues in- 
volved. Any honest mind must admit that the men who wrote and 
debated the Federal Constitution had economic interests and that 
they desired to be benefitted by the new government which they 
planned. It will also be admitted without controversy that the 
Constitution, as Beard has suggested, was the creation of a cer- 
tain number of men and that a certain number of men were 
opposed to it. If it could be shown by the compilation of an eco- 
nomic biography of every individual connected with the framing 
and ratification of the Constitution that substantially all of the 
merchants, money lenders, security holders, manufacturers, ship- 
pers, financiers, and their professional associates were on one 
side in support of the Constitution and that all or the major 
portion of the opposition came from the non-slave holding farm- 
ers and debators, then there could be no question but that the 
Constitution was the product of a group of selfish economic 
interests. But on the other hand : 



2 Charles A. Beard, An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States, 
S24-325 (hereafter cited as Beard, An Economic Interpretation). 



Ratification of the Federal Constitution 121 

Suppose it could be shown from the classification of men who 
supported and opposed the Constitution that there was no line 
of property division at all ; that is, that men owning substantially 
the same amounts of the same kinds of property were equally 
divided on the matter of adoption or rejection — it would then 
become apparent that the Constitution had no ascertainable re- 
lation to economic groups or classes, but was the product of some 
abstract causes remote from the chief business of life — gaining 
a livelihood. 3 

What would be the result if the above criteria were applied 
to a study of the economic background of delegates to the local 
ratifying conventions of the several states? Would the conclu- 
sions of the so-called "economic interpretation" be substantiated 
or would the fundamental unsoundness and false assumptions 
render necessary a qualification or rejection of the Beard thesis? 
An ideal location for such a local study is the state of North 
Carolina where on August 4, 1788, the state convention which 
had been called to debate the proposed fundamental law refused 
to ratify the Federal Constitution ; and the opposition, or Anti- 
Federalists, had a majority of 184 to 84. 4 

From the very first there was bitter antagonism to the Con- 
stitution in North Carolina. Definite political parties appeared 
for the first time in the state's history during the August, 1787, 
elections of members of the General Assembly. Much interest 
was shown and as the result of the summer election the Anti- 
Federalists were in control of both houses of the General Assem- 
bly when it convened at Tarboro on November 19, 1787. The 
leading Federalist members of the house of commons included 
William R. Davie, Richard Dobbs Spaight, John Sitgreaves, 
Stephen Cabarrus, John Steele, and William Barry Grove. The 
Federalist cause was championed in the senate by Isaac Gregory, 
Allen Jones, John Skinner, and John Johnston. Among the many 
Anti-Federalists in the house of commons were Timothy Blood- 
worth, William Goudy, Britain Sanders, and Alexander Mebane. 
In the senate the list of men who were to oppose the Constitu- 



3 Beard, An Economic Interpretation, 16-17. 

* Jonathan Elliot, ed., The Debates in the Several State Conventions on the Adoption of 
the Federal Constitution as Recommended by the General Convention at Philadelphia in 
1787, IV, 251 (hereafter cited as Elliot, Debates); The Journal of the Convention of North 
Carolina at a convention begun and held at Hillsborough, on the twenty-first day of July, 
in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-eight (hereafter cited as 
the Journal of the Convention of North Carolina, 1788). 



122 The North Carolina Historical Review 

tion included Thomas Person, Elisha Battle, James Kenan, and 
Joel Lane. 5 

The greater part of Governor Caswell's message to a joint 
session of the assembly on November 21, 1787, concerned certain 
"Papers respecting the Federal Convention/' 6 December 5 was 
the day set aside for a discussion of the new plan of government. 7 
The most active and most able opponent of the Constitution in 
the General Assembly was Thomas Person of Granville County. 
Person, who had achieved much notice as a leader of the Regu- 
lators, a brigadier-general in the Revolution, a member of four 
provincial congresses, and a delegate to every General Assembly 
for more than ten years, attempted to block every movement 
toward ratification. On December 5, 1787, the legislature met in 
joint session and adopted a set of resolutions providing that: 8 
(1) delegates to a state convention to consider the Federal Con- 
stitution should be selected on the last Friday and Saturday in 
March, 1788 ; (2) freemen who paid public taxes were qualified 
to vote in the election but only freeholders were eligible to sit 
in the ratifying convention; (3) representation was fixed at 
five delegates for each of the fifty-eight counties and one for 
each of the six borough towns; (4) election rules were to be 
identical with those governing the election of members of the 
General Assembly. The delegates selected to consider ratification 
were to assemble in convention at Hillsboro on July 21, 1788. 9 
Many prominent men were unsuccessful in their attempt to gain 
a seat in the convention of 1788 ; and when the North Carolina 
delegates assembled at Hillsboro on July 21, the Anti-Federalists 
were in a clear majority. 

In chapter X of An Economic Interpretation of the Constitu- 
tion of the United States, the author has said : 

No mathematically exact conclusion can be reached concerning 
the material interests reflected in the Constitution until "the 
people" who favored its adoption and the people who opposed 
it are individualized and studied as economic beings. 10 



6 Walter Clark, ed., State Records of North Carolina, XX, 121, 301-302 (hereafter cited 
as S. R.). 

«S. R., XX, 128-129. 

7 S. R., XX, 133. 

8 S. R., XX, 196-197; 370-372. 

»S. R., XX, 372. 

10 Beard, An Economic Interpretation, 253. 



Ratification of the Federal Constitution 123 

Then the author of the "economic interpretation' ' continues with 
a statement to the effect that "it would be fortunate if we had a 
description of each of the state conventions similar to that made 
of the Philadelphia Convention." In the following pages the dele- 
gates who favored and opposed ratification of the Federal Con- 
stitution at the Hillsboro convention of 1788 and the Fayetteville 
convention of 1789 are individualized and studied as "economic 
beings" according to the following plan: (1) the economic in- 
terests of the Federalists at the Hillsboro convention of 1788, 
(2) the economic interests of the Anti-Federalists at the Hills- 
boro convention and (3) the economic interests of both the 
Federalists and Anti-Federalists who voted on the question of 
ratification for the first time at the Fayetteville convention of 
1789. 

A General Survey of the Hillsboro Convention 

An analysis of the geographic distribution of the vote at the 
Hillsboro convention reveals that eighteen counties out of a 
total of fifty-seven 11 favored ratification of the Federal Consti- 
tution. Of the Federalist counties, eleven gave unanimous sup- 
port to the Constitution and seven were split with the Federalist 
having a majority. 12 The solid Federalist area included ten 
counties in the northeastern section of the state on Albemarle and 
Pamlico sounds 13 and one in the Cumberland region of Ten- 
nessee. 14 

What is the significance of the geographical distribution of 
the Federalist vote ? Beard, interpreting the results of a previous 
study, 15 reports: "the counties around Albemarle and Pamlico 
Sounds constituted the bulk of the federal area. . . . This region 
was the earliest settled, the most densely populated, and repre- 
sented most of the mercantile and commercial interests of the 
state." 16 It is significant, however, that North Carolina was not 
primarily a commercial state due to the handicap of physical 
features such as the sand-reefs dividing the Atlantic Ocean 



11 Dobbs County was not represented at the convention because of a disputed election. 

12 The counties with a Federalist majority included Beaufort, Craven, Cumberland, Hert- 
ford, Lincoln, Martin and Robeson. 

18 Bertie, Camden, Carteret, Chowan, Currituck, Gates, Hyde, Pasquotank, Perquimans, 
and Tyrrell counties. 

14 Sumner County, Tennessee. 

15 O. G. Libby, "Geographical Distribution of the Vote of the Thirteen States on Ratifi- 
cation of the Federal Constitution," Bulletin of the University of Wisconsin (1894), Iff. 

16 Beard, An Economic Interpretation, 287. 



124 The North Carolina Historical Review 

from the waters of the sounds and the shallow inlets. 17 This factor 
accounts for the absence of large seaport towns and has caused 
the trade of North Carolina to be described as "of local impor- 
tance." 18 North Carolina also had slight mercantile interests as 
compared with other states. The landholdings in the Albemarle 
and Pamlico regions were generally smaller in 1784 than in any 
other section of the state. In this vicinity only 3.8 per cent of the 
population making tax returns in 1784 owned over 1,000 acres 
of land while only 15.2 per cent owned over 40 acres. In 1784 
the average size of landholdings in Pasquotank was 166.3 acres ; 
in Perquimans, 229.7 acres ; in Camden, 169.5 acres ; in Chowan, 
359.3 acres; and in Halifax, 463.6 acres. Thus, right in the 
heart of the Federalist stronghold, the average landholdings 
were among the lowest in the state four years before the Hills- 
boro convention. It is safe to assume that the average holdings 
remained about the same during the interval. 19 

Only one western and three interior counties — Sumner in Ten- 
nessee, Robeson, Cumberland, and Lincoln — favored ratification. 
In all of these except Sumner the vote was split. There is no 
ascertainable explanation on geographical or occupational 
grounds for this Federalist attitude. 

The vote was divided in eight other counties located in the 
southern and eastern Piedmont belt, but the Anti-Federalists had 
the majority. All the remainder of the counties of the west, the 
Piedmont, and the southern tidewater area were solidly opposed 
to ratification. Yet it is impossible to draw a clear-cut line be- 
tween the plantation-dominated, commercial-business tidewater 
and the interior counties. For example, in the Cape Fear River 
section, a solid Anti-Federalist area, 12.2 per cent of those mak- 
ing tax returns in the mid-1780's owned over 1,000 acres of land 
and 35.9 per cent owned 400 or more acres — indicating that this 
was the region of the largest number of great landowners. The 
average landholding for New Hanover County in 1784 was 
933.7 acres, for Brunswick, 803.6 acres. These two counties — 
both in opposition to ratification — ranked first and second re- 
spectively in the state with regard to the average size of land- 



17 R. D. W. Connor, North Carolina, Rebuilding an Ancient Commonwealth, 158U-1925, 
I, 9 ff (hereafter cited as Connor, North Carolina). 

18 C. C. Crittenden, "The Seaeoast in North Carolina History," North Carolina Historical, 
Review, VII (1930), 433-438. 

19 Francis G. Morris and Phvllis Mary Morris, "Economic Conditions in North Carolina 
about 1780," North Carolina Historical Review, XVI (1930), 120, 130. 



Ratification of the Federal Constitution 125 

holdings. 20 The historian who attempts to explain the geograph- 
ical distribution of the vote in terms of economic interpretation 
runs into insurmountable difficulties. 

Of the six borough towns represented at the convention — Hali- 
fax, Edenton, New Bern, Salisbury, Wilmington, and Hillsboro — 
all voted in favor of ratification except Hillsboro, represented 
by Absalom Tatom, a surveyor, contractor, and tobacco agent. 
The members from the towns tended to follow the professions, 21 
were well educated, and possessed considerable personal and 
real property. 

A breakdown into classifications based upon the size of land- 
holdings is necessary to a complete economic interpretation of 
the vote on the Constitution. The percentage and number of land- 
holders of both parties can be shown by the following table : 



Acres 


Not 
Known 
Per 
No. cent 


Under 
100 
Per 
No. cent 


100 
499 

No. 


Per 
cent 


500 
999 

No. 


Per 

cent 


1000- 
4999 

Per 
No. cent 


Above 
5000 

Per 
No. cent 


Fed. 


9 


10 


4 


4 


16 


19 


10 


12 


34 40 


11 14 


A-F 


14 


8 








49 


27 


33 


18 


69 37 


19 10 



The results of the table, based on incomplete records, indicate 
little or no difference in the amount of landholdings represented 
by the membership of the convention. 

The slaveholders of the convention and the number of slaves 
owned can be broken into similar classifications. The number 
and percentages of slaveholders — both Federalist and Anti- 
Federalist — are represented by the table below : 





Not 
Known 
Per 
No. cent 


No 
Slaves 
Per 
No. cent 


1-9 
Slaves 
Per 
No. cent 


10-19 
Slaves 
Per 
No. cent 


20-49 
Slaves 

Per 
No. cent 


Over 50 
Slaves 

Per 
No. cent 


Fed. 


15 


18 


2 


2 


19 


23 


17 


20 


24 28 


7 8 


A-F 


56 


30 


12 


7 


49 


27 


39 


21 


25 13 


3 2 



The table above reveals that those favoring and those opposed 
to ratification owned approximately the same number of slaves. 
A great majority of the slaveholders in North Carolina owned 



20 Morris and Morris, "Economic Conditions in North Carolina about 1780," North 
Carolina Historical Review, XVI (1939), 120, 130. 

21 Iredell of Edenton, Davie of Halifax, Sitgreaves of New Bern, and Maclaine of 
Wilmington were all lawyers of considerable reputation while John Steele of Salisbury 
was a merchant (see sketches on page 127 ff. for property holdings). 



126 The North Carolina Historical Review 

less than 10 slaves in 1790, the average for all of the counties 
was around 7, and New Hanover, where the average holding was 
9, led the state. 22 A comparison of the figures of the Morris sur- 
vey to the slaveholdings of the members of the Hillsboro conven- 
tion shows that 125 delegates out of 268, or 46 per cent, owned 
more than the average number of slaves. 

Extensive political experience was represented by the delegates 
at Hillsboro. Of the Federalists, 55 out of the 84 voting, or 59 
per cent, had been members of a legislative body at some time; 
of the Anti-Federalists, 115 of the 184, or 62 per cent had served 
in one or more of the popular assemblies between 1776 and 1790. 
These figures indicate that, regardless of party, the members of 
the Convention of 1788 represented a group active in local and 
state politics. 

The inescapable conclusion, therefore, is that an analysis of 
the personal and real property holdings of those who supported 
and opposed the Constitution shows that there was no line of 
property division at all; that is, that men owning substantially 
the same amounts of the same kinds of property were equally 
divided on the matter of adoption or rejection. In this connec- 
tion the debtor class was by no means confined to the small farm- 
er group. The line of cleavage for and against the Constitution 
was not, as the original economic interpretation has implied, be- 
tween the substantial property interests on one hand and the 
small farming and debtor class on the other. A similar analysis 
of the Fayetteville convention only adds additional weight to the 
argument. 

Economic Interests of the Federalists 

The economy of North Carolina in 1788-1789 centered around 
two major elements: (1) land and (2) slaves. In making a study 
of the economic interests of the eighty-four Federalists at the 
convention of 1788, it is necessary, in the beginning, to note 
that the property totals presented in the pages to follow are 
incomplete. The property listed under the name of each individ- 
ual delegate represents only the property which he possessed 
within the bounds of the county from which he was elected to the 
convention. Many of the members owned property in other sec- 
tions of the state as well ; and when it was possible to find rec- 



28 Morris and Morris, "Economic Conditions in North Carolina about 1780," North 
Carolina Historical Review, XVI (1939), 308-309. 



Ratification of the Federal Constitution 127 

ords of the holdings outside a delegate's home county, they have 
been listed. However, the statistical evidence presented in many 
cases represents minimum figures. 

In order to avoid confusion on the part of the reader, the 
eighty-four Federalists voting at the Hillsboro convention, July 
21 to August 4, 1788, are presented in an alphabetical arrange- 
ment based on the counties which they represented. The names 
of the delegates have been spelled as they appear in the Journal 
of the Convention of North Carolina, 1 788. 

Beaufort County 

Thomas Alderson represented Beaufort County in the house of 
commons, 1783-1787; his property interests included two town 
lots and 20 slaves. 23 

John G. Blount, a member of the state assembly, 1782-1796, 
was a merchant at Tarboro and Washington, operating the firm 
of John G. and Thomas Blount. Blount was an extensive land- 
owner with lands in Bladen and Wake counties. He also main- 
tained an extensive coastal and foreign trade and vast landhold- 
ings in the interior counties. Blount's land in Tennessee totaled 
approximately 200,000 acres, all held with associates. In 1793 
John G. and Thomas Blount purchased 3,000 acres of land from 
Robert Blackledge, Esq., who had received the original grant 
from the state. Blount owned 74 slaves and 183 town lots. 24 

Nathan Keais represented Beaufort County in the house of 
commons, 1777; in 1784 he was granted 1,000 acres of land; 
by 1789 this acreage had increased to 2,000 ; no slaves are listed 
for 1790. 25 

Bertie County 

William J. Dawson, member of the house of commons in 1791, 
owned five slaves in 1790. 26 

John Johnston, planter, possessed a plantation of 1,012 acres 
"lying in the Indian Woods" ; he also has 105 acres listed in Bertie 



23 Legislative Papers (hereafter cited as L. P.), Tax Lists, Beaufort County, 1789; 
Bureau of the Census, Heads of Families at the First Census of the United States Taken 
in the Year 1790, North Carolina (hereafter cited as Census of 1790); John H. Wheeler, 
Historical Sketches of North Carolina from 15SU to 1851, II, 29 (hereafter cited as Wheeler, 
Historical Sketches). All manuscripts cited in this article are in the State Department of 
Archives and Histoi-y. Raleigh. 

2 *John Gray Blount Papers, 1788-1789, 1794-1812; Military Papers, 1776-1825; L. P., 
Tax Lists, 1786-1790, Beaufort County, 1789; Index of Land Grants of North Carolina 
and North Carolina Land Grants in Tennessee, Secretary of State Papers (hereafter 
cited as Land Grant Index); Census of 1790. 

25 Land Grant Index, L. P., Tax Lists 1786-1790, Beaufort County, 1789; Wheeler, 
Historical Sketches, II, 29. 

28 Census of 1790; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, S3. 



I 



128 The North Carolina Historical Review 

County in 1789 ; later on there is evidence that Johnston owned 
many more acres of plantation land in Chowan County and the 
Cape Fear section. No slaves are listed in 1790, but his will men- 
tions 16 slaves plus "all my other negroes." Johnston served in 
the senate, 1789-1790. 27 

Andrew Oliver represented his county in the house of com- 
mons, 1784-1788. In 1790 he owned only one slave and listed only 
three in his will, which provided that his debts be settled and his 
lands equally divided. 28 

David Turner represented Bertie County in the house of com- 
mons, 1780-1784. In 1785 and 1786, 2,130 acres of land were 
granted him ; this acreage was expanded to 3,770 by 1789. He had 
12 slaves in 1790. 29 

Bladen County 

Goodwin Elleston owned 3,478 acres of land in the mid-1780's. 
In 1787 and 1789 he purchased an additional 2,000 acres, bring- 
ing his total acreage to 5,478. Elleston was not politically promi- 
nent prior to the convention of 1788. 30 

Thomas Owen, a Revolutionary soldier and representative in 
the state senate, 1778-1785, held 3,135 acres of land and 37 
slaves. 31 

Brunswick County 

Benjamin Smith owned 221 slaves and 1,153 acres of land. 
There is some confusion of names in 1782 ; two Benjamin Smiths 
are listed in that year, one with 6,120 acres of land, the other 
with none. Will records indicates the two were father and son. 
Smith represented Brunswick County in the state senate during 
1783. 32 

Burke County 

Charles McDowall owned 4,884 acres of land prior to the con- 
vention; an additional 400 acres was held in partnership with 
Joseph McDowall. Charles McDowall held ten slaves in 1790. He 



27 Land Grant Index; Bertie County Records, List of Taxables, 1757-1791; Bertie County 
Records, Wills, 1749-1844, V, 12-13; Census of 1790; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 33. 

28 Census of 1790; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 33; L. P., Bertie County Records, 
Wills, 1749-1844, VI, 39. 

29 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; Bertie County Records, List of Taxables, 1757-1791; 
Bertie County Records, Wills, 1794-1844, VIII, 21; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 33. 

30 L. P., Tax Lists 1786-1790; Bladen County, Land Grant Index. 

81 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 44. 
32 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists 1780-1782, Brunswick County, 
1782; Brunswick County Will Book, 1822-1827; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 49. 



Ratification of the Federal Constitution 129 

represented Burke County in the state senate, 1782-1788, and was 
a distinguished soldier in the Revolutionary War. 33 

Camden County 

Henry Abbott possessed 6 slaves, had 300 acres of land before 
the convention, and an additional 100 acres of land were added 
after 1790. 34 

Peter Dauge held 12 Negro slaves in 1790. It is impossible to 
make a concise estimate of his other personalty. During the 
Revolutionary War, Dauge attained the rank of major. He was a 
member of the house of commons, 1786-1790, and of the state 
senate, 1790-1794. 35 

Charles Grandy held 23 Negro slaves and 500 acres of land. 
From 1790 to 1793 he represented Camden County in the house 
of commons. 36 

Isaac Gregory owned 623 acres of land and possibly another 
100 acres by 1790. During the Revolutionary War he was colonel 
of the 2nd Regiment of Pasquotank and later became a general. 
From 1778 to 1790 Gregory was elected annually to represent 
Camden County in the state senate. 37 

Enoch Sawyer had ten slaves in 1790 ; no land grants are re- 
corded for him in Camden County until 1795 when he received 
1,000 acres. He was three times a member of the house of com- 
mons, 1787, 1788, and 1789. 38 

Carteret County 

William Borden, a Federalist without previous political ex- 
perience, was a man of considerable property including 11,254 
acres of land, 43 Negro slaves, one yoke of oxen, four steers, six 
"yews" and lambs, and 20 hogs. At his death Borden left $500 for 
each of his two daughters. An additional 2,112*4 acres plus other 
small acreage was granted after 1790; both William Borden 
Junior and Senior are listed after that year. 39 

William Sheppard had 10 acres of land listed as "an island on 
the north side of Crab Point" in the land grant records. He was 



33 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 62. 

^Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists 1786-1790, Camden County, 1790. 

35 Census of 1790; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 70f. 

38 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 70f. 

37 Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists 1786-1790, Camden County, 1790; Wheeler Historical 
Sketches, II, 70f. 

38 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 70f. 

39 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; Carteret County Records, Miscellaneous Papers, 1717- 
1844; Carteret County List of Taxables, 1784; Carteret County Records, Wills and Inventories. 
I, 22. 



130 The North Carolina Historical Review 

a member of the house of commons, 1788, indicating the owner- 
ship of not less than 100 acres. 40 

Wallace Styron, a man of no apparent political experience, 
owned no slaves in 1790 and no taxables in 1784. 41 

Chatham County 

George Lucas, a representative in the house of commons in 
1789, owned a total of 68 slaves in 1790 ; considerable personalty 
is indicated but no specific information is available. 42 

Chowan County 

Nathaniel Allen, a person of no significant political experience 
prior to 1788, owned 17 slaves and two town lots valued at £500 
in 1785. 43 

Edmund Blount, delegate from both Chowan and Tyrrell 
counties, was a leader in state politics before and after the 
Revolutionary War. He owned land in Perquimans and Chowan 
counties, and the tax lists for 1784 reveal that he owned some 
216,174 acres. He had 34 slaves. 44 

Stephen Cabarrus, four times member of the house of commons 
for the town of Edenton and twelve times for the county between 
1784 and 1805, was six times speaker of the house. He was a 
merchant "of active mind, generous feelings, and liberal senti- 
ments." Cabarrus held 1,600 acres of land, three town lots valued 
at £350, and 74 slaves. 45 

Charles Johnson, eight times member of the state senate from 
1780 to 1792, had 200 acres of land listed in the land grant 
records; in 1790 he held 35 slaves. Johnson's realty interests 
were probably greater than the records reveal. He died as a 
member of the Seventh Congress. 46 

Michael Payne held seven town lots valued at £400, 950 acres 
of land, and 25 slaves. Payne represented his county in the house 
of commons from 1781 until 1782 and in 1784. 47 



40 Land Grant Index; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 76. 

41 Census of 1790; Carteret County Records, Miscellaneous Papers; Carteret County, List 
of Taxables, 1784. 

43 Census of 1790; Wheeler, Historical Sketclws, II, 83. 

** Census of 1790; L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785, Chowan County, 1785. 

** Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785, Chowan County, 1785; 
L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785, Tyrrell County, 1784; Trenholme, Ratification in North Carolina, 
151, n. 

46 Trenholme, Ratification in North Carolina, 147; L. P., Tax Lists 1783-1785, Chowan 
County, 1785; Census of 1790; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 94. 

46 H. M. Wagstaff, ed., The Papers of John Steele, I, 85n (hereafter cited as Wagstaff, 
Steele Papers); Land Grant Index; Census of 1790; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 88. 

« 7 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785, Chowan County, 1785. 



Ratification of the Federal Constitution 131 

Craven County 

Joseph Leech, planter, had no significant political experience 
prior to the Hillsboro convention. He was an extensive land- 
owner; in the period from 1755 to 1790, Leech received grants 
totaling 16,352 acres. After 1790 he received 7,495 acres. Leech 
held 15 slaves in 1790. 48 

Abner Neale, member of the house of commons in 1785 and 
1786, owned 20 slaves and had a property evaluation of £6,360 
in 1779. There is some confusion of names, with senior and junior 
both appearing in the land grants; however, 3,500 acres is ap- 
proximately the amount held by this delegate. 49 

Richard Dobbs Spaight, a leading advocate of ratification, was 
born at New Bern, North Carolina, March 25, 1758. Educated in 
Ireland and in Scotland at the University of Glasgow, Spaight 
returned to North Carolina and entered military service. He 
represented North Carolina in the Continental Congress, 1783- 
1785, and Craven County in the house of commons, 1785-1787. 
In 1787 Spaight represented North Carolina at the Philadelphia 
convention. He was chosen governor of the state, 1792-1795, and 
was elected to the Fifth and Sixth Congresses. Spaight was killed 
in 1802 in a duel which grew out of a political controversy with 
John Stanly — Spaight was a Republican, Stanly a Federalist. 
Spaight was an extensive property owner having 71 slaves and 
landholdings valued at £6,500 in 1779. 50 

Cumberland County 

George Elliot had varied property interests. His will mentions 
5,000 silver dollars and 694 acres of land. Other holdings include 
"sawmills, farm, and business." Elliot owned 35 slaves and re- 
ceived grants for 1,780 acres of land between 1786 and 1789; 
additional grants were received after 1790. 51 

William Barry Grove, after representing Cumberland County 
in the house of commons, 1787-1790, and the two state ratifying 
conventions, 1788 and 1789, was elected to the Second Congress 
of the United States and served continuously from 1791 to 1803 
in that body. In politics and opinions, Grove was a warm Federal- 



49 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 

49 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 122; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax 
Lists 1779, Craven County. 

^Wagstaff, Steele Pavers, I, 85 n, 103 n, 314, 318 n; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 
109; Trenholme, Ratification in North Carolina, 73f; Census of 1790; L. P., Tax Lists, 1779, 
Craven County. 

01 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; Cumberland County Records, Wills, 1757-1869, III, 
21-23. 



132 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ist. He was a man of extensive property, living in a fine mansion 
"superior to all other houses of the neighborhood." The records 
show that Grove received grants for 1,233 acres of land between 
1791 and 1793. He also owned 520 acres and two town lots in 
1787 ; the census lists 17 slaves under his name. 52 

James Porterfield, member of the house of commons from 
Fayetteville in 1791, was appointed commissioner for purchasing 
tobacco for the state by resolution of the General Assembly, De- 
cember, 1788. His property was valued at £600 in 1786, and he 
held 28 slaves. 53 

Currituck County 

Joseph Ferebee owned property valued at £1,148 in 1779, 
1,371 acres of land in Tennessee in 1786 (no evidence of specula- 
tion), and 283 acres in Currituck County were added in 1791. 
Ferebee owned eight slaves in 1790. He was active in local poli- 
tics prior to the Hillsboro convention as a member of the house 
of commons from 1782 until 1788. 54 

William Ferebee, member of the house of commons in 1778 and 
of the state senate from 1782 to 1784, owned a considerable 
amount of property which was evaluated at £10,996 in 1779. 
William Ferebee, senior and junior, are confused in the records 
after 1786. The delegate seems to have held about 1,300 acres of 
land prior to the convention and an additional 3,062 acres in 
Tennessee. In 1790 he held 17 slaves. There is no evidence that 
Ferebee was speculating in Western lands. 55 

John Humphries owned 23 slaves and personalty with a total 
evaluation of £6,917. His political experience consisted of repre- 
sentation in the house of commons, 1779-1782, and 1786-1788. 56 

James Phillips held 1,028 acres of land in 1783 and a total of 
four slaves in 1790. He represented Currituck County in the 
house of commons from 1780 to 1781 and again in 1783. In 1784 
Phillips was a member of the state senate. 57 



52 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; Cumberland County Records, List of Taxables, 
1787; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 124. 

53 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 124; Census of 1790; Cumberland County Records, List 
of Taxables, 1777-1787, 1786; Samuel Johnston Letterbook, 1788-1789, 23. 

5* Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists 1779, Currituck County; Wheeler, 
Historical Sketches, II, 134. 

55 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 134; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax 
Lists, 1779, Currituck County. 

56 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 134; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax 
Lists, 1779, Currituck County. 

67 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 134; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 



Ratification of the Federal Constitution 133 

Gates County 

William Baker held 35 slaves and 1,892 acres of land in 1790. 
In 1782 Baker represented his county in the state senate ; he held 
no other political position prior to 1790. 58 

James Gregory had an interest in shipping. His will reveals 
the ownership of the boat Ruba and other indications of com- 
mercial interests are found. Gregory received grants for 682 
acres of land in Gates County and held 29 slaves. He represented 
his county in the state senate from 1780 to 1782 ; no other politi- 
cal positions are indicated. 59 

Thomas Hunter was an extensive property holder. His land 
grants totaled 2,930 acres in Gates, Halifax, and Chowan counties. 
In his will he mentions three "plantations and mills." Hunter did 
not hold a political office before 1786 and owned 33 slaves in 
1790. 60 

Joseph Reddick held 2,126 acres of land in Gates County, 189 
acres in Tyrrell, and 640 acres in Cumberland in 1789 ; he owned 
15 slaves in 1790. Reddick gained considerable political experi- 
ence through service in the house of commons, 1780-1784, and in 
the state senate where he served continually from 1785 to 1811. 61 

Hertford County 

Samuel Harrell, who had no political experience at all prior to 
the Hillsboro convention, possessed 334 acres of land "on White- 
oak Branch" and six slaves. 62 

George Wynns had not held public office prior to 1788. In 1790 
he owned 34 slaves ; land records do not indicate extensive hold- 
ings in Hertford County. 63 

Thomas Wynns listed 33 slaves in 1790 ; no other information 
is available concerning his property holdings. Wynns, not active 
in politics until 1787, represented Hertford County in the house 
of commons during that year. In 1790 he was elected to the state 
senate and served uninterruptedly until 1800. He was a planter 
by profession and lived near Winton at "Barfield's" ferry. 64 



68 L. P., Tax Lists, 1786-1790, Gates County, 1789; Land Grant Index; Census of 1790; 
Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 159. 

59 Census of 1790; L. P., Tax Lists, 1786-1790, Gates County, 1789; Gates County Records, 
Wills, 1762-1805, I, 56; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 159. 

60 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists, 1786-1790, Gates County, 1789; 
Gates County Records, Wills, 1762-1805, I, 73. 

61 Census of 1790; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 159; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax 
Lists, 1786-1790, Gates County, 1789. 

62 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 

63 Census of 1790. 

84 Census of 1790; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 207. 



134 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Hyde County 

John Eborn, representative in the house of commons, 1783- 
1788, and in the state senate, 1789-1792, received land grants for 
300 acres in 1782, 1,040 acres along with other small grants in 
1786 and 1787, and owned 17 slaves in 1790. Eborn's property 
totaled 1,188 acres plus the Negroes and movables in 1796. He 
inherited two Negro men and 440 acres of land in "Bofort" 
County from James Eborn. 65 

Caleb Foreman received 200 acres of land in 1765 and 100 acres 
in 1786. The land records also show other entries for 700 acres 
in 1779 and 1784, making a total acreage of about 1,000. Fore- 
man's political experience was limited to county politics ; he held 
no state political positions. 66 

Seth Hovey had received a grant for 286 acres of land prior to 
1786 ; in 1787 he was granted an additional 300 acres with "Eph. 
Elsbre in the Devils Woodyard" ; he possessed five slaves. 67 

James Jasper, whose political career begins with membership 
in the Hillsboro convention, owned only seven slaves and 840 
acres of land. 68 

Abraham Jones possessed 640 acres of land in Tennessee and 
1,280 acres in Hyde County; he held only five slaves in 1790. 
Jones's political career began as a state senator, 1784-1788, and 
seems to have ended at the Hillsboro convention. 69 

Johnston County 

William Bridges (perhaps Bridgers) , Johnston County's repre- 
sentative in the house of commons, 1787, owned only 300 acres 
of land in his home county. 70 

Lincoln County 

William Maclaine is not listed in any of the available records ; 
therefore, no conclusions can be reached concerning his economic 
status. As his name is spelled M'Laine in some of the records of 
the convention, it is possible that the correct spelling was never 
given. A William McLean represented Lincoln County in the 
house of commons from 1788 to 1791. 71 



65 Census of 1790; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 212f; Land Grant Index; Hyde County 
wills. 

8fl Land Grant Index; Hyde County Wills; Hyde County Records, Land Entries. 

67 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 

68 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 

69 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 212f. 

70 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 219; Land Grant Index. 

71 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 247. 



Ratification op the Federal Constitution 135 

John Moore, who represented Lincoln County in the house of 
commons, 1788-1790, is listed with 100 acres of land prior to the 
convention ; he was granted an additional 262 acres after 1788. 72 

John Sloane, member of the house of commons from 1781 to 
1785, owned 2,350 acres of land granted in the 1780's ; he held no 
slaves. 73 

Martin County 

Whitmel Hill, one of the more extensive property owners 
among the Federalists, was born in Bertie County, North Caro- 
lina, February 12, 1743, and received his education at the Uni- 
versity of Pennsylvania. Hill, a Revolutionary patriot, had a dis- 
tinguished political career. In 1776 he was a delegate to the pro- 
vincial congress at Halifax which organized the state military 
departments and framed the state constitution. Member of the 
house of commons during 1777, Hill was elected delegate to the 
Continental Congress in 1778 and served until 1781. At the same 
time he represented Martin County in the state senate; in 1784 
he returned to the senate and served until 1786. Hill's property 
interests are difficult to determine. In 1790 he owned 140 slaves 
but grants for only 1,280 acres of land are recorded for him in 
Lincoln County. 74 

William M'Kinzie is listed as the owner of eight slaves in 1790 ; 
it is impossible to determine his other property holdings. 75 

Nathan Mayo, member of the house of commons in 1778 and 
1784 and of the senate from 1786 to 1792, held land grants for 
1,493 acres prior to 1791. 76 

William Slade had limited political experience before 1788 as 
a member of the house of commons in 1777. He was granted 2,670 
acres of land in the 1780 , s ; he owned 28 slaves in 1790. 77 

Mecklenburg County 

Robert Irwin, Mecklenburg's lone Federalist member at the 
convention, was born in Pennsylvania and moved to North Caro- 
lina in 1763. His extensive political career included representa- 
tion in the state senate, 1778-1784. Irwin held a grant for 600 
acres of land on "both sides of Fair Forest Creek" and additional 



72 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 225 f.; Land Grant Index. 

73 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 225 f .; Land Grant Index; Census of 1790. 

74 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 252; Land Grant Index; Census of 1790. 

75 Census of 1790. 

76 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 253; Land Grant Index. 

77 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 253; Land Grant Index; Census of 1790. 



136 The North Carolina Historical Review 

grants for 1,000 acres — a total of 1,600 acres. In 1790 he owned 
three slaves. 78 

Pasquotank County 

Devotion Davis, member of the Halifax convention of 1776 
which framed the state constitution and member of the house of 
commons in 1788, held six slaves in 1790. His other property 
holdings cannot be determined accurately ; 160 acres of land are 
listed in the land grants. 79 

Edward Everegain held 27 slaves and at least 200 acres of land. 
He had been a Revolutionary patriot and represented Pasquo- 
tank in the senate from 1782 to 1784 and in the house of commons 
from 1785 to 1790. 80 

John Lane owned five slaves, six town lots, and some small 
acreage. He does not appear an extensive property holder. 81 

Thomas Reading possessed 17 slaves in 1790 and held grants 
for 1,420 acres of land. He also held other land grants in partner- 
ship. Reading's political career includes service in the house of 
commons in 1779, from 1782 until 1785, and in 1786. 82 

Enoch Relfe, a person of limited political experience, owned at 
least 425 acres of land and 17 slaves. 83 

Perquimans County 

Thomas Harvey, member of the house of commons from 1786 
to 1787, held 1,374 acres of land, 18 town lots, and other small 
land grants. His will reveals that he was a debtor and the owner 
of a plantation. 84 

Samuel Johnston, statesman of the transition period from 
colony to statehood, member of the Continental Congress, 1780- 
1782, governor of North Carolina, 1787-1789, and United States 
Senator, 1789-1793, was a native of Scotland. He came to North 
Carolina at an early age and resided in Chowan County. Johnston 
was an outstanding Federalist and presided over both the Hills- 
boro and Fayetteville conventions. He owned 96 slaves and at 
least 4,554 acres of land in denominations of 635 acres in Chowan, 



78 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 254 f .; Land Grant Index; Census of 1790; D. A. 
Tompkins, History of Mecklenburg County, II, 75. 

79 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 339 f.; Census of 1790; L. P., Tax Lists, 1786-1790, 
Pasquotank County, 1789; Pasquotank County Records, Wills 1720-1804, II, 34. 

80 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 339f; Census of 1790; Pasquotank County Tax Lists, 
1786-1790. 

81 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists, 1786-1790, Pasquotank County, 1789. 

82 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists, 1786-1790, Pasquotank County, 
1789; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 339f. 

88 Census of 1790; L. P., Tax Lists 1786-1790, Pasquotank County, 1789. 
84 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 341 f.; Tax Lists, 1786-1790, Perquimans County; Per- 
quimans County Records, Wills, 1711-1800, II, 72. 



Ratification of the Federal Constitution 137 

114 acres in Bertie, 440 acres in Pasquotank, 2,800 acres in 
Halifax, and 563 acres in Northampton. It is also known that 
Johnston, who had suffered losses in paper money in North Caro- 
lina, asked a friend in 1784 to invest £1,000 for him outside of 
the state so that he might have a secure fund for the education 
of his boys. He also owned a splendid library. 85 

John Skinner, member of the house of commons in 1783 and of 
the state senate from 1784 to 1788, owned 38 slaves and 850 acres 
of land. 86 

Joshua Skinner, representative for Chowan in the state senate, 
1790-1794, possessed a plantation of 830 acres, 20 slaves, and 
"other personal property." 87 

William Skinner, commissioner of the Continental Loan Office 
in North Carolina and Revolutionary patriot, received grants for 
1,399 acres of land between 1779 and 1785. He owned 47 slaves in 
1790 and his will mentions 50 silver dollars, debts, and that 
through his marriage his estate was "more than Two Thousand 
Pounds the worse." 88 

Pitt County 

David Perkins held 625 acres of land before 1790 and owned 
nine slaves — not an extensive property owner. 89 

Robeson County 

Elias Barnes owned eight slaves and 250 acres of land in 1790. 
In 1795 he was granted 2,280 acres and hundreds of acres more 
between 1790 and 1800. Barnes represented Robeson County in 
the house of commons from 1787 to 1791 and later served several 
terms in the state Senate. 90 

Neil Brown, member of the house of commons from 1787 to 
1789, owned two slaves and had no land entries in Robeson 
County before 1790. After 1790 he was granted 1,210 acres, and 
his will lists "1,042 acres, 3 surveys, and [one] still." 91 

John Cade had been granted 2,050 acres of land in Bladen 
County and 448 acres in Robeson County before 1790. He owned 



85 Trenholme, Ratification in North Carolina, 32 n, 146; L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785, 
Chowan County, 1785. 

89 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 341 f.; Census of 1790; L. P., Tax Lists, 1786-1790, 
Perquimans County. 

87 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 341f; Census of 1790; L. P., Tax Lists, 1786-1790, 
Perquimans County. 

88 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists, 1786-1790, Perquimans County; 
Perquimans County Records, Wills, 1711-1800, V, 38-39; Samuel Johnston Letterbook, 1788- 
1789, 23. 

89 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 

90 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 352 f. 

91 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 352 f, 



138 The North Carolina Historical Review 

17 slaves, and his will mentions "a plantation, 5 other parcels of 
land," and "debts." 92 

John Willis, member of the state senate from 1787 to 1792, 
owned 14 slaves in 1790 and 200 acres of land were entered in 
1779. Willis received an estimated 6,000 acres between 1790 and 
1795. 93 

Sumner County (Tennessee) 

William Stokes is listed in the available records as holding 200 
acres of land in Craven County. 94 

James Winchester owned 1,268 acres of land in partnership 
with George Winchester by 1795. The available records are not 
sufficient to warrant an estimation of his property interests in 
1788 and 1789. 95 

Tyrrell County 

Edmund Blount represented both Tyrrell and Chowan counties 
and is credited with a vote from each county. 96 

Josiah Collins, with extensive property interests, acquired title 
to 58,086 acres of land in Tyrrell County and 650 acres in Ten- 
nessee between 1788 and 1789. After 1790 the interest of Collins 
in western land was increased by additional grants amounting to 
25,000 acres with an equal addition in Tyrrell County. He also 
held many thousands of acres in partnership; before 1790 
"Josiah Collins and others" received grants for an estimated 
126,624 acres. 97 

Simeon Spruill was granted 854 acres from 1752 to 1779. Later 
records indicate smaller holdings. He owned nine slaves in 1790. 98 

Thomas Stewart received grants for 1,000 acres of land be- 
tween 1781 and 1782; tax lists indicate he "held 1,200 acres in 
1784. His will mentions a plantation, Negroes, cattle, hogs, horses, 
tools, lands in Montgomery County, saw and grist mills, 1,000 
acres, four Negroes, lands in Halifax County, $300, £50, land in 
the town of Plymouth, and land in South Carolina. The Census 
of 1790 lists four slaves for Stewart. He had little political ex- 
perience prior to his participation in the Convention of 1788. 99 



M Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; Robeson County Records, Wills, 1783-1851, I, 52. 

93 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 352 f.; Census of 1790: Land Grant Index; Trenholme, 
Ratification in North Carolina, 158 n, reports that John Willis later acquired 30,000 acres. 

94 Land Grant Index. 

95 Land Grant Index. 

08 Journal of the Convention of North Carolina, 1788. 

87 John G. Blount Papers, 1788-1789; Land Grant Index. 

88 Census of 1790: Land Grant Index; Tvrrell County Records, Wills, 1744-1836, III, 39; 
L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785, Tyrrell County, 1784. 

09 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785, Tyrrell County, 1784; 
Tyrrell County Records, Wills, 1744-1836, III, 40. 



Ratification of the Federal Constitution 139 

Wake County 
Thomas Hines, member of the house of commons in 1779 and 
1789, held 1,544 acres of land in 1785. 100 

Nathaniel Jones, delegate to the house of commons in 1780, 
received grants for 1,712 acres of land prior to 1790 and owned 
17 slaves. 101 

Edenton (town) 

James Iredell, lawyer and one of the outstanding Federalists 
of North Carolina, was born in Lewes, Sussex County, England, 
October 5, 1751, the son of a Bristol merchant. Iredell came to 
North Carolina, where his uncle, Henry McCulloch, owned a large 
tract of land. In 1768 he was a customs official at Port Roanoke 
(Edenton). He studied law under Samuel Johnston and was 
licensed to practice in 1770 or 1771. An active Revolutionary 
writer, Iredell drafted the state judiciary law in 1777, and he was 
appointed one of the first judges. In 1779 he became attorney 
general. In the debates of the Hillsboro convention, Iredell was 
the ablest defender of the Constitution. In 1788 Iredell County 
was named for him, and in 1790 he was appointed associate jus- 
tice of the Supreme Court of the United States by George Wash- 
ington. 

In 1787 James Iredell held 1,500 acres at "Tuckahoc on Trent 
River in the County of Jones" ; 300 acres by estimation "near the 
above grant"; 200 acres on "Beaver Creek" in Jones County; 
2,130 acres in Anson County; a 400 acre island "lying in the 
Chowan River" ; a house and lot in Edenton, and eight slaves. His 
will reveals that he was also a debtor. 102 

Halifax (town) 

William R. Davie, lawyer and Revolutionary soldier, was born 
in Cumberland County, England, in 1756. He was brought to 
this country by his father in 1763. Davie was educated at the 
"Queens Museum," a well known Charlotte academy, and at the 
College of New Jersey. After graduation Davie began the study 
of law at Salisbury. He represented Halifax in the house of com- 
mons from 1786 to 1787 and again in 1789, and for several terms 
after 1790. Davie also took a leading part in the establishment of 



ioo Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 414 f.; Land Grant Index. 

1<n -Cen.«us of 1790: Land Grant Index. 

102 Johnson manuscripts. Miscellaneous, List of Taxable Property of James Iredell, 1787; 
L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785, Chowan County, 1785; Chowan Countv Records, Wills, 1694- 
1808, III, 23 f.; McRee, Life of Iredell, I, 1-196; Trenholme, Ratification in North Carolina, 
119-121. 



140 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the University of North Carolina. In 1787 he was one of the 
delegates to the Philadelphia Convention called to frame the 
Federal Constitution. After returning to North Carolina at the 
conclusion of the Philadelphia Convention, Davie became an out- 
standing Federalist. Beard says that Davie "quickly accumulated 
a large estate," including an excellent plantation at Tivoli in 
South Carolina. Davie owned 36 slaves in 1790. 103 

New Bern (town) 

John Sitgreaves, lawyer of New Bern, served his state as an 
officer in the Revolution, member of the Congress of the Con- 
federation, 1784-1785, member of the house of commons, 1786- 
1790, and speaker of the house, 1787-1788, and as United States 
judge for the District of North Carolina from 1790 until his 
death in 1802. Sitgreave's property interests included personalty 
valued at £1,500 in 1779, 23 slaves, and 5,000 acres of land in the 
eastern district of Tennessee. 104 

Salisbury (town) 

John Steele, prominent merchant, represented Salisbury in the 
state assembly in 1787 ; served as commissioner to deal with the 
Cherokee and Chickasaw Indians, 1788; was a member of the 
Congess of the United States, 1790-1793 ; and was comptroller of 
the United States Treasury, 1796-1802. Steele possessed business 
energy and ability that brought him "considerable material 
rewards." Inheriting some property, he increased this to a valu- 
able estate for the times — mostly in land and slaves. 105 

Wilmington (town) 

Archibald Maclaine, one of the best known lawyers in the Cape 
Fear region, if not in the whole state, was born in Scotland. He 
came to America and settled about 1750. He was a member for 
Wilmington of the Third Provincial Congress, August 20-Septem- 
ber 10, 1775, and a member of the Committee of Public Safety 
for the Wilmington District, 1776. Maclaine advocated mild 
measures against the Tories and thus subjected himself to charges 
of disloyalty. After the Revolution, Maclaine was a strong 
Federalist. In 1777 and 1780 he was state senator for Brunswick 



103 William R. Davie Papers, 1778-1817; Census of 1790; Samuel A'Court Ashe and others, 
Biographical History of North Carolina, VI, 88. 

104 L. P., Tax Lists, 1779, Craven County; Land Records, North Carolina Grants in 
Tennessee, 1778-1791, microfilm; Census of 1790. 

105 Wagstaff , Steele Papers, I, xxv-xxviii. 



Ratification of the Federal Constitution 141 

County and represented Wilmington in the house of commons 
from 1782 to 1786. Little specific information is available con- 
cerning Madame' s personalty. It is known that he had a large 
library and was a member of the Episcopal Church. When he 
first came to America Maclaine was engaged in the mercantile 
business : he turned to law after a business failure. 106 



106 Wagstaff, Steele Papers, I, 16-17, gives Northern Ireland as Maclaine's birthplace — 
this may be an error; Trenholme, Ratification in North Carolina, 122 n, 153 n, 154 n, 165 n. 



[To Be Continued'] 



CONTEMPORARY EVIDENCE— SALEM BOARDING 

SCHOOL, 1834-1844 

By Marian H. Blair 

It is not often that a historian who attempts to reconstruct 
events after a hundred years is able to call to his assistance 
more than six hundred eye witnesses qualified to speak on con- 
ditions of the day. For the Salem historian this is made possible 
by the letters preserved by the Reverend John Jacobson and now 
in the Salem College library. 1 Most of the letters bear the dates 
1836, 1837, 1841, 1842, although there are scattered ones cover- 
ing the ten years of Dr. Jacobson's administration. There are 
also a few personal letters written by Dr. Jacobson and his wife 
which are now in the possession of Bishop Howard Rondthaler, 
their grandson. The majority of the letters are from parents 
desirous of placing their daughters in Salem Academy, and it 
is possible to put together, from comments by those who knew 
the school, a picture of life within Salem walls and to give 
glimpses of general conditions throughout the South which to a 
greater or lesser degree affected the growth of the institution. 
The original spelling and the punctuation, or more often the 
lack of it, have been retained, as they add a flavor of the times 
and suggest, perhaps, why the rapidly growing number of female 
seminaries for "higher education" found it necessary to lay stress 
upon fundamentals of English grammar and composition. 

In 1834 the Reverend John Jacobson, then pastor of the Beth- 
ania Church, was called to Salem Academy as inspector or 
principal. The number of letters of application gives evidence of 
the growing reputation of the school. In 1835 the enrollment 
increased from 77 to 137, and by the end of 1839 the enrollment 
had reached 174 with out-of-state students from Virginia, South 
Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Louisiana, Kentucky, and 
Arkansas. There were also from time to time students from 
Mississippi. 2 By 1836 the buildings were crowded to capacity, 
and applicants were being turned away or placed on a waiting 



1 The letters are among the unclassified documents in the Salem College library vault. 

2 For a list of the numbers enrolled from 1808 to 1856 see Rev. Levin T. Reichel, The 
Moravians in North Carolina (Philadelphia, 1857), 130-131. 

[142] 



Salem Boarding School, 1834-1844 143 

list. Richard Watson of Fairfield District, South Carolina, wrote 
on June 24 that since the application of his daughter could not 
be accepted, he was sending her to the female academy at Wains- 
borough, and a certain Kearney of Warrenton was forced to send 
his sister to Prince Edward Academy in Virginia since "he could 
not wait so long" for an opening at Salem. 3 On January 27, 1837, 
Martha Morgan of Wadesboro wrote concerning her daughter 
Mary: 

On arriving as far as Salisbury I learned that others had been 
refused. I therefore left her at Salisbury at School with Mrs. 
Hutchinson a lady with whom I was highly pleased, I think her 
an accomplished and pious woman, but having been partly edu- 
cated at Salem myself I feel greatly prepossessed in favor of that 
institution I am also unwilling to risk my Daughters health in 
so unhealthy a place as Salisbury. 4 

Now and then requests came to the principal to make arrange- 
ments for girls to "be furnished with boarding" in private homes 
until a vacancy should occur in the academy, and occasionally 
girls were left at the tavern under the care of Colonel Gotts in 
the hope that they could later be received as boarding students 
in the school. 5 

By 1837 applications were being made months in advance. 
Julian E. Leach of Randolph County wrote on January 23 : 

Understanding that your Female School is in a highly pros- 
perous condition and so crowded that some who go at the begin- 
ning of each Session for the purpose of joining the School cannot 
be admitted, I take this early opportunity of informing You that 
I wish to send my Sister to your School the ensueing Session 
and hope by this means I shall secure a situation for her. 

Absolom Jones of Watson's Grove Post Office, Greene County, 
Georgia, in a letter dated November 3, 1837 wrote : 

As you cannot receive any pupils until next June, I now inform 
you that I wish to enter My daughter, Nancy W. Jones about 12 
years of age and expect her to remain at your institution, about 
three years. 

3 Dated December 18, 1837. Unless otherwise stated all letters used in this article were 
to John Jacobson. 

* Other schools mentioned in the letters are Edgworth Academy in Greensboro and 
Cokesbury in Abbeville District, South Carolina. See letters from Charles H. Rice, Beach 
Island, Georgia, December 13, 1837, and from Jos. Halsy, Columbia, August 28, 1841. 

B See letter from S. D. Moore, Mount Airy, January 8, 1841. 



144 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Edmund Ruff in of Petersburg, Virginia, writing on December 
15, 1837 stated: 

I should not hesitate to enter my daughter but for the long and 
uncertain delay to be encountered before she can be admitted. 
You state that "the prospect of being able to receive any more 
pupils before next June is very doubtful, and even at that period 
far from certain" 

Urgent and sometimes amusing arguments were presented by 
parents who felt that their daughters should receive particular 
consideration. John Rice of Chester District, South Carolina, 
when informed that he would have to wait until fall or later to 
place his daughters at Salem, wrote on April 30, 1837, that they 
ought to be accepted earlier because "it will not doe to take 
children from the South to that cold climate in the fall or winter." 
W. F. Leak of Rockingham in a letter dated May 13, 1837, wrote 
hopefully that he was applying for his daughter because he 
thought it "probable that the pressure in the money market 
might cause some Gentlemen from the cotton growing States not 
to fill up their application," and J. Erwin of Livingston, Ala- 
bama, said on September 28, 1841 : 

From the very liberal patronage your School has received from 
Alabama, we feel that we have some claim on you to make some- 
thing more than exertion to provide for the reception of our 
daughters. 

Not many of the letters of application mention the preparation 
of students before entering Salem, but Mrs. E. F. Whi taker of 
Enfield, North Carolina, who had herself been a student at the 
academy, in a letter dated September 6, 1837 to Francis Fries 
included the report of her daughter as given by a tutor : 

She has completed in the North American Arithmetic the four 
elementary principles Simple Interest, Discount Percentage and 
Fractions, Vulgar and Decimal-Part second and third of North 
American Arithmetic to the twenty fifth article comprising the 
elements of Arithmetic Int, Discount, Banking, Fractions etc. 
Progress in Latin highly flatering for the time devoted to it, 
having given oral translations of Sallust oral and written trans- 
lations of the Bucolics (Virgil) , Olney's Geography accompanied 



Salem Boarding School, 1834-1844 145 

by the map will be completed by the close of the year. Reading, 
English, grammar, Orthography tolerably correct. 

Instructions as to the work to be pursued at Salem are more 
frequent ; and the following excerpts from letters show the vary- 
ing attitudes of parents toward the academy curriculum: 

Beauford Bridge Barwell District, S. C. 

12th, February 1837 
I wish my Daughter to Studdy the different branches of the 
English Language, together with Drawing and painting plain 
and Ornamental needle work and music. 

Charles H. Rice 

Tumbling Shoals, S. C. 

Aug. 16th 1837 
I wish my daughter [s] taught the solid branches first viz Arith- 
matic, English Grammar. Geography and to write well. They 
read and spell pretty well, write tolerable and have a smattering 
of Arithmetic and Grammar. After getting perfect in the above 
branches, I should have no objection to their spending a few 
months, in other branches of another order, also I should wish a 
part of their time devoted to domestic affairs. 

Joseph Sullivan 

Middedgeville, (Geo) 

2nd Dec. 1837 
I wish them [my daughters] both thoroughly instructed in all 
the useful and ornamental branches of femal education. Intellec- 
tual accomplishments even in a lady are preferable to personal 
attractions. The former will last and improve with time subserve 
all the valuable purposes of our being, while the latter soon fade 
and perish. I wish them to be brought up as to be made useful 
members of society and to this end I commit their course to your 
good judgement. ... I have directed them to purchase a bible 
a piece, and to read it — I will thank you to see that they attend 
to this request. 

Charles J. McDonald 

Livingston, Sumpter Co. Alabama 

August 13th 1841 
I shall wish her [my daughter] confined to the higher branches 
of Female Education and particularly to the ornamental Branch- 
es. 

Willis Crenshaw 



146 . The North Carolina Historical Review 

Surry, N. C. 

Sept. 19th 1842 
I wish her [my daughter] to study geometry, Arithmatick, geog- 
raphy, natural and moral philosophy. (May lands moral philoso- 
phy I prefer) English Grammer, reading writing and musick. 

Nathaniel Boyden 

One parent with an eye to finances writes from Oxford, N. C. 
as follows : 

Your terms you say is five dollars entrance — Board washing 
and Tuition including Reading Grammer Writing Arithmetick 
Geography the use of the Globe Composition Natural philosophy 
Chemistry Botany Latin French Drawing and painting plain 
needle work Etc. per quarter Thirty dollars. 
Instruction in music per quarter five dollars. 
Instruction in Ornamental Needle work three dollars p. q. for 
the use of Library one dollar per quarter. As I have no wish 
that she [my daughter] should study Latin French nor Painting 
should be glad to know what the charge would be including all 
the rest of the studys above stated. 6 

The Moravian love of music found a ready response on the 
part of the patrons of the school who were eager to have their 
daughters learn to play an instrument, and it is pleasant to 
think how many pianos were set tinkling throughout the South 
by female pupils of Miss Crist's popular music classes. 7 In 1842 
a member of the faculty was sent to New York to buy a new piano 
from Samuel Gilbert's Boston firm which had a ware room kept 
by Freedom Hill at 329 Broadway. Although the price was listed 
at $325.00, 8 a subsequent letter from Mr. Hill indicated that he 
had made the school a special price. 9 

Organ and guitar were also taught. John Parkhill writing from 
Tallahassee, Florida, on September 4, 1837, said: 

Rebecca Copland wishes to learn to play on the Guitar — I have not 
the least objection — and I beg of you to have them [my daugh- 
ters] taught as if they were your own children — but above every 
thing teach them the way to everlasting life — I am very fond of 
Sacred Music — If the children have good voices I wish their 
Singing cultivated — If they can learn to execute well on the 
Piano or Guitar have them taught. 

6 From Robert Taylor, October 11, 1842. 

7 See letter from T. F. Napier, New York, June 7, 1839. 

8 See letter from Lemuel Gilbert, New York, August 13, 1842. 
e From New York, June 10, 1842. 



Salem Boarding School, 1834-1844 147 

W. G. Taylor of Elizabethton, Tennessee, wrote somewhat whim- 
sically on January 24, 1841, concerning his niece, "If Mary thinks 
(as she doubtless will) that thruming on the guitar will conduce 
to the restoration of her health, she is at liberty to take lessons." 
On January 5, 1841, A. I. Lawton of Robertville, South Carolina, 
gave the following specific instructions in regard to his daugh- 
ter's musical education: 

If convenient, if not previously learned, I will thank you to have 
my daughter taught the following pieces of music the Echo, 
Strike the Cymbal, The Hunter's Horn, The Minstrel's Return 
from the War, The Meeting' of the Waters and There's a Health 
to thee, Tom More. Perhaps I have named too many, but she may 
have practiced some of them already. 

Although there was no special course planned for those de- 
siring to teach, the academy was recognized as giving adequate 
preparation for the profession, and requests for teachers were 
not infrequent. Green B. Montgomery, Sr., of Chester District, 
South Carolina, in a letter concerning his granddaughter said 
that he would "Like she should Become a Teacher if Her Talent 
would admit it." 10 and John Haralson of Haywood, Chatham 
County, North Carolina, wrote when his daughter had completed 
her course, "I presume she is sufficiently advanced to be able 
to instruct in a Female School in a private family or in some 
village." 11 On February 9, 1837, Henry Jones of Athens, Tennes- 
see, wrote an appeal for a teacher: 

We are destitute of a teacher in music and painting, but wish 
to procure one if possible. Our teacher that was here last session 
went to the South to spend the winter and we understand she 
has married. She had a good class last session and we think 
that a lady may make from 500. to 700. or 800 dollars a year if 
she can teach both music and painting. . . . We have a good piano 
and wish to have it in use as our girls have attended to music 
only one session. We should much prefer one that is pious and 
sturdy. If such a teacher can be had from your school as we want, 
you would do us a great favour by informing us. 

J. E. Dawson of Madison, Morgan County, Georgia, sent the fol- 
lowing request on October 27, 1841 : 



10 Dated December 5, 1837. 

11 Dated April 12, 1842. 



148 The North Carolina Historical Review 

A lady who is well qualified to give instruction in Drawing, 
Painting, Plain and Ornamental needle work can find a desirable 
Situation in the Seminary at La Grange Geo. . . . The Situation 
is one of the most desirable in the South and is uninteruptedly 
healthy. 

In spite of the flourishing condition of the school and the fav- 
orable business conditions in the South during the 1830's, means 
of collecting tuition fees from patrons outside the state were 
often exceedingly difficult. United States currency was frequent- 
ly not available, and there was a high rate of exchange on cur- 
rency issued by state banks. The following letter throws interest- 
ing light on the financial problems of the school arising from an 
unstable currency. 

Pickensville, Alabama 

Feby. 27th, 1838 
You will herewith find enclosed the right hand half of a One 
hundred dollar bill on the State Bank of South Carolina dated 
Jany 2 1834. Letter B. No. 150. Wm. Lee Prest and Samuel 
Wraggsby Cashier — Also the right hand half of a Fifty dollar 
bill Bank of Charleston So. Carolina dated Nov 19 1835. No. 40 
Letter B. Hawltok Prest A G Rose Cashier. 

You will please write me on the receipt of this and I will for- 
ward the left hand halves. 

The impossibility of getting it has prevented me from sending 
United States money some time ago. Alabama or Mississippi 
money, such as is only in circulation here would be at too heavy 
a discount to send to you, I have therefore sent the next best 
to U.S. which is South Carolina. 

Silas Wood 

The enclosing of parts of bills had its disadvantages, however, 
as James B. Erwin of Erwinton, South Carolina, upon being 
notified that his money had not arrived expressed the fear that, 
"some postmaster between us have taken out the two half Bills 
and [is] no doubt waiting for the other halves — of which how- 
ever I am sure he will be disappointed." The letter continues, 
"There are many waggoners from your state who trade here. . . . 
If you could safely send an order by any of them it would be 
Punctually Paid on sight." 12 

In 1842 letters which found their way to the principal's desk 
mention general hard times throughout the South. One from 



» Dated January 17, 1837. 



Salem Boarding School, 1834-1844 149 

Florida comments on the "Unexpected fall of property and the 
great depreciation of our currency with the great difficulty of 
procuring the proper funds except at an enormous exchange." 13 
A writer from Georgia says, "I should have sent you some money 
before this time if it had not been for the derangement of the 
currency of Georgia I made an effort to get a check for you some 
time agoe and the[y] ask me Eighteen per cent and I could not 
stand it." 14 A patron from Alabama regrets "not being able to 
procure a draft that would suit you at this time, but this could 
not be done for less than 25 to 33 V3 per cent." 15 From South 
Carolina the report was : "Times just now are very tight in this 
state, several men of large fortunes — to all appearance — and 
men of first standing have recently failed and I fear the Crash 
is not yet over." 16 

The South continued to feel economic pressure throughout the 
year. Charles Temple of Jackson, Madison County, Tennessee, 
in a letter dated October 10, 1842, wrote : 

I wish you to say what kind of money will be required. Our Banks 
are all paying specie, if our money will go at par with you it 
would be most convenient to send it if not you will please say the 
discount and if too great will get a check on the East so as to 
save exchange and to suit you. 

On November 8, 1842, a letter from Jesse Gibson of Greensboro, 
Alabama, ended on an optimistic note : 

Dear Sir 

I Send by Maj. J. N. Winston for my Daughter as he is going now 
for his and others. I hope you will be so good as to forward my 
account by him and will Send you a Draft payable in N York by 
some Merchants this winter or Spring when they go on for goods 
or by mail as soon as our cotton Market is fully opened We have 
no chance of giting N. C. funs hear now. I am excedingly Sorry 
that I have it not in my power to send you the money at present, 
but you are aware that our money has been at such a discount 
that it would have been ruinous to loos the difference in Exchange 
heretofore but from the present prospects I think that in a very 
Short time that we will be able to get northern funs at a very 
small discount. 

13 From D. A. Gaillard, Tallahassee, Florida, May 2, 1842. 

14 From Jesse Pope, Forsyth, Georgia, February 25, 1842. 

15 From J. Gibson, Greensboro, Alabama, June 9, 1842. 

16 From James D. Erwin, Erwinton, South Carolina, March 1, 1842. 



150 The North Carolina Historical Review 

In North Carolina also times were difficult, and N. L. Williams 
wrote on December 14, 1842: 

I have six or seven very good beef cattle, which I have been 
trying to sell to apply the proceeds towards Mary Louise's edu- 
cation, and can not get an offer from the butchers — I have there- 
fore concluded to ask the favour of you to receive the beef for 
the Academy. . . . The hides will more than pay me for butcher- 
ing, and sending the beef to Salem — It is very good beef, and I 
will deliver it nicely butchered at 2*4 cents. 

In spite of delayed payments that resulted in reduced income 
during the early 1840's, however, Mrs. Jacobson was able to 
write to a friend in the spring of 1844, "Scholars are constantly 
coming in and we are quite full." 

The principal of a female seminary was responsible not only 
for the educational training of the pupils under his charge and 
the detailed and often burdensome business administration of 
the school, but also for innumerable paternal functions. The let- 
ters give delightfully human touches, evidence of the concern 
of parents for the children who would remain at school for two 
or three years without returning home, but one wonders how the 
principal retained any semblance of calm in the face of the de- 
mands made upon him. Occasionally he was expected to arrange 
for transportation. William Lyon of Alabama, who was interested 
in two girls in Nashville, Tennessee, wrote : "I wish you to have 
some clever respectable sober Honest Dutchman to take a one 
Horse Carry all and go after them. ... I should suppose you 
could get some one to make the trip and Deliver them to you 
for $150." 17 When students arrived on horseback there was often 
a request similar to the one that read, "Her two daughters rides 
two horses, if it is possible please take care of them and sell 
them for what they will bring and give her credit for the pro- 
ceeds." 18 Once the students were settled in the school there were 
constant parental instructions: 

I have only one or two particulars on which I desire you would 
let my wish control — The first is that my daughters especially 
Martha and Sarah be required to make their own garments, and 
that Elizabeth after this year be required to do the same. . . . My 

17 From Demopolis, Alabama, March 26, 1842. 

M From Peter Miller, Bolivar, Tennessee, June 28, 1841, for Mrs. Berry. 



Salem Boarding School, 1834-1844 151 

other rule is that no article should be sold them except such as 
are necessary. . . . idleness carelessness and extravgance are 
among the causes of ruin to many families. 19 

I would recommend flannel drawr's under her other garments, 
and I will be quite obliged to you, Sir, if you would be so kind as 
to request her tutoresses, to have them made for her. 20 

I send by the stage 3 flannel shirts which I wish you to make 
her put on and see that her shoes are thick enough to keep her 
feet warm and dry. 21 

I shall leave in 6 or 8 days fgr New York if nothing prevents 
and now think of calling and taking Frances on with me. Will 
you be so good as to have her a riding or traveling dress made. 22 
By the advice of Doc. Baker long our family physician and one 
of the most eminent in our State we introduced in Rowema's 
case the use of the Indian's Panacea sl purely vegitable prepara- 
tion for the purifying of the blood, composed mainly of sassofras, 
Sasaparille and Syrup of Sugar. I have no doubt it contributed 
mainly to the eradicating the disease from her constitution and 
I have great confidence that it will do so again. I wish you with 
the consent of the Physician in whose hands you have placed 
Rowemas case to send to your agent in New York or Charleston 
which ever place you can get it from the soonest an order for 
half a dozen bottles — let her take two or three bottles & and 
then cease for fifteen or twenty days and resume its use to the 
extent of two or three bottles more. 23 

I am extremely anxious that their tutoresses should be pious 
ladies that would take a deep interest in leading them to the 
Saviour. Make them Holy, Grave and Aimable. 24 

I know Sir that my daughter — had imbibed considerable fondness 
for dress before she left home I have no wish to encourage her 
in an undue degree — in her attachments for dress — and want to 
leave it to your understainding to say what she should have — 
your village I presume affords the necessary materials or articles 
of dress — Please see she is supplyed properly with clothing which 
may suite her age or Size. 25 

There were many other duties besides providing adequate 
clothing for students. Although mail was not so abundant as 



19 From T. W. Williams, Jr., Yorkville, South Carolina, October 5, 1836. 

20 From Rachel M. Maner, Tallahassee, Florida, December 28, 1836. 

21 From Maria B. Owen, Halifax Court House, Virginia, November 21, 1842. 

22 From A. D. Gatewood, Eatonton, Georgia, May 26, 1842. 

23 From N. C. Munroe, Macon, Georgia, April 13, 1842. 

24 From John Parkhill, Tallahassee, Florida, February 18, 1837. 

25 From F. T. Napier, Macon, Georgia, February 18, 1837. 



152 The North Carolina Historical Review 

today, the reading of all personal correspondence, whether writ- 
ten by students or addressed to them, was an added burden, for 
parental requests such as the following were not unusual : "I must 
therefore request you to open all letters addressed to her [my 
daughter] before handing to her to read." 26 Sometimes letters 
contained the news of illness or death, and in 1842 there were 
references to epidemics in the state. M. W. Alexander of Alex- 
andria, North Carolina, wrote as follows: 

When I left Salem at the examination I confidently expected 
to have returned in 4 weeks with Isabella and Sophia, but Isabella 
was taken suddenly bad in a week after we came home with the 
congestion fever. . . . Our county is prostrate in Sickness — 4 
Burials at Hopewell our church in 2 days & our beloved pastor 
one of them had only 30 Hours Rev Jno Williamson a most ami- 
able man 10 Buried in our grave yard in a very short time. 18 
children in Charlotte besides grown persons in 3 weeks. 6 I 
learned in one day in Steel Creek churchyard — no family exempt 
& some families all down 27 

J. Medley, writing from Demond Hill, Anson County, N. C, on 
October 19, 1842, said, "The people in this region of Country has 
and are now very Sickly a great many cases of Billious and Inter- 
mitant fever." When Martha Ring died at the school in 1836, she 
was buried in the Moravian graveyard and the principal was 
requested to see that a tombstone was placed upon the grave. 
One parent wrote that his daughter seem dissatisfied and con- 
tinued : 

I have a Little negroe Girl that she Claims that I should be glad 
to Hire out. I thought perhaps that you would Hire her, and if 
you do please to Inform me of it I think that it would be some 
company to Ann and I would let her go on Fair Terms a while. 28 

That meticulous accounts were kept of the expenditures of 
each pupil is shown by a receipted bill for Harriet Early. Follow- 
ing the regular charges for tuition were listed: 

Other entries 

April 1 to Sundry printed Music 2.87% 

5 of worsted 1.50 2 pocket chefs 1.00 

26 s ee letter from R. F. Yarborough, Louisburg, N. C, April 5, 1841. 

27 Dated September 23, 1842. 

38 From G. D. Holcomb, C — (?) Town, North Carolina, July 14, 1837. 



Salem Boarding School, 1834-1844 153 

April 14 two pair of stockings 1.20 pocket book 12^ 

Stationary 2 
May 1 to pocket money 1.00 Sundry postage 25 
May 12 Shoes 1.40 2% yd. black muslin 50 

The purchase of supplies required extensive correspondence. 
School books were not easily obtainable and were sometimes 
purchased from Boston or Philadelphia firms. This meant that 
boxes were sent by boat to Petersburg or Norfolk and from there 
by wagon or stage to Salem. The date of arrival was uncertain 
and frequently supplies were not obtainable. Mrs. Jacobson while 
on a visit to her parents in Bethlehem wrote to her husband: 
"Shall I procure Geography books at Philadelphia, and how 
many? MitcheFs seems to be liked more than any other." 

There is a bill dated June 21, 1837, from Turner and Hughes 
for textbooks: 

To : 1 doz. worcesters elements of History at 1.25 15.00 

To : i/2 doz. Worcester geography and atlas 1.50 9.00 

Postage to Raleigh and Return .25 

Paid Stage Fare .50 .75 



24.75 



J. H. Whitney of Boston wrote : "Rand's Introduction to Penmen- 
ship I could not find. Our book sellers, indeed, had never heard of 
the work." 29 

A bill submitted by the firm of Humphreys and Gaither of 
Lexington gives interesting glimpses of the variety of articles 
which were ordered: 

1840 Nov 1 Large plaid Shawl 2.75 

1841 Oct 19 3 pr Nit Drawers 4.50 
Oct 25 1 cloth cap 1.50 
Nov. 6 4 shirts 7.00 

1 Blk Satin Vest Pattern 4.35 

Nov 15 1 Fur Hat 5.50 

Nov 17 1 yd Blk Silk Velvet 5.00 



30.60 

On May 15, 1837, Samuel Gaither, agent for the firm, wrote as 
follows : 



29 Dated August 7, 1837. 



154 The North Carolina Historical Review 

I send 4 doz Baskets 1 Ream fancy letter paper the best I could 
procure either in New York or Philadelphia. I was informed that 
it could not be made as fine as the white paper also 22 Nuca 
and 28 Ribbonbound Whitney Blankets and (pg) cloth which 
Mr. Warner informed me would be devided between you and him- 
self the pg. cloth contains 39*4 yds. 

2 Doz Baskets @ $4.00 

2 ditto @ $5.00 

1 Ream Letter Paper $4.37 

22 Nuca Blankets $2.60 

28 Ribbon Bound Whitneys $2.90 

Supplies for "ornamental needle work" came from Boston, and 
J. H. Whitney, formerly of the firm of Whitney and Sanford, 
wrote : 

The Cheneille cords are an article never inquired for or at the 
least very seldom and we have none of them on hand. 
The marking Silk is another article never asked for and this we 
have not. 

The dickers Silk floss is an article much used with us for em- 
broidering this we have a large assortment of . . . . The reason 
why we have not the other articles is that they are not used 
here. Frequently the work most done in one place is not known 
in another — at one time the rage is for beads at another for 
embroidery — at another worsted work. Some Ladies with us 
are at this time working carpets one would suppose it would 
take a moderately long life time to accomplish this — In Phila- 
delphia animals and birds are almost the only designs used for 
working in Worsteds while with us [in Boston] it is impossible 
to sell anything but flower pieces. 

It might be supposed that with the multiplicity of details 
which must have exhausted the time and energy of the principal 
he would have known little of the actual work being done in the 
classroom, but it was his responsibility to hold private examina- 
tions in order to test the knowledge of each pupil before the 
public examinations which came at the end of the term. The 
public examinations were held about the middle of June and 
brought many visitors to Salem, some of whom were doubtless 
entertained in the principal's home. John Mclver of Society Hill, 
South Carolina, wrote on January 7, 1842: "It is with pleasing 
anticipation that I look forward to your examination in June 
at which time I hope to be permitted once more to visit Salem. 



Salem Boarding School, 1834-1844 155 

For I felt myself well paid for my ride last June in attending 
your examination." A delightfully reminiscent letter from Jane 
Crawford of Gladdens Grove, Chester District, South Carolina, 
reads as follows: 

How pleased should I be to visit you this summer particularly 
at the time of your examination which is one of the most pleasing 
and also exciting periods in a school girls life, pleasing if she 
is prepared to see her Parents and friends with an assurance that 
she has improved her time and done her duty, but if the reverse 
who can describe the anguish of a person. . . . Accept the best 
wishes and humble respects of your ever devoted pupil Jane to 
her beloved Inspector and Inspectress and excuse me for ad- 
dressing one so far my superior in every respects. 

Your Ever Attached Pupil 

J. M. Crawford 30 

The end of the term did not bring a long and needed rest to the 
principal and tutoresses, as there was a vacation of only two 
weeks during which time most of the pupils remained at the 
school. The new term usually began on the first Monday in July. 
Students who had completed their training at Salem often left 
immediately after the public examinations accompanied by their 
own parents or those of other girls from the same section, but 
occasionally it fell to the lot of the principal to conduct a pupil 
to her home. When Jacobson was returning a pupil to her parents 
in Charleston, he wrote to his wife a letter mailed from Raleigh 
but undated. It shows the time and energy consumed in travel in 
the state. 

I have ascertained here that to-morrow at 7 we leave in a 4 hour 
stage for Goldsboro 45 miles where we arrive in the evening at 
7 — the road is good — at 2 the next morning the cars arrive at 
that place from the North and we go on to Wilmington where we 
arrive at eight that same morning — go immediately on board 
the Steam boat and arrive at Charleston the next morning at 
8. . . . The first day at Greensboro and the succeeding night in 
Hillsboro where we arrived about 10 this morning were very cold. 

In spite of the fact that distances made travel difficult and 
that the demands of the academy and the small community in 
which it was located were many, the principals of the school, 



80 Dated February 17. No year given, but the letter is marked "arrived March 2, 1842.' 



156 The North Carolina Historical Review 

educated as they were in the North, had traveled abroad and 
maintained contacts that were wide and varied. Mention has 
already been made of the relations with business firms in Boston, 
New York, and Philadelphia. The frequent correspondence with 
Lewis Williams, North Carolina representative in Congress, 
brought comments on political affairs of the day. A letter dated 
February 18, 1837, runs as follows: 

Gen. Jackson has indeed shattered the constitution and broken 
it into pieces and there is no longer any proportion in its several 
departments. All power is absorbed in the Executive hands and 
the other branches are reduced to mere cypher. . . a perfect 
nullity. If Mr. President orders the Senate to Expunge from the 
journal, they do it as good and dutiful subjects — If he orders 
the House to stop all pursuit of rogues all investigation after 
frauds and peculations upon the public treasury, they do that 
also — Whitney and all his confederates may now laugh at the 
efforts of the House to keep watch over the public coffers without 
fear they may perpetrate just as many acts of plunder as they 
please — What a deplorable condition we are in What a frightful 
state of political pollution, of servile degradation we are involved 
in at the present moment — Fortunate for the country Jackson's 
time is mainly expired, and it would have still been more fortu- 
nate, I think, if he had never lived — The battle of New Orleans 
will be no atonement for the overwhelming evil of the destruc- 
tion of the government — Such has been the course of all military 
chiefs — They gain popularity by fighting for their country, and 
then turn that popularity to the destruction of their country. 

In another letter dated January 17, 1837, he wrote from Wash- 
ington, "I take the liberty to send you a specimen of the sort of 
printing for the Education of the Blind," and commented on the 
progress being made in teaching the blind. On February 19, 
1842, he wrote again from Washington : 

I must refer you to the papers for all the news we have at this 
place. There is nothing to excite much interest since old Mr. 
Adams routed the body of assailants that conspired to a make war 
upon him. It was indeed enough to raise a smile of derision, if not 
of contempt, to see the Nullifiers profess such horror of disunion 
when for the last twelve or fifteen years we have never had a 
tariff discussion without threats of a dissolution of the Union 
from some members of the South, If Adams case does no other 
good, it will stop the mouths of Southern members on the sub- 
ject of disunion. 



Salem Boarding School, 1834-1844 157 

Other interesting glimpses of conditions appear in the letters. 
Samuel Daniel of Charlotte County, Virginia, wrote on April 21, 
1841 : "It appears that we are threatened with war with Eng- 
land." 

On February 16, 1837, William Mann wrote from Tallahas- 
see, Florida, of the disturbances with the Seminole Indians : 

Your esteemed favour reached by due course of mail and at a 
time when I was out on a Indian excursion. Some of those savages 
had approached within a few miles of our city and committed an 
outrage on some wagons burning two and stealing the drivers 
who were Negroes and taking the mules to carry off their plun- 
der. We persued them about 80 or 90 miles recovered all the 
property but they escaped after being fired upon, though without 
the loss of any life. 

The Moravians from the early days of the Indian mission in 
Georgia had been concerned about the welfare of the Indians, 
and because of the missionaries stationed in the Cherokee Res- 
ervation, there were, from time to time, Indian girls at Salem. 
A letter from Lewis Ross, "grand Salim" of the Cherokee nation, 
written on April 10, 1842, stated that a certain Cooly was coming 
to enter his daughter and that Sarah McDonald, then in school, 
should return with Cooly. When she returned to the reservation 
it was his intention to place her to live with Mrs. Vogler, wife 
of the Moravian missionary. A letter from William S. Cooly, 
cousin of the Salem girl, written from Washington City, July 
24, 1842, shows the discouragement with which the Indians were 
often confronted: 

Our object in coming to Washington was to form a new treaty, 
and [we] had the written promise of President Tyler (given last 
year to the delegation) that he intended to enter into a new treaty 
with us embrassing all of the important points named by the 
Cherakees, but I am apprehensive that we shall be entirely un- 
successful. 

Thus the principal was kept in touch with problems more 
far-reaching than the immediate ones of the academy, and met 
with intelligent understanding the changing conditions of the 
time. 

In spite of political uncertainties of the nation as a whole and 
the financial uncertainties of the South, the academy continued 



158 The North Carolina Historical Review 

to maintain its reputation for thoroughness and sincerity of 
purpose. It is interesting to note for what reasons the patrons 
valued the institution, and quotations taken at random from the 
letters throw light on the matter: 

I have always understood that strict injunction is held over the 
virtuous morals of all whom may be trusted to your charge. . . . 
This confidence cherished will give the Parents or guardians a 
calm repose either by day or by night. 31 

I have been in Salem twice and the order I have observed in the 
transaction of every department of business far surpasses any- 
thing I have ever saw in any place in my travels. 32 

May your school ever sustain the character which it has long 
had of being one of the best disciplined Schools in the South. 33 

I have for sometime past looked at the Seminary of which you 
have the Superintendance as the best place for them [my daugh- 
ters] in which at the same time that they are receiving the em- 
bellishments of their sex they will be taught the principles of 
morality, virtue, and religion. 34 

One great inducement I had for sending them to your Institution 
was the well known reputation that your people have for prudence 
and Economy. 35 

I know from having one daughter heretofore educated there that 
every attention is paid to the students both in sickness and in 
health, and that the institution is conducted with more order and 
regularity than is to be found in some others. 36 

I am extremely anxious they should be instructed well in the 
great principles of our holy religion, but not made sectarians. I 
have a very exalted opinion of your form of religion, your purity 
or morals and simplicity of manners. 37 

I could never think & never for a moment entertain the idea of 
placing her [my daughter] in a boarding school where the Edu- 
cation of the heart and Christian sympathy and kindness were 
not the ruling motives of education. 38 

31 From Daniel Murray, Raleigh, N. C, July 7, 1837. 

82 From James H. Reagan, Facility, McMinn County, Tennessee, October 11, 1837. 

88 From J. S. Graves, Covington, Georgia, April 22, 1842. 

34 From Charles J. McDonald, Macon, Georgia, September 28, 1837. 

35 From Joseph Medley, Beverley, N. C., September 17, 1837. 
86 From Alex Gray, Randolph County, N. C, May 8, 1837. 

37 From John Parkhill, Tallahassee, Florida, March 23, 1834. 
88 From N. C. Munroe, Macon, Georgia, April 13, 1842. 



Salem Boarding School, 1834-1844 159 

On April 4, 1841, I. Nelson of Greensboro, Alabama, who had 
been impressed with the work being done at Salem Academy, 
offered to give eighty acres of land on which to start a Moravian 
school either in Alabama or Mississippi, and wrote : 

If your Society should accept the donation I propose they can have 
the liberty of establishing either a Male or Female school. The 
tract of land in Mississippi is admirably situated for a school, 
being on top of a high ridge supposed to be one of the healthest 
situations in the state, nor far distant from large settlements 
of wealthy planters. The tract in this state would be similarly 
situated both some 6 or 8 miles from any village. If you should 
accept the proposal I should require your society to establish a 
school within the space of three years or sooner if practical. 

Apparently the undertaking of establishing a school so far away 
from a Moravian settlement seemed too great, and the offer was 
declined. 

In spite of the favorable comments that poured in from all 
over the South, there were, as is to be expected, criticisms, and the 
rapid rise of seminaries and female institutions of higher learning 
meant that there was growing competition. Mrs. John Blandin 
in her book, Institutions of Higher Learning in the South Prior 
to I860, 39 lists thirty-two schools that opened their doors between 
1834 and 1844. Some of the schools were poorly financed and 
quickly passed out of existence. It is not surprising, therefore, 
that the desire for pupils sometimes led to criticism of older and 
long established schools. A. G. Hughes of Mecklenburg County, 
Virginia, wrote to Jacobson a letter undated but postmarked 
December 1, 1836 : 

There is an opinion abroad in this State, how extensive I know 
not, it however exists, that the discipline of your school is too 
rough for the tenderness of the female constitution ! To be more 
particular That you require of young Ladies that performance of 
duties which might more properly be assigned to servants. Now 
if you will trouble yourself so much as to furnish me with proper 
information as to these things I will pledge myself to stop the 
mouth of slander wherever I meet it. For I am a North Carolinan 
and am unwilling to hear our institution, one of the oldest and 
most respectable of the kind in the southern states thus rudly 
espoiled — to hear its . . . well earned and dignified character 
impeached by the friends of every little mushroom Seminary that 

39 (Washington, D. C), 1909. 



160 The North Carolina Historical Review 

is daily springing up and which are as volatile and shortlived as 
that vegitable itself. 

C. J. Orrell of Presbyterian Fayetteville, writing on August 
22, 1837, said: 

Col. Andrews visits Salem with his two Daughters for the pur- 
pose of leaving them in your care and tuition. ... I do hope you 
will take those Young Ladies in, as they are the first of Several 
years from this Section of the State and you are perhaps well 
aware that in this Section of the State there are some prejudices 
existing against the manners and customs of the good people 
of Salem — the tuition of a few Young Ladies is all that is want- 
ing to remove that prejudice. 

Criticism of schools in other sections also appears. Joseph 
Sullivan of Tumbling Shoals, South Carolina, wrote in 1837, 
"There is a good many Academies in this State, but none but 
one that I should be willing to send to, that is at Columbia, a fine 
institution but a very extravagant place," and a patron from 
Clinton, Alabama, wrote, "We have female schools here principal- 
ly under the patronage of Yankee teachers who visit the South 
for health or some other foreign motive from that of giving in- 
struction." 40 A certain Yarborough of "Lewisburg" (Louisburg) , 
North Carolina, said in 1841, "My principal objection to our 
female school here is that everything is taught superficially." 
One gentleman writing from Madison County, Tennessee, ended 
his letter with the sad lament : "There seemed to be considerable 
inquiry respecting the management of Salem Boarding school, 
the more so as many but too plainly see how very much the im- 
provement of the mind is neglected while vanity and pride is 
fostered beyond conception in our village." 41 

In spite of criticism and competition Salem Academy received 
the loyal support of patrons, and families often sent as many 
as three daughters at one time to remain in the school until their 
education was completed. They were normal, fun-loving girls, 
most of them between the ages of twelve and fifteen, who later 
went out to take their places in Southern homes of their own. "I 
have seen Mary Shepherd since her return," wrote Virginia 
Parkhill of Tallahassee. "She is much improved She gives a party 



40 From D. Harrison, Clinton, Greene County, Alabama, June 19, 1842. 

41 From Peter Transou, February 28, 1842. 



Salem Boarding School, 1834-1844 161 

to-night visits a great deal She is not the plain Salem girl I 
expected to see," and adds, "but that may be accounted for by 
her fashionable relations." 42 Mrs. Caroline Berry, who had once 
herself attended the Academy, expressed with sincerity — that 
is evident in spite of the ornate rhetoric — the gratitude that 
many parents must have felt for the kindly supervision given 
their daughters at Salem : 

Bolivar [Tennessee] August 25, 1842 
Permit me, now dear Sir to thank you and the Tutress of Salem 
Institute, for the great kindness to my daughters, since they 
have been placed under your guidance and protection, and oh 
may heaven shower its choicest blessings on you is the prayer 
of a Mother whose greatest object in life has been to fit her 
children by education and by morral precepts, to fortify their 
minds against all that is impure or degrading to an intelligent 
and rational being. 

The letters preserved by Dr. Jacobson, when read in their 
entirety, reveal a South struggling under the burden of economic 
difficulties, totally inadequate educational opportunities, bad 
health conditions, impassable roads, and meager facilities for 
transportation, but they also reveal a South of homes and close 
family ties where parents had a deep concern for the moral and 
spiritual welfare of their children. Dr. Jacobson was respected 
in the South as a wise and liberal educator, and Salem Academy 
during the years 1834-1844 was recognized as making an im- 
portant contribution to the education of Southern women. 



42 Dated January 27, 1842. 



PAPERS FROM THE FORTY-NINTH ANNUAL SESSION 

OF THE STATE LITERARY AND HISTORICAL 

ASSOCIATION, RALEIGH, DECEMBER 2, 1949 

INTRODUCTION 

By Christopher Crittenden 

The forty-ninth annual session of the State Literary and 
Historical Association was held at the Hotel Sir Walter in 
Raleigh, Friday, December 2, 1949. Meeting concurrently with 
the Association were the North Carolina Folklore Society, the 
North Carolina State Art Society, the North Carolina Society 
for the Preservation of Antiquities, and the North Carolina So- 
ciety of County Historians. At the morning meeting of the Asso- 
ciation, with President W. T. Bost of Raleigh presiding, the fol- 
lowing papers were read: "Fort Macon: Its History," by Rich- 
ard S. Barry of Durham; "A Mythical Mayflower Competition: 
North Carolina Literature in the Half-Century Following the 
Revolution," by Roger P. Marshall of Raleigh; "The Bicenten- 
nial of Printing in North Carolina," by William S. Powell of 
Raleigh ; and "Review of North Carolina Books of the Year," by 
William T. Polk of Greensboro. A business session followed. 

At the evening meeting, with Vice President Paul Murray of 
Greenville presiding, Mr. Bost delivered the presidential address 
and Mrs. Thomas Jefferson Byerly of Winston-Salem, governor 
of the Society of Mayflower Descendants in the State of North 
Carolina, announced that the annual Mayflower Cup award had 
been made to Mr. Phillips Russell of Chapel Hill for his book, 
The Woman Who Rang the Bell. The meeting was brought to a 
close by an illustrated address, "The Restoring of Colonial Wil- 
liamsburg," by Dr. Thomas J. Wertenbaker' of Princeton, New 
Jersey. 

All of these papers and addresses are included in the pages 
that follow, and it is believed that they will be read with interest 
both by those who did not have opportunity to hear them in 
the first instance and also by those who, though they were pres- 
ent when the papers were delivered, will nevertheless be grate- 
ful for the opportunity to refresh their memories as to what was 
said. In most cases the authors have made certain revisions and 
the usual editing has been done, but in no instance has the 
original meaning been materially altered. 

[162] 



FORT MACON: ITS HISTORY 
By Richard Schriver Barry* 

The objective of this paper i.s to render a brief historical sur- 
vey of Fort Macon, which is located on Bogue Point in Beaufort 
Harbor, N. C. This fort had only two predecessors : Fort Dobbs 
and Fort Hampton. Fort Dobbs was a brush work, erected in 
1756, but it was never armed or properly manned. 1 No fort exist- 
ed to close Old Topsail Inlet during the troubled days of the 
American Revolution. 2 

Growing tension with England concerning the British naval 
policy of impressment upon the high seas caused the agrarian- 
minded supporters of Jefferson to adopt a policy of coastal de- 
fense in preference to a large navy. 3 As a result, Fort Hampton, 
the second fortification on Bogue Point, was built in 1808-1809. 
This was a small, semi-circular masonry work, with brick bar- 
racks for sixty-five artillery men. 4 Throughout the war years 
(1812-1815) Beaufort Harbor, made secure by the eight smooth- 
bore cannon of Fort Hampton, 5 became a leading southern port 
from which fast sailing privateer vessels operated. The success 
of this privateer navy tremendously enhanced the national 
prestige of the twin policies of coastal defense and commerce 
raiding. Consequently, a comprehensive system of defense stress- 
ing complete and adequate coastal fortifications was developed 
by 1819 for our maritime frontier. 6 As a component part of this 
system, surveys and plans for a new fort on Bogue Point were 
completed between 1822 and 1824. 7 



* Mr. Richard Schriver Barry, a graduate student at Duke University, secured the material 
for this paper while employed as senior archivist for the Division of State Parks of the 
North Carolina Department of Conservation and Development. 

1 William L. Saunders, ed„ Colonial Records of North Carolina, V, 596-599; VI, 24, 614-615. 

2 Walter Clark, ed., State Records of North Carolina, X, 516, 546, 739; XII, 177-178; XXII, 
742. 

3 Harold and Margaret Sprout, The Rise of American Naval Power, 1776-1918 (Princeton, 
1939), 50-72. 

* United States Congress, American State Papers, Military Affairs, 7 vols. (Wash., D. C, 
1832-1861), I, no. 74, 220; no. 84, 237; no. 89, 247; no. 106, 311. (Hereafter cited as Military 
Affair 8.) 

6 National Archives, Washington, D. C, Record Group 156, Ordnance Office, Report on 
Fort Hampton, North Carolina, Jan. 1, 1814. (Hereafter cited as N. A. Rec. Gr. followed by 
the number and name of the department.) 

6 Military Affairs, 1, no. 169, 811; II, no. 83, 51; no. 206, 305. 

7 Military Affairs, II, no. 247, 567; no. 262, 714. 



[163] 



164 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Fort Hampton was abandon after 1820, and within five 
years had been swamped into the depths of the ever-widening 
channel of Old Topsail Inlet. 8 

United States Army Engineer Lieutenant William A. Eliason 
arrived in Beaufort early in December, 1825, 9 to take charge of 
the construction of the new fort. This station was to be known, 
after 1826, as Fort Macon, in honor of Nathaniel Macon, North 
Carolina's prominent statesman of the post-Revolutionary era. 
From its conception Fort Macon was plagued with delays. First, 
the small group of landholders owning Bogue Point refused to 
sell their plots. To end all bickering, the North Carolina legisla- 
ture seized the 405 acres required. Ultimately, a jury of eighteen 
freemen set the value of the land at $1,287, which the United 
States paid. 10 Lieutenant Eliason started from the proverbial 
"scratch." He issued notices for supplies of brick and stone. He 
advised the local slaveowners of the opportunity to employ their 
slaves as laborers. 11 Construction, which was begun in March, 
1826, was abruptly halted by dangerous encroachments of the 
sea. While a new site was being surveyed Eliason set his carpen- 
ters to work erecting laborers' shacks, cook houses and bake 
ovens, store sheds, stables, a lime kiln, and several flat-bottomed 
scows. In August he ordered a wharf built on Bogue Sound. Short- 
ly thereafter his supplies of tools, cement, iron work, and non- 
perishable foodstuffs, previously ordered in Baltimore, began to 
arrive by boat. 12 Ten laborers, engaged at a cost of $16 each per 
month, commenced gouging a canal from Bogue Sound into the 
site. The earth scooped from this canal was hauled by horses to 
the fort site and heaped up to form the glacis,- that is, the sloping 
outer sides of the pentagon. 13 The foundations, both of the inner 
and outer defenses, had been laid by May, 1827, but now that it 
was time to begin work on the masonry Lieutenant Eliason was 
unable to obtain locally a sufficient number of skilled mechanics. 



8 Military Affairs, II, No. 170, 818. This is the last year that Fort Hampton is carried on 
army station records. See also N. A. Cartographic Section, Drawer no. 61, sheet no. 58-1, Lt. 
Geo Dutton's map of Fort Macon area showing Fort Hampton in channel. N. A. Rec. Gr. 77, 
Engineer Dept., letter L 280, Capt. Robert E. Lee's report of his Inspection of Fort Macon 
Jan. 7, 1841. 

9 N. A. Rec. Gr. 77, Engineer Dept., letter E 1, Lt. Wm. Eliason to Gen. A. Macomb, Jan. 
1, 1826. 

10 Acts passed by the General Assembly of North Carolina, 1825, ch. XXV, 15-16; 1826, ch. 
XX 12-13. 

U N. A. Rec. Gr. 77, Engineer Dept., E 1, Lt. Eliason's report to Chief Engineer, Jan. 1, 
1826. „ „ 

" N. A. Rec. Gr. 77, Engineer Dept., E 24, Lt. Eliason's report for Sept., 1826. 

18 N. A. Rec. Gr. 77, Engineer Dept., E 9, Lt. Eliason to Chief Engineer Gen. Macomb, 
April 28, 1826. 



Fort Macon: Its History 165 

More than a month of delay followed while he imported several 
northern masons. 14 Conflicting brick contracts entailed further 
delay. Lieutenant Eliason favored one local brick manufacturer, 
Dr. James Manney, as his chief source of supply. When Captain 
J. L. Smith relieved Lieutenant Eliason in October, 1827, he evi- 
denced preference for bricks made by Captain Otway Burns, to 
the exclusion of Dr. Manney. The doctor then attempted to get 
other local manufacturers to combine with him against Captains 
Smith and Burns. Thereupon, Dr. Manney was relieved as 
surgeon to the fort laborers. 15 In retaliation, Manney published 
a derogatory article about conditions at the fort in the New Bern 
Sentinel. This nearly led to a duel between Smith and Manney. 
Ultimately, Dr. Manney was forced to appeal to Congress for 
restitution of the loss he suffered in making bricks for Fort 
Macon. 16 By the end of 1829 satisfactory contracts with the 
Beaufort manufacturers and others in nearby areas resulted in 
a constant and adequate supply of bricks. 

The fort had taken shape by August, 1830, only to have a vio- 
lent gale rip up the glacis, clog the canal, and make breeches in 
the beach. Thereafter, more attention was paid to the preserva- 
tion of the fort site. Nearly all the brick work was completed by 
December, 1832 ; 17 only the copings of Connecticut free stone 
remained to be set on top of the masonry and placed on the three 
stairways leading from the parade to the parapets. 

Captain Smith turned the Fort Macon project over to Lieu- 
tenant George Dutton in 1833. The War Department was pre- 
pared to garrison the station at this time, but Lieutenant Dutton 
advised that to make the casemates inhabitable it would be nec- 
essary to alter the original plans by laying wooden floors on 
the brick decks and plastering the casemate archways. 18 This 
work required another year. Fort Macon was finally completed 
at a cost of approximately $350,000. 19 Unfortunately, the artil- 
lery company which arrived as the fort's first garrison on Decem- 
ber 4, 1834, 20 was never able to practice artillery drill, for the 



^ Military Affairs, III, No. 360, 628. 

15 N. A. Rec. Gr. 77, Engineer Dept., S 304, Capt. Smith to Gen. Macomb, Oct. 30, 1827. 

16 N. A. Rec. Gr. 77, Engineer Dept., Letters Received Index, Aug. 1, 1830-Dec. 31, 1834, M 
895, James Manney's letter, Jan. 12, 1832. 

17 N. A. Rec. Gr. 77, Engineer Dept., S 1766, Capt. J. L. Smith to Gen. Gratiot, Dec, 13, 
1832. 

18 N. A. Rec. Gr. 77, Engineer Dept., D 1083, Lt. Geo. Dutton to Gen. Gratiot, Nov. 1, 1833. 

19 Military Affairs, V, no. 613, 655. 

20 N. A. Rec. Gr. 94, Adjutant General's Office, K 74, Brevet Major R. N. Kirby to Gen. R. 
Jones, Dec. 4, 1834. 



166 The North Carolina Historical Review 

fort remained unarmed. Fourteen months later this company was 
ordered to Florida, there to serve as an infantry company, aiding 
in the suppression of an Indian uprising. 

The fort remained ungarrisoned and in the care of an ordnance 
sergeant from 1836 to 1842. Within this period the engineers 
made alterations and improvements such as building a hot-shot 
furnace on the parade, and installing counterforts to relieve the 
pressure of the weight of the glacis, in the hope of halting the 
cracks which were opening in the masonry as the supporting 
piers settled in the sand. 21 The completion of this work caught 
the engineers napping, for only nine casemates were ready to 
receive a company from the 3rd United States Artillery Regi- 
ment when it arrived from the Seminole Indian Wars on July 
28, 1842. 22 

With colors flying and drums beating, Captain Wall's Com- 
pany "F" stood at attention upon the ramparts one February 
morning in 1844 to welcome the addition of a half company and 
a new commanding officer. Captain John Rogers Vinton had ac- 
cepted the command of Fort Macon "in spite of its sand and 
dreariness" 23 in the belief that he would have a permanent com- 
mand and more time for his leisure pursuits. Vinton presided 
over the limited society of the fort with a paternal mein. As the 
station was not assigned a chaplain, Vinton arranged for the 
Methodist minister of Beaufort to cross over each Sunday and 
deliver a sermon to the men. 24 By March the captain had taken 
upon himself the task of educating the two little music boys of 
the garrison. 25 These boys became the playmates of Vinton's 
nine-year-old son, Frank, who arrived at the fort in July. In 
one of this lad's descriptive letters to a sister he wrote, "Father 
has given me a playroom in the third story of our house [the only 
one on the island] . Father is playing on his piano [that recently 
arrived from Boston] while I am writing. We have two servants. 
One has a screeching infant, and it gives us music enough with- 
out the piano." 26 



21 N. A. Rec. Gr. 77, Engineer Dept., L 273, Capt. Robert E. Lee to Chief Engineer, Dec. 
9, 1840; D 1969, Capt. Geo. Dutton to Chief Engineer, July 8, 1842. 

22 N. A. Rec. Gr. 92, Quartermaster Dept., I 56, Capt. J. R. Irwin to Gen. Jessup, Report on 
Fort Macon, June 18, 1842. See also United States Congress, Executive Documents, 27 Cong., 
third sess., doc. no. 2, Report of the Sec. of War, Nov. 26, 1842, 199b. (Hereafter cited as 
Exec. Doc, followed by number and session of Congress.) 

m Duke University, Durham, N. C, Manuscript Collection, John Rogers Vinton Papers, 
cabinet 21, Vinton to his mother, Feb. 2, 1844. (Hereafter cited as D. U. Vinton Papers.) 

24 D. U., Vinton Papers, cabinet 21, Feb. 19, 1843. 

25 D. TT., Vinton Papers, cabinet 21, Vinton to his mother, Mar. 29, 1844. 

26 D. U., Vinton Papers, cabinet 21, Frank Vinton to his sisters, Oct. 29, 1844. 



Fort Macon: Its History 167 

Captain Wall's company was ordered to artillery school at 
Fort McHenry, Maryland, early in October, 1844. As a result 
Vinton's garrison was so depleted that even the necessary duties 
could not be performed. He then recommended that the remain- 
der of his troops be united with those at Augusta Arsenal, 
Georgia. This recommendation was accepted by the War Depart- 
ment. 27 Following Vinton's departure in November, engineering 
activities were resumed with vigor. Lead roof -joints were re- 
soldered, masonry cracks were cemented, magazines were made 
moisture-proof, a second hot-shot furnace was erected in the 
ditch, new wooden gates were hung, fourteen out of seventeen 
cannon traverses were completed, several cannon were mounted, 
and new jettees were thrown out against the sea. 28 Probably at 
this time, 1844-1846, Fort Macon reached its physical peak. Dur- 
ing these years she came nearest to fulfilling her purpose in the 
chain of Atlantic fortifications. Her limited armament could still 
successfully close Beaufort Harbor to the sailing craft of the 
era. After 1847, when all engineering activities had ceased, her 
decline began. 

The end of the Mexican War, in 1848, made available many 
regular army units for garrison duty. To Fort Macon came a 
small company of forty-one officers and men for an eleven 
months' tour of duty, ending September 12, 1849, when they left 
to assist in quelling the Billy Bowlegs Indian Uprising in 
Florida. 29 

During the decade prior to the War between the States three 
ordnance sergeants 30 endeavored to hold back the inevitable 
deterioration which accompanied disuse. Severe storms, for- 
aging cattle, and vandals wreaked havoc. By 1860 the fort was 
in very poor condition. Nearly all the masonry cracks had re- 
opened as the piers continued to sink. The sundial in the north- 
east angle of the parade had toppled over. The two hot-shot 
furnaces required complete rebuilding. The cannon had been 
dismounted. The casemates required replastering and painting. 



27 D. U., Vinton Papers, cabinet 21, Vinton's Letter Book, April, 1844-April, 1846, letter 
dated Nov. 1, 1844. See also N. A. Rec. Gr. 94, Adjutant General's Office, V 300, Capt. Vinton 
to Adj. Gen., Dec. 2, 1844. 

28 Exec. Doc, 29 Cong., first sess., doc. no. 2, Report of Chief Engineer to the Sec. of 
War Dec. 2 1845 254. 

29 N. A*. Rec. Gr. 94, Adjutant General's Office, Letters Received, S 991, Oct. 13. 1848. See 
also Exec. Doc. 31 Cong., first sess., doc. no. 1, Report of Sec. of War, Dec. 24, 1849, 188c. 

80 Ordnance Sergeants Peter D. Stewart, Thomas Dailey, and William Alexander, United 
States Army. 



168 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The woodwork was rotting. Most of the wharf had washed 
away. 3 " Yet no attempts were made to halt this disgraceful con- 
dition. 

Strife was imminent throughout the South in the early days 
of 1861. The forming Confederacy lacked both a navy and the 
facilities with which to build one quickly. This left but one 
course open to the makers of Confederate strategy: adopt the 
policy established in 1820 of coastal defense and privateer cruis- 
ing. The coastal defenses at least were available, waiting only 
for occupancy. 

At 3:30 p.m., April 14, 1861, Captain Josiah Pender, acting 
upon his own initiative, directed the movement of a volunteer 
corps from the Beaufort area, across the harbor to Fort Macon. 
The only United States soldier at the Fort, Ordnance Sergeant 
William Alexander, was removed unharmed to Beaufort. 32 

Two days later Captain H. T. Guion arrived at the Morehead 
City terminal of the recently completed Atlantic and North 
Carolina Railroad. With him were sixty-one slaves and free 
Negroes. On the 17th these laborers loaded aboard the schooner 
George S. Handy the supplies which had been donated to Fort 
Macon by the citizens of New Bern. 33 The next two weeks were 
full of turmoil. Captain Croatan replaced Captain Pender, only 
to be replaced by Colonel Tew. 34 Upstate troops, using Fort 
Macon as a rendezvous, poured into the reservation, delaying 
such work as the unloading of provisions and ammunition and 
the construction of a railroad from the wharf to the fort. More 
slaves were proffered ; more free Negroes volunteered. The labor 
force soon mustered at 207 persons. 35 During the first week this 
labor unit worked until midnight. The overcrowding of case- 
mates — forty men to a room thirty-five feet by fifteen feet — was 
partially relieved when Governor Ellis redirected many units 
to inland training camps. The laborers lifted buoys from the 



31 Exec. Doc, 36 Cong., second sess. (Senate), vol. 2 doc. no. 1, Report of Chief Engineer 
to Sec. of War, Nov. 14, 1860, 263. 

33 N. A. Rec. Gr. 156, Ordnance Dept., A 108, Sgt. Wm. Alexander to Chief of the Ordnance 
Dept., April 14, 1861. See also United States Congress, The War of the Rebellion, — A Com- 
pilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, 53 vols, in first series, 
1894-1898, series 1, LI, telegram to Gov. Pickens of South Carolina, 11. 

83 Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina Library, Chapel Hill, N. C, 
Alexander Justice Papers, Account Book of Fort Macon, April 15, 1861-Jan., 1862, 1-4. (Here- 
after cited as U. N. C. Justice Account Book.) 

84 North Carolina Department of Archives and History, Raleigh, Governor's Letter Book No. 
45, John W. Ellis, 401, April 20, 1861. (Hereafter cited as N. C. Archives, followed by book or 
box, or when Governor's Papers are used, by the number of the papers and the name of the 
governor. ) 

85 U. N. C, Justice Account Book, 19. 



Fort Macon: Its History 169 

channel, threw down the lighthouse, cleared the glacis of all ob- 
struction, and leveled the sandhills to the westward for a distance 
of five hundred yards. Sand bags were made, filled at the beach, 
and carried to the parapet. The moat was dug out, and the wharf 
was strengthened so that heavy guns brought from Charleston 
and Richmond could be unloaded. The traverse circles were re- 
aligned. The old gun carriages were removed from their storage 
space in the arches and the available twenty-four and thirty-two 
pound cannon were cleaned, lubricated, and mounted. 36 

After Colonel Tew assumed command the troops ceased to be 
independent units shifting for themselves. A regular system of 
military training commenced, with emphasis on small arms and 
close order drill, until mid-May when artillery practice began. 

Earlier in May, probably on the fifth or sixth, "several ladies 
from Morehead City brought over a Southern Confederacy 
flag/' 37 which was unfurled to a salute of nine guns. 

At the end of May the fort ordnance department took stock of 
its condition. The list of deficiencies was long, impressive, and 
desperate. The inadequacies were mainly gun carriages of proper 
size and strength, fuzees, sabots, shells, loading and cleaning 
gear, sighting instruments, and powder. 38 After June 15 most of 
the heavy repairs on the fort had been completed. Captain Guion, 
as engineer in charge, relieved about 100 of the slave laborers. 
Those remaining assisted in the gunmounting details, aided the 
carpenters in their repair work, unloaded coal, and served as 
cooks and bakers. On August 20 the free Negroes were paid off. 
Thereafter the engineering department had to rely for work 
details upon the garrison. 39 Several of the fort's guns, including 
the big ten-inch Columbiad, were transferred to Fort Hatteras 
or other batteries on Bogue and Harkers islands. 40 Nevertheless, 
by September twenty-one guns were mounted and preparations 
were in progress to mount twenty-one more. 41 

The command of Fort Macon changed hands four times during 
the summer months. 42 Late in August Lieutenant Colonel J. L. 



36 U. N. C, Justice Account Book, 12, 13, 14, 17. 

37 H. M. Wagstaff, ed., The James A. Graham Papers, 1861-188U, James Sprunt Historical 
Studies, XX (1928), J. A. Graham to his mother, May 8, 1861, 104. 

38 N. C. Archives, Governor's Papers, 151, Ellis, box May-July, 1861, May 31, 1861. 
89 U. N. C., Justice Account Book, 96. 

40 N. C. Archives, Civil War Papers, Military Board, box 200, May-Sept., 1861, Capt. H. T. 
Guion to Warren Winslow, Aug. 21, 1861. 

41 N. C. Archives, Governor's Papers, 153, Ellis; Col. Bradford to W. Winslow, Aug. 20, 1861. 

42 Major DeRossett, Capt. Pride- Jones, Lt. Col, J. L. Bridgers, Lt. Col. Moses J, White, 



170 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Bridgers, a prominent North Carolinian from Tarboro, assumed 
charge. He, of all the commanding officers, appears to have per- 
ceived clearly the strategy the Union forces could be expected 
to follow, for he wrote: "The attack, when it comes, will be 
combined, but principally by land." 43 Curiously, no attempts were 
made to alter the fort's original gun pattern to provide for an 
attack by land. 

The Union forces struck at Cape Hatteras in September. 
Colonel Bridgers demanded more ammunition. All furloughs were 
cancelled. Officers and men worked day and night, fully expecting 
Fort Macon to be the next position the Union would attempt to 
seize. Morale was high ; the garrison was fully confident it could 
"whip Old Abe out when he comes," 44 but this attack did not 
materialize. Instead, the garrison watched boatloads of Hatteras 
refugees fleeing through Morehead City. The old routine of drill 
and guard settled once more upon the post. Bogue Island, over- 
crowded, was plagued with an epidemic of mumps and measles, 45 
which accompanied the stormy autumn weather. The garrison 
did not fully comprehend the weak condition of the fort, which 
had only a thirty-day supply of food rations 46 and a meager 
35,000 pounds of powder, 47 but several British officers, detained 
at Beaufort Harbor, rendered the opinion that "the fort, in its 
present condition, would be wholly unable to withstand attack." 48 
There was not a single experienced gunner among the troops, 
not a rifled cannon or mortar. Long seige guns were needed, for 
the twenty-four and thirty-two pounders could be of no service 
against the Federal blockade steamers now cruising a mile and 
one-third away. 

Lieutenant Colonel Bridgers, an elderly man, resigned 49 after 
he became ill late in September, 1861. Lieutenant Colonel Moses 
J. White, C.S.A., was transferred to the command. On October 
22 Colonel White received a report that a large fleet was on its 



* 3 N. C. Archives, Governor's Papers, 153, Clark; Lt. Col. J. L. Bridgers to Gov. Clark, Aug. 
29 1861. 

44 U. N. C., Frank Nash Papers, 1861, folder no. 10, David Thompson to Miss Mary Thomp- 
son, Sept. 1, 1861. (Hereafter cited as U. N. C. Nash Papers.) 

45 TJ. N. C., Nash Papers, 1861, folder no. 9, Sept. 13, 1860. (Date should be 1861, according 
to events Thompson is recounting in his letter.) 

48 N. C. Archives, Governor's Papers, 153, Clark; J. L. Bridgers to Gov. Clark, Aug. 29, 
1861. 

47 U. N. C, Nash Papers, folder no. 10, 1861, David Thompson to Miss Mary Thompson, 
Sept. 1, 1861. 

48 N. C. Archives, Governor's Papers, 154, Clark; H. K. Burgwyn to Gov. Clark, Sept. 16, 
1861. 

49 N. C. Archives, Governor's Papers, 154, Clark; Conferedate States of America, War Dept. 
Headquarters, Richmond, Va., to Gov. Clark, Sept. 29, 1861. 



Fort Macon: Its History 171 

way to attack Fort Macon. This proved to be a second false alarm. 
This everlasting waiting for an attack to come began to irritate 
the men. 50 As winter set in many of the soldiers, disgruntled with 
the preparation of their food, began to draw rations and do their 
own cooking. 51 Attempts to supplement their larder with food- 
stuffs purchased in Beaufort were frustrating to the men, for 
some of the troops on the Beaufort Harbor Station had received 
no pay since June l. 52 The mumps epidemic gave way to pneu- 
monia, as the fuel supply was insufficient to drive away the cold 
and dampness from the overcrowded casemates. Morale struck 

a low ebb. One soldier wrote, "I used to think that Dr. was 

a splendid doctor . . . but ... he wouldn't care if every blamed 
private was to die in the Fort, so he gets his pay." 53 

Despite these conditions, efforts were made to improve the 
seige status of the fort. Colonel White succeeded in getting four 
thirty-two pound cannon rifled, 54 although he had only 205 shells 
for these weapons. 55 By December 27, 1861, thirty-six guns defi- 
nitely mounted (possibly thirteen more), while at least thirty- 
seven others lay unmounted in the sand. 56 At the turn of the year 
Captain Guion discharged the few remaining laborers and car- 
penters, since all the engineering activities on the fort were 
finished. Through Colonel White's efforts a six months' store of 
provisions was attained. 57 Lieutenant Thaddeus Coleman, the 
fort's ordnance officer, finally secured iron parts to repair the hot- 
shot furnances. 58 These oven-like structures, about six feet high, 
five feet wide, and ten feet long, were vital aids when the fort 
was under attack. Cannister balls or grape shot were placed in 
long-handled ladles and held in the furnace until they reached a 
cherry heat. This heated shot could be counted on to start many 
fires aboard the wooden decks of enemy ships. Despite all these 



50 U. N. C, Hollingsworth Papers, folder no. 1, B. G. Hollingsworth to his cousin, Oct. 
15, 1861. 

51 U. N. C.j Nash Papers, folder no. 10, David Thompson to Miss Mary Thompson, Oct. 24, 
1861. 

52 N. C. Archives, Governor's Papers, 155, Clark; Jasper Rumley and others to Gov. Clark, 
Oct. 24, 1861. 

53 U. N. C, Nash Papers, folder no. 10, 1861, David Thompson to his mother, Dec. 16, 1861. 

54 U. N. C, Bryan Papers, folder no. 292, 1862, Lt. T. Coleman's note of certification for 
works performed, Oct. 31, 1861. 

155 N. C. Archives, Personal Correspondence, 408, Gen. Dan Hill Papers, Gen. Hill to J. D. 
Whitford, Oct. 25, 1861, "I learn from Col. White, commander of [this] Post that there are 
but seven shells here belonging to the 32 pounder." U. N. C, Bryan Papers, folder no. 292, 
1862, Lt. T. Coleman to Lt. Bryan, Jan. 7, 1862. 

56 U. N. C, Justice Account Book, 105. 

57 N. C. Archives, Governor's Papers, 157, Clark; Gen. L. O'B. Branch to Gov. Clark, Feb. 
24, 1862. 

68 U. N. C, Bryan Papers, folder no. 292, Lt. T. Coleman to Lt. Bryan, Jan. 13, 1862, 



172 The North Carolina Historical Review 

improvements at the fort, the supply of ammunition remained 
inadequate to the very day of attack. 59 

During February, 1862, the four Confederate regiments on 
the Beaufort Harbor Station were withdrawn to hastily erected 
batteries on the outskirts of New Bern. Fort Macon's ordnance 
department was further taxed to equip several of these batteries 
with cannon and ammunition. 60 Colonel White, as directed by 
General Branch, selected five heavy artillery companies, 61 total- 
ling approximately 439 officers and men, to remain as Fort 
Macon's garrison. 

Five United States naval cruisers had gathered off Bogue 
Point by March 12, 1862. General Parke's third brigade was 
allotted the execution of the final step in Burnside's North Caro- 
lina campaign — the capture of Fort Macon. The United States 
required a secure southern Atlantic anchorage for provisioning 
her blockade cruisers. 

Between March 22 and March 25, Carolina City, Morehead 
City, and Beaufort were occupied by Union troops moving down 
from New Bern. Signal stations were set up in each city. 62 Com- 
panies of the Eighth Connecticut Regiment knocked together 
crude barges, and on March 29 secured a beachhead on Bogue 
Island about six miles west of the fort. A battle line was thrown 
across the island. As this line advanced eastward several hot 
skirmishes took place behind the sand dunes, until April 12-14 
when all pickets withdrew into the fort. 63 Fort Macon was now 
under seige, but she still managed to send an occasional boat to 
Beaufort. 

Three weeks of Union preparation followed. Heavy guns were 
floated to Bogue Banks on two-masted scows. Under cover of 
darkness, these cannon and mortars were formed into batteries 
1,200 to 1,400 yards from the fort. Rifle pits were dug about 2,000 
feet from the fort, after attempts to move closer were quelled by 



59 U. N. C, Papers of Colonel Herman Biggs, United States Army, folder no. 2 (1860-62), 
no, 351, letter to Mrs. Herman Biggs from Capt. Biggs (Gen. Burnsides Quartermaster), April 
27, 1862, written aboard the Army Steamer Alice Price off of Beaufort. "We captured . . . 
twenty-two thousand pounds of powder." This was hardly even one full supply for a week. 

(Hereafter cited as U. N. C, Biggs Papers.) 

60 U. N. C, Bryan Papers, folder no. 292, Lt. T. Coleman to Lt. Bryan, Jan. 15, 1862; 
folder no. 301, 1862, Gen. L. O'B Branch's directives to Lt. Bryan. 

61 N. C. Archives, Governor's Papers, 157, Clark; Gen. L. O'B. Branch to Gov. Clark, Feb. 
24, 1862. 

« 2 N. A. Rec. Gr. Ill, Office of Chief Signal Officer, M 39, Lt. Wm. Andrews to Maj. A. J 
Meyer, May 17, 1862, received at Signal Office June 14, 1862. 

63 W. A. Croffett and John M. Morris, The Military and Civil History of Connecticut During 
the Recent War (New York, 1868), 179. (Hereafter cited as Military and Civil History of 
Connecticut.) 



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Fort Macon: Its History 173 

accurate cannister fire from Colonel White's cannon. 64 During 
this period both Union and Confederate troops suffered severely 
from sickness and exposure, but it was to be within the fort that 
this factor would cause a most dangerous manpower deficiency. 
The complaints concerning the poor food increased among Colonel 
White's garrison and finally caused General Robert E. Lee to 
authorize the abandonment of the fort on April 15, 65 but of course 
by this time such an action was impossible. 

General Parke offered Colonel White an opportunity to sur- 
render, but the colonel politely refused, although he probably 
had fewer than 300 men fit for duty. 66 

In the clear dawn of Friday, April 25, 1862, the Union troops 
scraped away the tops of the sandhills hiding Captain Morris's 
thirty-pound Parrott guns. At 5 :40 a.m. fire was opened upon 
Fort Macon. Ten minutes later the fort replied. 67 An eleven-hour 
bombardment ensued, but without mortars it was impractical 
to expect the horizontally-fired fort cannon to bracket satis- 
factorily the Union emplacements. Union steamers, unaware that 
the attack would begin on that day, did not enter the fray until 
8:20, but a combination of the fort's hot, accurate fire, and a 
strong sea forced their retreat at 9 :50. 68 The gun boat Ellis and 
her gun barges played no part in the attack. Fatalities were 
relatively light — seven Confederate and one Union. The most 
notable fact of the bombardment is the accuracy of the Union 
batteries. Eleven hundred shots were fired; five hundred sixty 
were direct hits upon the fort, nineteen fort guns were disabled. 69 
The credit for this must properly rest with the Union signal 
officer in Beaufort. This officer, having an understanding of 
artillery fire, was able to observe the impact patterns, then to 
forward his corrections by flags to the batteries on Bogue 
Island. 70 

A flag of truce, displayed about 4:15 Friday afternoon, was in 
effect throughout the night. Saturday morning about 7 :30 Colonel 



64 Military and Civil History of Connecticut, 180. 

65 Walter Clark, ed., Histories of the Regiments and Battalions from North Carolina in the 
Great War, 1861-65, Lt. J. W. Sanders' account of the 10th Regiment, 507. 

66 Walter Clark, ed., Histories of the Regiments and Battalions from North Carolina in the 
Great War, 1861-65, Sanders' account of the 10th Regiment, 504. 

67 N. A. Rec. Gr. 24, Bureau Naval Personnel, Log of U. S. S. State of Georgia, April 25, 
1862, 4-8 watch. 

68 N. A. Rec. Gr. 24, Bureau Naval Personnel, Log of U. S. S. Propellor Daylight, April 
25, 1862, 8-12 watch. 

69 U.N.C., Biggs Papers, folder no. 2, 1860-62, no. 351, Capt. Biggs to his wife, April 27, 1862. 

70 N. A. Rec. Gr. Ill, Office of Chief Signal Officer, 1862, Letters Received Book 10, 
B 7, 51, May 2, 1862; F 6, 53, May 2, 1862; F 8, 57, May 17, 1862. 



174 The North Carolina Historical Review 

White went aboard General Burnside's Army schooner, the Alice 
Price for breakfast, after which the articles of capitulation were 
drawn and signed. 71 Between 9 :30 and 10 o'clock troops from the 
Fifth Rhode Island Regiment marched into the Fort, much to 
the chagrin of the Eighth Connecticut Regiment which had done 
the close fighting on Friday. At 10:10 the Confederate flag was 
hauled down the seventy-five foot flag pole. This standard was 
awarded to the leaders of the Rhode Island regiment, who in turn 
forwarded it to their state legislature. 72 Captain Guion's Com- 
pany of 100 men was sent aboard the steamer Alice Price as 
prisoners, to be carried to New Bern. 73 One hundred fifty other 
prisoners, including Lieutenant Colonel White, were carried on 
the U. S. S. Chippewa to the Confederate Fort Caswell near 
Wilmington. 74 These prisoners were allowed to retain their per- 
sonal property and were immediately paroled. Until the end of 
the war Beaufort Harbor filled the purpose of a coaling depot 
for Union blockade ships in southern waters. 

From March, 1867, when the post records were resumed, until 
July, 1876, Fort Macon served as a place of confinement for civil 
and military prisoners of the second United States Military 
District. The casemates, located immediately to the right of the 
main entrance, were used as prison rooms. One hundred thirteen 
prisoners was the largest number ever detained at the fort at 
one time. 75 

The garrison, usually two artillery companies of about forty 
men each, dwelt in the casemates to the far left of the main gates. 
Each casemate was occupied by about twenty men (which was 
overcrowding). The men slept in two-story double bunks, and 
"were much troubled by bedbugs." 76 Four casemates were set 
aside for cooking. Bake ovens were set up in the first and second 
magazines. Drinking water was obtained from wells on the 
island. This source often became polluted by sea water, however, 
and then it was necessary to haul water over from Beaufort. 
There were no wash rooms: the men did their washing out of 



71 Benjamin Perley Poore, The Life and Public Services of Ambrose E. Burnsides (Provi- 
dence, 1882), 146. 

72 Military and Civil History of Connecticut, 181. Height of flag pole is an estimate made 
from a photograph in the office of the Superintendent of North Carolina State Parks. 

73 U. N. C, Biergs Papers, folder no. 2, 1860-62, no. 351, Capt. Biergs to his wife, April 27, 1862. 

74 N. A. Rec. Gr. 24, Bureau of Naval Personnel, Log of U. S. S. Chippewa, April 27-28, 
1862. 

75 N. A. Rec. Gr. 94, Adjutant General's Office, Post Returns, box 337, June, 1868. 

79 N. A. Rec. Gr. 159, Inspector General's Office, A 11, 1870, Report on Inspection of Fort 
Macon, 23. 



Fort Macon: Its History 175 

doors with cistern water. Sanitation facilities were located with- 
out the walls, beyond the glacis. The fort had no • chapel* - nc 
library (except -for a small 270-volume reading ' room and four 
weekly newspapers) , and no garden. There were four laundresses 
per company — each laundress received $1 per month per man, 
and her quarters. 77 Few and limited were the repairs made on 
the fort in these years, for the Army strategists were debating 
the wisdom of rebuilding Fort Macon. 78 Her evident weakness — 
the inability to withstand a land attack by modern rifled arma- 
ment — ultimately led the makers of the postwar strategy to con- 
clude that Fort Macon had no further use in an era when strong 
long-range naval craft became the pattern of the future. The 
old station was permitted to deteriorate. Rather than build new 
officers' quarters, second-hand shacks were moved from the 
Goldsboro barracks to the fort. 79 The wharf was gone completely 
by 1870, and thereafter all supplies had to be lightered ashore. 
Throughout most of this period the post was without an adequate 
hospital. The garrison was withdrawn on September 25, 1876. 80 

After 1880 Fort Macon was virtually abandoned; even Ord- 
nance Sergeant Adolph Smith was withdrawn. Not until the 
Spanish-American War did the fort receive further considera- 
tion. A letter from the editor of the Beaufort newspaper on April 
1, 1898, called public attention to the fact that Beaufort Harbor 
was defenseless. 81 By April 15 the Federal reservation was closed 
to all visitors and 100 men labored to put the fort once again into 
a state of readiness against attack. The moat was filled in with 
sand. Sandbags were put in place on the parapets. 82 At a cost of 
$3,000 the Federal government installed two 100-pound Parrott 
guns and two ten-inch mortars. 83 The North Carolina State Ad- 
jutant appointed Fort Macon as the place of rendezvous for the 
colored troops of the Third North Carolina National Guard Regi- 



77 N. A. Rec. Gr. 159, Inspector General's Office, 1703 — A. G. O., 1871, Report of Inspec- 
tion of Fort Macon, April 18, 1871. 

78 Exec. Doc, 39 Cong., second sess., doc. no. 1, Report of Chief Engineer to Sec. of War, 
20, 1866, 427; 42 Cong., second sess., vol. II, doc. no. 1, Report of Chief Engineer to Sec. of 
War, Oct. 20, 1871, 19. 

79 N. A. Rec. Gr. 92, Quartermaster Dept., I, box 597, A 29, Extract of Report of Br. Maj. 
Gen. D. B. Sacket, Inspector General, June 13, 1870. N. A. Rec. Gr. 94, Adjutant General's 
Office, Feb. 8, 1871, forwarded report on Fort Macon from Quartermaster General's Office, 
no. 481. 

soN. A. Rec. Gr. 94, Adjutant General's Office, Post Returns, box 337, Sept., 1876-May, 
1877. (Although the main garrison was withdrawn on this date, a detachment of 17 men 
remained until May, 1877.) 

si The News and Observer, Raleigh, XLIV, no. 23, Friday, April 1, 1898, p. 4, col. c. 

82 The News and Observer, Raleigh, XLIV, no. 37, Friday, April 15, 1898, p. 2, col. a. 

83 Exec. Doc, 55 Cong., third sess., vol. II, doc. no. 2, part 1, Chief Engineer's Report to 
Sec. of War, July 1, 1898, Appendix 4J, 692. 



176 



The North Carolina Historical Review 






\ irientX 4 This unit- remained stationed at Fort Macon from June 1 
:untij after -the war ended. On September 8, 1898, the Third Regi- 

-inent was\ordered to Knoxville, Tennessee, and Fort Macon was 
again abandoned. 85 

From 1900 to 1924 Fort Macon squatted sphinx-like on the tip 
of Bogue Banks, her guns dismounted and sold. No garrison was 
sent to put her in readiness when World War I began. 86 In the 
aftermath of this conflict the War Department determined to rid 
itself of surplus forts and reservations. A list of these stations, 
including Fort Macon, had been compiled by 1923. Throughout 
the state of North Carolina popular interest was sufficiently 
aroused to urge the governor to procure Fort Macon. As the state 
had no funds available with which to make such a purchase, the 
governor directed that a subscription to raise the funds be con- 
ducted before the state's six month's option elapsed. 87 The sub- 
scription was unneeded, however, for North Carolina's Senator 
Simmons and Representative Abernathy successfully induced 
Congress to return the fort to the state without cost, upon the 
provision that the reservation be used only for public purposes. 88 
On June 4, 1924, Fort Macon's 402 acres (with the exception of 
the 400-yard strip retained by the United States Coast Guard) 
became North Carolina's second State Park. Because the State 
Parks System was in its infancy little repair work was done on 
the fort at this time. The greatest amount of restoration occurred 
in 1934-35 when the Civilian Conservation Corps regraded the 
glacis, refinished the woodwork, and built a road to connect Fort 
Macon with Morehead City. 89 Several recreation facilities also 
were installed at that time, and by 1940 Fort Macon had become 
one of North Carolina's most prominent State Parks. With the 
opening of World War II the United States War Department 
again obtained a lease for the reservation. Fort Macon served 
as the hub for all protective installations on Beaufort Harbor. 



8 * The News and Observer, Raleigh, XLIV, no. 54, May 3, 1898, p. 5, col. b. 

85 N. C. Archives, Governor's Papers, 300, Russell; Col. James Young to Gov. Russell, Sept. 
8, 1898. 

86 U. S. Army, Historical Division, Pentagon, Washington, D. C. Order of Battle Section, 
folder 25-709-816, Southeastern Division, Foi't Macon is listed as an inactive station during 
period of World War I. 

87 N. C. Archives, Governor's Papers, 426, Morrison; Gov. Morrison to J. H. Pratt, Dec. 12, 
1923: Governor's Papers, 435, Morrison; Thomas P. Ivy to Gov. Morrison, Feb. 25, 1924. 

88 N. C. Archives, Governor's Papers, 436, Morrison; telegram from Rep. Abernathy to Gov. 
Morrison, May 21, 1924. 

89 N. A. Rec. Gr. 79, National Park Service S. P. 1, F. P. Shore's narrative reports of 
progress of C. C. C. unit at Fort Macon, Oct., 1934-Aug., 1935. 



Fort Macon: Its History 177 

A coast artillery garrison continued at the fort from September 
11, 1942, until April 1, 1945. 90 The Federal government's lease 
terminated on October 1, 1946, and the fort again became a North 
Carolina State Park. 



90 U. S. Army Organization and Directory Section, Pentagon, Washington, D. C, Operations 
Branch, Adjutant General's Office, Historical Data on Fort Macon, organization cards. 



A MYTHICAL MAYFLOWER COMPETITION: NORTH 

CAROLINA LITERATURE IN THE HALF-CENTURY 

FOLLOWING THE REVOLUTION 

By Roger Powell Marshall 

"But little heed is taken of that which men hold to have been 
surpassed," says Dante Gabriel Rossetti; "it is gone like time 
gone, — a track of dust and dead leaves that merely led to the 
fountain." 

Virginia Woolf, on the other hand, says that it is absorbing 
"now and again to go through the rubbish-heaps and find rings 
and scissors and broken noses buried in the huge past." 

One may allow that the early literature of our state has been 
surpassed, and yet maintain that pursuit in the huge past of 
rings and scissors and broken noses— or a pirate's treasure, a 
doorkeeper's queue, and a head of Medusa — may be both fasci- 
nating and rewarding. 

That portion of our North Carolinian past to which I invite 
your attention is the half -century following the Revolution, or — 
for convenience — the fifty years beginning with 1781 and end- 
ing with 1830. Within those years I propose that we examine a 
variety of separate publications from pamphlets of verse to 
two-volume histories, and from law digests to novels. The authors 
were natives or sometime residents of North Carolina, and their 
works in some measure give evidence of conscious literary aspir- 
ation. From the much larger number of North Carolina publica- 
tions belonging to the period, the number selected for this study 
has been limited, with reluctance, to twenty; and since three 
writers contribute two works each, the number of personalities 
represented is seventeen. It is suggested that the twenty items 
upon this narrow shelf be identified as if they were being con- 
sidered for a Mayflower Cup — for a mythical half -century award. 

By way of further preface, I mention briefly such matters as 
chronological distribution, literary form, places of publication, 
and places of authors' nativity. 

As to chronological distribution, seven of the entries were 
published in the first twenty years of the fifty, seven in the sec- 
ond twenty, and six in the last ten. 

£178] 



A Mythical Mayflower Competition 179 

As to literary form, fourteen are in prose and six in verse. Of 
the fourteen prose works, nine are non-fiction and five fiction. 
Included in the non-fiction are a book of sermons, a school geog- 
raphy, a household medical book, a treatise on climate, two his- 
tories of North Carolina, a volume of agricultural essays, and 
two of the many law books belonging to the period. Of the five 
works of prose fiction, two are novels and three are plays. Brief 
information on most of the authors accompanies comment on 
their works. One profession, by the way, is represented with 
conspicuous frequency. No fewer than eight of the writers were 
trained in the law, though some turned to other fields. 

Ten of the entries were published in North Carolina: five in 
Raleigh, three in Halifax, one in Salisbury, and one in New Bern. 
Three were published in Philadelphia; two in New York; and 
one each in Boston; Wilmington, Delaware; Washington City; 
and New Orleans. For one the' place of publication is unknown. 

Biographical data are available for thirteen of the seventeen 
writers. Six of these were born in North Carolina, and one each 
was born in Scotland, England, France, Massachusetts, New 
Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Virginia. The six native sons all left 
their mother state somewhere along the years after attaining 
maturity, and not one resided in North Carolina at the close of 
his life. Most of the incoming seven remained permanently, 
though two elder statesmen removed to other states after 
many years of residence in North Carolina. 

Whatever may be the defects of the strangely assorted com- 
pany upon our little shelf, lack of variety is not one of them. 

The first writer of the "sub-Revolutionary period" to be men- 
tioned here is the Reverend Henry Pattillo, who is represented 
by two books. A native of Scotland, this heroic Presbyterian 
minister preached and taught in North Carolina, principally 
in Orange and Granville counties, for about thirty-six years 
(1765-1801). 

His volume of Sermons was published at Wilmington, Dela- 
ware, in 1788. Some of his subjects are "The Divisions among 
Christians," "The Necessity of Regeneration to Future Happi- 
ness," and "The Scripture Doctrine of Election." A note tells 
of his work with Negroes, a work for which he needed "plain" 
books, such as "spelling-books, catechisms, testaments, and 



180 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Watts's hymns." "Are the channels entirely shut up," he asks, 
"by the independence of America, through which so many good 
books were conveyed about thirty years ago? I reside," he con- 
tinues, "an hundred miles from Petersburg, our center of trade, 
and nearest tide of water ; and so am out of the way of books." 

Pattillo's second work, said to be the first textbook written in 
North Carolina, was published at Halifax in 1796. A part of the 
title-page follows : 

A Geographical /CATECHISM,/ 
To assist those who have neither maps nor Gazetteers, To Read 
/News-Papers, History, or Travels;/ With as much of /The 
Science of Astronomy, and the Doctrine of the Air,/ as is 
judged sufficient for the Farmer, who wishes /to understand 
something of/ The Works of GOD, around him;/ and for the 
studious Youth, who have or have not a prospect of /further 
prosecuting those Sublime Sciences./ 1 

Erudition and humor, patriotism and piety are mingled. The 
story of the Revolution is touched briefly but eloquently. The 
paragraph on North Carolina contains a reference to the State 
University, then in its infancy, which, according to Mr. Pattillo, 
"must prove an extensive blessing as well as an honor to the 
state." 

Two years later than the Geographical Catechism, a fifty-page 
book on home medicine was published for the author at Salis- 
bury: Every Man His Own Doctor; or the Poor Man's Family 
Physician, by Thomas Johnson. "Prescribing," we learn from 
the title-page, "plain, safe, and easy means to cure themselves, 
of the most disorders incident to this climate;' with very little 
charge, the medicines being the growth of this country, and about 
almost every man's plantation." 

The genial doctor says, "I have been cautions of not talking 
like an apothecary, that is, of using hard words that neither my 
patient nor I myself understands." He "makes no question" that 
some of his "brothers Quack will make themselves merry" with 
some of his prescriptions, but he hints "that they may do by 
some of these medecines [sic], just as the English do by the 
French fashion, laugh at them first and make use of them after- 



1 A reprint of the Catechism was published forty years ago: N. W. Walker and M. C. S. 
Noble, eds., Pattillo's Geographical Catechism, University Reprints, Number One (Chapel 
Hill, N. C: The University Press, December, 1909). 



A Mythical Mayflower Competition 181 

wards." Besides numerous "cures" for the ills of mankind, sev- 
eral remedies are recorded for diseases of horses. 

From the quack-doctor we turn to a physician, scientist, philos- 
opher, and patriot of international eminence — Hugh Williamson, 
M.D., LL.D. Although Pennsylvanian born, his greatest services 
to his country were performed while he was a resident of North 
Carolina, 1776-1793. He was one of the three signers of the Con- 
stitution of the United States for North Carolina. His 200-page 
Observations on the Climate was published in New York in 1811 ; 
his two- volume History of North Carolina was published in Phila- 
delphia the following year. The title-page of the first manifests 
a relation to the second, as follows — 

OBSERVATIONS/ on the/ CLIMATE/ 
In Different Parts of America,/ compared with the / Climate in 
Corresponding parts of the Other Continent./ To which are add- 
ed,/ Remarks on the Different/ Complexions of the Human 
Race;/ with some account of the/ Aborigines of America./ 
Being/ An Introductory Discourse/ to the/ History of North- 
Carolina. 

The History, with map and appendices, brings the narrative 
of North Carolina only to 1776. Writing in June 1812, the author 
explains that the history had been prepared many years before. 
The task of publication might have been entrusted to his oldest 
son: "A young man, whose moral and christian virtues, could 
not be praised above his merits. But," continues the bereaved 
and aged parent, "it pleased his heavenly Father lately to re- 
move him to 'a house not made with hands/ In this case I deemed 
it proper to have the work published without further delay." 

Seventeen years after the appearance of Hugh Williamson's 
History, Francois-Xavier Martin's History of North Carolina, 
From the Earliest Period, was published in New Orleans. 

The long career of Martin as printer, editor, translator, and 
jurist can only be mentioned. He was born in Marseilles in 
1762, came as a boy to Martinique, then to Virginia, where he 
served for a short while in the Continental army. In 1783, when 
he was twenty-one, he settled in New Bern, and his success was 
soon assured. After more than a quarter of a century in North 
Carolina, he was commissioned by President Madison as a Fed- 
eral judge. After a year in Mississippi he was commissioned to 



182 The North Carolina Historical Review 

serve in New Orleans. He lived until 1846, having amassed al- 
most $400,000 to be wrangled over in the courts of Louisiana. 
A biographer says that Judge Martin was "unbelievably par- 
simonious, grasping and hard . . ."; and that he "was able to 
leave behind him the reputation of never having been swayed by 
an improper motive or of having succumbed to a generous im- 
pulse." 2 

Martin's history like Williamson's comes only as far as the 
Revolution. For the two volumes published, Martin had gathered 
the materials before he left New Bern in 1809. He explained that 
materials were ready for volumes three and four, if his fellow 
citizens in North Carolina were desirous that they should appear. 
The fellow citizens in North Carolina were not sufficiently 
desirous. 

Williamson is said to have a fondness for the trivial, and Mar- 
tin to incorporate much that is dull ; yet one seeking "rings and 
scissors and broken noses" is interested here and there by for- 
gotten and curious phenomena — trivial, perhaps — but neither dull 
nor disappointing, such as Williamson's "small explosion of a vol- 
canic nature . . . observed about 1793, in Anson County"; and 
Martin's earthquake of 1663, which was most violent in Canada, 
but was felt for twelve hundred miles. "A very large and rocky 
one [mountain] occupying upwards of two miles, sunk, leaving 
in its place a wide and extensive plain : lakes were formed on the 
spot where high and inaccessible mountains had hitherto stood." 

The two North Carolina law books upon our mythical shelf may 
be neither better nor worse than a dozen others of their times. 
Both authors, however, after leaving North Carolina, attained 
further distinction by writing notable books that lie beyond the 
range of this review. 

The first of the two law books is John Haywood's Report of 
Cases Adjudged in the Superior Courts of Law and Equity of the 
State of North Carolina, from 1789 to 1798. (This John Haywood, 
by the way, is not to be confused with his contemporary of the 
same name, who for forty years was State Treasurer.) With 
clarity and compression the learned jurist reports term by term 
the cases tried. Sometimes courtroom drama revives from the 
fine print of a stained page, as when His Honor explains — "The 



2 Edward Larocque Tinker. "Jurist and Japer: Francois Xavier Martin and Jean Leclerc. 
Bulletin of the New York Public Library (September, 1935), 675-697. 



A Mythical Mayflower Competition 



183 



cause of reporting this case with so much minuteness is that the 
public opinion ran very high against the prisoner before and 
after his trial, and he was pronounced guilty of murder by many 
who were present at the trial." Nevertheless, the jury "found 
the prisoner not guilty of murder, but guilty of manslaughter; 
and he was burnt in the hand and discharged." 

In 1808, when about fifty years old, Judge Haywood moved to 
Tennessee. There he was to write his Civil and Political History 
of Tennessee and Natural and Aboriginal History of Tennessee. 

Bishop Joseph Blount Cheshire quotes a law preceptor of his 
as saying "that the greatest lawyer North Carolina ever pro- 
duced was John Haywood of Halifax." 3 

Our second book of law — extending, as Haywood's did, to more 
than five hundred pages— is the work of a twenty-eight year old 
"Counsellor at Law," native of New Bern and resident of Hills- 
boro, who was soon to abandon the law for the Episcopalian 
ministry, and in other states to pursue a career in which for 
nearly forty years authorship and editing were to have an im- 
portant place. The young counselor was Francis Lister Hawks, 
and his book — A Digested Index of the Reported Cases Adjudged 
in North Carolina, From the Year 1776 to 1826. The Work is 
"Respectfully Dedicated by Their Obedient Servant" to "the 
Honorable, the Judges of the Supreme Court of North Carolina." 
"The object," Mr. Hawks explains, "was to present, in a digested 
form, the points of law decided in North Carolina, and scattered 
through fourteen books of reports." He modestly adds, "While 
this book can have no claim to be one of those, the reading of 
which is 'the right way to perfect knowledge/ it is believed to be 
not without merit, as a table by which the student and the prac- 
titioner may be guided to those 'books at large/ in which alone 
trust can be safely reposed." 

Years later, as editor of The New York Review, he became ac- 
quainted with Edgar Allan Poe, who — Hervey Allen relates — 
was "at some pains to proclaim Dr. Hawks' sermons boresome." 
In a blast at yet another editor, Poe himself declares that the 
object of his scorn "is as smooth as oil or a sermon from Dr. 
Hawks ; he is noticeable for nothing in the world except for the 

3 Nonntilla (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1930), 131. 



184 The North Carolina Historical Review 

noticeableness by which he is noticeable for nothing." 4 Poe's 
ingenious cushion-shot at Dr. Hawks may be discounted in view 
of competent testimony that the latter was "the most eloquent 
pulpit orator in the Episcopal Church." 5 

Of our non-fiction, there remains one small volume, published 
by Joseph Gales in 1819 : A Series of Essays on Agriculture & 
Rural Affairs, in Forty-seven Numbers, by "Agricola," "A 
North-Carolina Farmer" identified as George W. Jeffreys. The 
essayist is concerned with application of scientific principles to 
North Carolina farming. "Agricola" laments that — "In North- 
Carolina the state of agriculture is at the lowest ebb," and dis- 
courses upon such subjects as improvement of land, horizontal 
ploughing, livestock, irrigation, orchards, and cider. He attribu- 
ted the deplorable condition of North Carolina agriculture to two 
causes: to "a neglect in the state of rendering her rivers navi- 
gable — and to a want of knowledge among farmers as to the 
best modes of cultivating the soil — and a zeal and emulation to 
effect improvements therein." 

Turning to fiction, we consider next the two novels. One was 
written by William Hill Brown, a Bostonian, born in 1765. He 
is remembered principally as the author of "the first regular 
American novel," The Potver of Sympathy, published anony- 
mously in 1789, and long attributed to another writer. After the 
publication in Boston of The Power of Sympathy, Brown moved 
to North Carolina to study law with General Davie, and died at 
Murfreesboro in September, 1793, at the age of about twenty- 
eight. He left another novel, Ira and Isabella, "a novel founded 
in fiction," which some scholars conjecture was written in North 
Carolina. This novel was posthumously published in Boston in 
1807. 

Since portrayal of characters and events in The Power of Sym- 
pathy brought sorrow and humiliation to acquaintances of 
Brown, the book was almost entirely suppressed. The editor of a 
modern reprint 6 advances the theory that in the second novel, 
Ira and Isabella, Brown "attempted to salvage his plot by re- 
writing the story entirely, disguising its identity with the original 



4 Hervey Allen. Israfel: The Life and Times of Edgar Allan Poe (New York: Farrar and 
Rinehart, 1934), 549. 

5 Appletons' Cyclopaedia of American Biography (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 
1887), III, 122. 

"Milton Ellis, ed. The Power of Sympathy, by William Hill Brown (New York: Columbia 
University Press, for The Facsimile Text Society, 1937), 2 vols. 



A Mythical Mayflower Competition 185 

form, omitting the illustrative episodes which proved so injudi- 
cious at first, and substituting a happy ending for the more 
appropriate tragic one." 

A curious feature of Ira and Isabella is a preface in which the 
young novelist discusses the fashions of the then modern novel. 
He presents a "Scale of Novelists" in which he has graded eight- 
een British and European novelists upon — genius, satire, knowl- 
edge, intelligence, imagination, pathos. According to the scheme 
employed, Dr. Samuel Johnson, with a total score of 122, noses 
out Jonathan Swift for first place by one point; and Daniel 
DeFoe comes in last with a score of 66. 

A humorous verse-narrative by Brown, "The Lion and the 
Terrapin," is authentically North Carolinian. It is preserved in 
Wood-Notes, the collection of North Carolina poems edited by 
Mrs. Mary Bayard Clarke in 1854. 

The other novel upon our shelf was written by the only woman 
in our group of seventeen, a North Carolina citizen of British 
antecedents: Winifred Marshall Gales. She was the wife of the 
printer, Joseph Gales, who was also the liberal editor of the 
Raleigh Register. 

The title-page of Mrs. Gales's novel bears these words : Matilda 
Berkely, or, Family Anecdotes; By the author of The History of 
Lady Emma Melcombe and her Family, etc. Raleigh (N. C). 
Printed by J. Gales, Printer to the State. 1804. 

So far as substance reveals, Matilda Berkely might have been 
written before Mrs. Gales left England. Lord and Lady, General, 
Marquis, and Duke are conspicuous personages in Mrs. Gales's 
make-believe world of English society. 

Teen-age Misses of the teen-age town of Raleigh must have 
been enraptured by the emotional versatility of the oft-distraught 
heroines who came to life in the pages of Matilda Berkely — with 
their "feeble frames," "plaintive, tremulous voices," "accumu- 
lated grief," "happy insensibility," "mental faculties steeped in 
oblivion," "glowing indignation," "purest benevolence," and 
"sweet deliriums of joy." 

Our quest for drama takes us to the New Bern of 1809, the 
year that F. X. Martin departed for Mississippi. In that year a 
comedy in five acts, Nolens Volens, or the Biter Bit, by Everard 
Hall, was printed at New Bern by John S. Pasteur, 



186 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Hall was an erstwhile Virginian engaged in the practice of 
law. He may be the same Everard Hall who represented Beaufort 
County in the Legislature in 181 1. 7 

In the preface he explains that he was occupied eight or ten 
hours a day in compiling a legal work, and that his farce, as he 
allows the play may be called, was "written at night for the sake 
of relaxation alone." 

In an epilogue the playwright concedes that "his plays may 
rank with useless lumber," but continues — 
To foster virtue, he is e'er inclin'd 
A foe to vice, in whate'er shape combin'd, 
Ever awake to friendship's pleasing call, 
To gen'rous friendship, he'd devote his all. 
The Comic Muse long chain'd to Britain's shore, 
At length has cross'd th' Atlantic's boist'rous roar, 
On plumy wings she leaves her sea-girt Isle, 
On Carolina's happy shores to smile. 
Clad in homely garb, a homespun dress, 
She hopes her precepts will not please the less. 
Nolens Volens has an English setting and might be taken for 
a minor Eighteenth Century comedy. A few of the tag-names in 
the dramatis personae are Sir Christopher Classic, Farmer 
Downright, LeTrifle, Scoredouble, and Miss Maskwell. 

When Everard Hall's Comic Muse was smiling "on Carolina's 
happy shores," another young lawyer not many miles away was 
about to make a much more insistent bid for fame as statesman 
and man of letters. He was Lemuel Sawyer, native of Pasquo- 
tank, one of the earliest students at the University of North 
Carolina (1799), and member of Congress. His somewhat eccen- 
tric "Auto-Biography," his life of John Randolph, and his novel, 
Printz Hall, were published after 1830. Only his two plays have 
places upon our mythical shelf. 

The more meritorious is Blackbeard, a Comedy in Four Acts, 
Founded in Fact. This play, or perhaps an abridged version of it, 
was presented at a Charleston theatre in 1811. In 1824 Sawyer 
had the play published in Washington, and sold copies among 
his Congressional colleagues at thirty-seven and a half cents 
apiece. 



7 John H. Wheeler. Historical Sketches of North Carolina (Philadelphia, 1851), II, 30. 



A Mythical Mayflower Competition 187 

The scene of Blackbeard is Currituck County, "Principally at 
Beech Ridge." The supposed events belonged to the author's own 
time. The plot is* concerned in part with efforts of two New Eng- 
land sharpers to defraud the natives by means of a scheme to 
recover the alleged buried wealth of the pirate Blackbeard. As 
evidence of the natives' credulity, one sharper cites a local story 
that, after the fatal encounter with Captain Maynard at Ocra- 
coke, "Blackbeard swam around the vessel three times, after 
his head was off." 

Sawyer seems to have had misgivings that his comedy might 
offend a discriminating audience, for at the end of one scene he 
appended— "If the above scene is too vulgar for representation, 
it may be omitted." 

Sawyer's other play, The Wreck of Honor, is a five-act melo- 
drama, laid — as the author puts it — "in Paris, and different 
places." The tone and atmosphere of the play are suggested as 
the curtain rises upon the first scene: "A Dark Lane in Paris, 
discovering three Robbers lurking." The play ends upon the bat- 
tlefield of Waterloo, where the character whose honor has been 
wrecked, eagerly meets death upon a British sword. He exclaims, 
as a soldier runs him through, "That was a merciful touch! I 
thank you most heartily." A British officer replies, "You are wel- 
come. Thank us for killing you!" 

The six writers of the poetry upon our shelf are as strangely 
assorted as their verses. These poets — or would-be poets — are a 
Scottish planter, a United States Senator who had been Governor, 
a professor of medicine, a "Door-Keeper to the Honourable Coun- 
cil of State," a slave who was to be free, and a representative in 
Congress. Of the six, only the slave with "The Hope of Liberty" 
is known as a writer of verse to a fairly large number of modern 
readers. 

The first of the poetic publications in point of time was issued 
as a broadside in 1791. An unknown North Carolina planter 
addresses "A Petition and Remonstrance to the President and 
Congress of the United States." In 425 lines of rhymed couplets 
and triplets, this North Carolinian contemporary of Robert 
Burns poetized in Scottish dialect against the excise upon whis- 
key. Four lines directed specifically to our first President deserve 
a place in a thesaurus of quotations : 



188 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Washington ! I needs must wail 
You're but a man ! a' flesh is frail, 
The cleanest wheat has ay' some chaff in, 
The wisest hae their fits o' daffin. 

The "Petition and Remonstrance'' is reprinted in the late 
Dr. W. K. Boyd's collection entitled Some Eighteenth Century 
Tracts Concerning North Carolina. 8 

The United States Senator among our poets was Alexander 
Martin, native of New Jersey, Revolutionary officer, twice gov- 
ernor of North Carolina, and senator from 1793 to 1799. His 
contribution consists of a scene in verse appended to a play about 
Columbus by another author (Thomas Morton, 1764-1838). The 
characters in this "scene the last" are Columbus and the Genius 
of America. The Genius reveals to Columbus a vision of future 
centuries, warns against "divided councils," pleads for a nation 
"firm united," and — as if heralding the showmanship of Florenz 
Ziegfeld or Billy Rose — "ascends, followed by a blaze of light." 

The title-page proclaims that the scene was — "lately perform- 
ed with applause at the New Theatre in Philadelphia." Two edi- 
tions were brought out by different Philadelphia printers in the 
same year, 1798. The second edition contained revisions by the 
author. 

Performance of this dramatic work composed by a resident 
of North Carolina parallels in some respects a performance in 
Philadelphia thirty-one years earlier, of a verse-drama by an- 
other sometime resident of North Carolina, Thomas Godfrey, 
Jr., whose Prince of Parthia has the distinction of being "the 
first printed American tragedy to be produced on the professional 
stage in this country." 9 

Dr. Kemp P. Battle wrote that Alexander Martin "was a good 
patriotic man and a friend of the University, notwithstanding he 
wrote poetry which was doggerel." 

Also in Philadelphia, less than two years after the appearance 
of Senator Martin's scene supplementary to Morton's Columbus, 
"An Elegiac Poem on the Death of George Washington" was 
printed in pamphlet form at the office of "The True American." 
The poet was Charles Caldwell, A.M., M.D., a young physician 



8 A publication of the North Carolina Historical Commission (Raleigh: Edwards and 
Brouorhton, 1927). 

9 Frank Pierce Hill. American Plays Printed 1714-1830 (Stanford University, California: 
Stanford University Press, 1934), 44. 



A Mythical Mayflower Competition 189 

and professor at the University of Pennsylvania. He was born 
in Caswell County, 1772, and in 1792 left North Carolina to pur- 
sue his studies. Destined to be renowned as teacher, scientist, and 
author, he lived until 1853. 

Twelve lines are quoted as a fair sample — in both vigor and 
absurdity — of the 332-line tribute to Washington: 

When Heaven's last trump creation's bonds shall break ; 

And nature tumble one stupendous wreck, 

In lawless tumult worlds together rush, 

Suns fall on suns, and systems systems crush, 

From bursting craters flames resistless rise, 

And fiery ruin waste through worlds and skies, 

An angel, darting from the realms of day 

To Vernon's mount shall wing his trackless way, 

Snatch the bright plate [the silver escutcheon on the 

coffin of Washington] that holds our hero's name, 
Preserve from wreck and rescue from the flame, 
To heaven's vast hall the prize immortal bear, 
To burn on high, the brightest trophy there. 
Such information as we have upon our next versifier, Archi- 
bald Wills, has been obtained from the odd twelve-page pamphlet 
bearing his name. Here is the title-page : 

A Poem/ on Door-keeping,/ Addressed to the Members of the 
Honourable, the General/ Assembly,/ A Dialogue / between/ 
Gen. Arnold and Lord Cornwallis,/ A Dialogue between / A 
Miser and Spendthrift, / An Elegy/ on the Death of Michael 
Young, / and a Fable on / Two Cats and a Monkey,/ in the 
Division of a Cheese./ Compiled by Archibald Wills,/ Haber- 
dasher and Grocer of Small Wares, Constable of / the District 
of Raleigh, Crier of the Federal Court/ and Door-Keeper to the 
Honourable Council/ of State, &c. &c. &c./ Raleigh, December 
17, / 1808. 

The date, by the way, precedes the birth of Andrew Johnson by 
twelve days. 

Addressing the members "Of the Honourable, the General 
Assembly," Wills hopes that he may be elected door-keeper at 
the next session. He has not three heads like the fabulous watch- 
dog at the Plutonian portal, 



190 The North Carolina Historical Review 

But [says he] I have one good head and a very long queue; 

To every member I can quickly open the door, 

And when a message comes can to the Speaker roar, 

I can kindle, and keep — warm and very good fires, 

And when you are dry with good water quench your desires, 

Now gentlemen, I take my leave of you that are here, 

And am content, if you please, to be elected next year, 

God bless you all with good eating and good swills, 

So prays your very humble servant 

Archibald Wills. 
Fifth among the writers of verse is George Moses Horton, a 
Negro who lived for many years in the vicinity of Chapel Hill. 
Mrs. Caroline Lee Whiting Hentz, a popular novelist of the 
thirties, forties, and fifties, was a resident of Chapel Hill for a 
few years before Horton's first volume of verse, The Hope of 
Liberty, was published by Gales and Son in 1829. Mrs. Hentz 
writes that she "often transcribed stanzas which he would dictate 
with quite an air of inspiration ; and has marveled at the readi- 
ness with which he would change a verse or a sentiment, which 
was objected to, as erroneous in expression or deficient in poetical 
harmony." In her first novel, LovelVs Folly, published in 1833, 
Mrs. Hentz quotes from three of Horton's poems. 
One of the passages follows : 

Oh, liberty ! thou golden prize, 

So often sought by blood, 
We crave thy sacred sun to rise, 
The gift of Nature's God! 

Bid Slavery hide her meagre face, 

And barbarism fly — 
I scorn to see the sad disgrace, 

In which enslaved I lie. 

Dear liberty! upon thy breast 

I languish to respire, 
And like the swan unto her nest, 

Fd to thy smiles retire. 



A Mythical Mayflower Competition 191 

At the close of the Civil War, Horton left Chapel Hill with a 
Union officer and moved to Philadelphia. He died in 1883 at the 
age of about eighty-five. 

In recent years his poems have been favorably mentioned or 
represented by selections in such works as Walser's North Caro- 
lina Poetry t Brawley's Negro Builders and Heroes, and a well 
edited anthology called The Negro Caravan. 

Youngest of our six poets is Robert Potter of Granville Coun- 
ty. Here is a "damaged soul" that would have been a fit subject 
for one of Gamaliel Bradford's psychographs. Potter speaks 
from soul-searing experience in such lines as — 

Hearts are not steel, and steel is bent — 
Hearts are not rocks, and rocks are rent — 

He claims a place here by reason of a thirty-six page booklet 
published in Halifax in July 1827 : a mock-heroic poem entitled 
The Head of Medusa. More space is filled by the explanatory 
prose than by the denunciatory verse. The purpose is to excoriate 
Potter's enemies. Only a few graceful verses escape the pervad- 
ing hatred. In the vocabulary of invective, in the invention of 
scurrilous metaphor, the author is comparable to William Cowper 
Brann the Iconoclast. There is another point of similarity in 
the careers of Potter and Brann : in their early forties both met 
death in Texas at the hands of personal enemies. 

Potter's stormy life cannot be treated here beyond mere men- 
tion of his being a legislator, member of Congress from North 
Carolina, convicted lawbreaker, signer of the Texas declaration 
of independence, and Secretary of the Navy of the Republic of 
Texas. He was murdered in 1842, when about forty-two years 
old. A clipping which reports the "Terrible Death of Colonel 
Potter" is reprinted in Dickens's American Notes. 

Whatever his transgressions, Potter deserves a wreath of re- 
membrance in North Carolina for one altruistic proposal. In 
1827 he introduced a legislative bill that would have provided 
for the establishment of a so-called "Political College" 10 — a 
military and agricultural college under the terms of the bill — 
in Wake County. 



i° "Potter's Political College Bill" and "Potter's speech on His Political College Bill.' 
The Beginnings of Public Education in North Carolina (Charles L. Coon, ed. Raleigh: 
Edwards and Broughton, 1908), I, 300-307 and 308-329. 



192 The North Carolina Historical Review 

If the measure had passed, State College might have come into 
being sixty years earlier. The measure failed, not for want of 
merit, but rather because Potter's political enemies were pre- 
judiced against any proposal that he might initiate. 

Our excursion into a remote era of the life and culture of our 
state reminds me, in closing, of a fable mentioned by Robert 
Louis Stevenson: "the fable of the monk who passed into the 
woods, heard a bird break into song, hearkened for a trill or two, 
and found himself on his return a stranger at his convent gates ; 
for he had been absent fifty years. . . ." 

To pursue the metaphor — we in the Twentieth Century can 
hearken to nobler harmonies than the sparse trills that fell upon 
the ears of our predecessors when the Republic was much young- 
er. Moreover, with the passing of the year 1950 yet another 
half -century will be completed ; and for those who would survey 
the literary bounty of this latest fifty years, the challenge and 
the opportunity are even now at hand. 



THE BICENTENNIAL OF PRINTING 
. IN NORTH CAROLINA 1 

By William S. Powell 

This seems to be a most opportune time to try a little experi- 
ment — to begin an historical address with a Biblical text. In 
Ecclesiastes occurs this widely quoted phrase : "Of making many 
books there is no end." It is good to have this positive statement 
from so important a source. 

But I want to go backwards in time a bit and tell you about one 
of the beginnings of the making of many books. This year — 1949 
— marks the 200th anniversary of the establishment of the print- 
ing press in North Carolina. 

Incidentally, many other years which have ended in nine have 
been important in the annals of printing. It was in 1539, 410 
years ago, that Juan Pablos is known to have established what 
is believed to have been the first press in the New World, in 
Mexico City. One hundred years later, in 1639, Stephen Daye 
in Cambridge, Massachusetts, began operating the first press 
in English-speaking North America. The year 1949 also is the 
400th anniversary of the printing of the Book of Common Prayer 
in England. And among the states, North Carolina is not the 
only one celebrating an important anniversary of the establish- 
ment of a first press. In Connecticut it is the 240th anniversary ; 
the 160th in what is now the District of Columbia ; the 130th in 
Arkansas ; the 110th in Idaho ; the 100th in Minnesota and Utah ; 
and the 90th in Arizona and Colorado. All told, there are a dozen 
such anniversaries being noted this year. 

We are concerned for the most part, however, with the events 
in North Carolina. The press came late to North Carolina; nine 
others of the thirteen colonies had received it earlier. The need 
for more accurate copies and wider distribution of the laws of 
the colony was the immediate cause of its introduction. The pro- 
ceedings of the North Carolina House of Burgesses in 1740 were 



1 This paper is condensed from the introduction to the facsimile edition of The Journal of 
the House of Burgesses, of the Province of North-Carolina, 1749, published by the State De- 
partment of Archives and History to mark the 200th anniversary of printing in North Caro- 
lina. 

[198] 



194 The North Carolina Historical Review 

printed at Williamsburg, 2 and in 1745 John Hodgson of Bertie 
County had offered in the assembly a bill to "Enable and en- 
courage the persons hereinafter mentioned to print the laws of 
this Province," but his bill failed to pass and we have no record 
of the persons being considered as printers for the colony. There 
are a great many references in our colonial records to the need 
and desire for a printer. Between 1735 and 1744 Governor 
Gabriel Johnston many times called the attention of the people 
to the deplorable state that existed: copies of the laws used at 
county courts were handwritten, and seldom it was that two 
copies agreed. "Magistrates are often at a loss how to discharge 
their Duty," it was said, "and the People transgress many of 
[the laws] through want of knowing the same." 

Finally a commission was appointed in 1746 to revise and 
print the laws. To pay for this work a tax was laid on wine, rum, 
distilled liquors, and rice. This commission seems to have worked 
at its assigned task for nearly three years, because it was not 
until early in 1749 that they began to seek a printer. James 
Davis, a printer of Williamsburg, seems to have applied for this 
job — at least he submitted a sample of his work to the commis- 
sioners. On April 6, 1749, Rufus Marsden, of New Hanover Coun- 
ty, introduced into the assembly a bill for the "encouragement" of 
Davis. Following the usual three readings the bill was passed 
on April 10 and approved by Governor Johnston on the four- 
teenth. 

Almost nothing is known of the early years of James Davis. 
The late Stephen B. Weeks seems to have found evidence that he 
was born in Virginia, October 21, 1721, 3 and he- appears to have 
been living in Williamsburg as early as 1745. Davis' training 
probably was received at the press of William Parks, one of 
Virginia's pioneer printers. 

The assembly, in employing Davis, agreed to pay him a yearly 
salary of £160, proclamation money, for a period of five years. 
For his part, Davis was required to reside in New Bern and, 
using the same type as that used in his petition for the job, to 
print the speeches and addresses delivered at the opening of 



2 Charles Evans, American Biblionraphy (Chicago, 1904), II, 165. Evans, page xii, describes 
this as "the first work printed in this country bearing wholly upon events in" North Carolina. 
Onlv one copy of this work, that located at the Massachusetts Historical Society, is recorded. 

3 Stephen B. Weeks, "James Davis," in Samuel A. Ashe and others, editors, Biographical 
History of North Carolina (Greensboro, 1905-1917), VIII, 140. 



Bicentennial of Printing in North Carolina 195 

each session of the assembly, the journals and proceedings of 
the House of Burgesses, all the laws passed at each session, and 
all public proclamations and acts of the government. In addition 
it was to be his duty to deliver these printed works to the various 
county courts, individual justices, members of the assembly, and 
the governor's council, and to see that copies were sent to all the 
proper officials in England. 4 

A tax of four pence was levied for five years on "every Taxable 
Person within the Province" as a means of raising funds for this 
new work. 

James Davis came to North Carolina and by June 24, 1749, 
had set up his press in New Bern at the foot of Broad Street 
near the Neuse River. 

I think it would be very interesting to know where Davis got 
his equipment, but the few remaining records of the establish- 
ment of the press in North Carolina make no mention of that 
aspect of the business. I have, however, compared very carefully 
several of Davis' earliest imprints with products of Parks' press 
at Williamsburg issued just before Davis came to North Carolina. 
By comparing these works letter for letter it seems apparent that 
the same type was used. Parks died shortly after Davis came to 
North Carolina, and although his press was continued it seems 
to have used a different type after 1749. My conclusion is that 
Davis acquired part, though probably not all, of Parks' equip- 
ment to bring to North Carolina with him. 5 

In the very beginning Davis may have done some minor work 
for the assembly and the governor, such as proclamations or 
public notices and bills of credit, though evidence of this is 
wanting. The first known product of Davis' press is The Journal 
of the House of Burgesses, of the Province of North-Carolina 
which appeared before the end of the year 1749. This Journal 
contains the proceedings of the House of Burgesses for the period 
between September 26 and October 18 of that year. The copy of 
this now in the British Public Record Office, London, is the only 
one known to have survived to the present. In size it is slightly 



* "Legislative Papers, 1689-1927." State Department of Archives and History, Raleigh. ("An 
Act for the Encouragement of James Davis to set up and Carry on his Business of a Printer 
in this Province. . . .") 

B This thesis is illustrated and explained more fully in The Journal of the House of Bur- 
gesses, of the Province of North-Carolina, 17+9, Reproduced in Facsimile in Celebration of 
the 200th Anniversary of The Establishment of the Printing Press in North Carolina, With 
an Introduction by William S. Powell (Raleigh, 1949), ix-x. 



196 The North Carolina Historical Review 

larger than eight by twelve inches; the typography is interest- 
ing, and in format it is quite good. 

It was at this autumn session of the assembly that the work of 
the commission in revising and compiling the laws was approved. 
But it was not until 1751 that Davis finished printing them. They 
are now known as "Swann's Revised" or the "yellotv jacket" be- 
cause of the faded yellow color of the binding or jacket of the 
volume. For a great many years it was believed that this volume, 
issued in 1751, was the first book published in North Carolina. 
We now know of three earlier ones, however — all Journals, and 
issued in 1749, 1750, and 1751. Of each of these only one copy 
is in existence, and those are in England. 6 I expect these were 
official copies sent to some board or agent in London. 

James Davis worked as a printer in North Carolina for thirty- 
three years : from 1749 until 1782. This, of course, enabled him 
to see and know the times of the Revolution, and the establish- 
ment of the state of North Carolina as well as the beginning of 
the Union. Today there are in existence, or there are reliable 
references to, no less than ninety-nine titles issued from Davis' 
press. This is a remarkably large number, especially in view of 
the fact that the next largest number of imprints from any one 
press of the eighteenth century in North Carolina is only 
thirty-six. 7 

Several times during the course of Davis' career as official 
printer there was dissatisfaction with the way in which he car- 
ried out his part of the contract. The greatest difficulty seems to 
have been in distributing the printed matter throughout North 
Carolina. On one occasion Governor Arthur Dobbs took matters 
into his own hands and in 1764 appointed Andrew Steuart to 
replace Davis, giving him the high-sounding title of "His Majes- 
ty's Printer." The governor's actions, however, displeased the 
assembly, whose power it was to choose the printer, and at their 
hands Davis received back his old position. 



Apparently these first came to public attention in 1827 after the General Assembly of 
North Carolina authorized the governor to procure copies of "papers and documents" in 
London pertaining to the colonial history of North Carolina. A list of documents, in which 
were listed the printed Journals of 1749, 1750, and 1751, was published under the title Indexes 
to Documents Relative to North Carolina During the Colonial Existence of Said State 
(Raleigh, 1843). One wonders that for so many years it was believed the first book printed 
in North Carolina was "Swann's Revisal" of 1751, when this volume of Indexes contains such 
an obvious clue to the 1749 Journal. These printed journals were mentioned in the minutes of 
the Bonrd of Trade for November 22, 1752, as having been received. William L. Saunders, editor 
The Colonial Records of North Carolina (Raleigh, 1886-1890) IV, 1316. 

7 Douglas C. McMurtrie, Eighteenth Centum; North Carolina Imprints, 1749-1800 (Chapel 
Hill, 1938), passim. 



Bicentennial of Printing in North Carolina 197 

Later, shortly after the adoption of the first state constitution, 
the assembly appointed a new printer, John Pinkney. Strangely 
enough, this time the governor expressed sympathy for Davis 
and in just a few months, when Pinkney died, he was again 
made printer for the state. 

Not all of Davis' printing was official. What seems to have 
been his first private publication appeared in 1753. And this, 
incidentally, is believed to be the first book compiled by a native 
of North Carolina. It was called A Collection of Many Christian 
Experiences, Sentences, and several Places of Scripture Improved 
and was written by the Reverend Clement Hall, rector of St. 
Paul's Church in Edenton. 8 According to the account books kept 
by Benjamin Franklin late in 1752 and in 1753 Davis purchased 
from him some paper, pasteboard, and parchment. 9 So it may be 
that this important early North Carolina imprint was made up 
of material supplied by Benjamin Franklin. 

Later Davis published several sermons, political essays, text- 
books, a popular law book, and reprints of half a dozen out-of- 
state publications, mainly political in nature. 

To James Davis also belongs the honor of establishing the 
first newspaper in the colony of North Carolina. It was called 
The No. th Carolina Gazette and seems to have been begun on 
August 9, 1751, although the earliest extant number is dated 
November 15 of that year. This earliest North Carolina news- 
paper is in the newspaper collection of the State Department of 
Archives and History, Raleigh. The title of Davis' paper was 
changed several times, but he seems to have published one more 
or less continuously for the next 27 years. 

As a private citizen James Davis played no small role in the 
affairs of state during the unsettled years leading up to and 
during the Revolution. One of his first public positions, aside 
from his post as printer, was that of postmaster in New Bern. 
This appointment came in 1755, when Benjamin Franklin was 
deputy postmaster general for the American colonies. It was 
also in 1755 that Davis entered into a contract to carry the mails 



8 No copy of this book is recorded in the Union Catalogue of the Library of Congress. The 
title was furnished Weeks by C. R. Hildeburn. Stephen B. Weeks, The Press of North Caro- 
lina in the Eighteenth Century (Brooklyn, 1891), 55. Hildeburn, who was librarian of the 
Philadelphia Athenaeum, had purchased this volume in England, but recent efforts to locate 
it have been without avail. 

9 George S. Eddy, editor, Account Books Kept by Benjamin Franklin (New York, 1928- 
1929), II, 52. 



198 The North Carolina Historical Review 

from Suffolk, Virginia, to Wilmington, an undertaking which 
he continued for at least three years. 

In 1754 Davis had been elected to represent New Bern, one of 
the colony's borough towns, in the assembly, but as he was then 
sheriff of Craven County he was declared ineligible. The follow- 
ing year he was again elected and represented the county of 
Craven for a year. In 1766 he was one of eleven commissioners 
appointed to lay out and oversee the construction of the Club- 
foot and Harlow's Creek Canal. During the ten years following 
1768 Davis was five times chosen one of the justices of the peace 
for Craven County, an important position, since the justices 
were largely instrumental in conducting the affairs of the county. 

The movement for independence also received Davis' support. 
His signature was first on a proclamation calling for a meeting 
of the Friends of American Liberty in Craven County in 1774 
to consider the "present alarming state of British America and 
the late Acts of Parliament.' ' 

He was a member of the Committee of Safety in New Bern 
and in 1775 was appointed one of eight commissioners for Port 
Beaufort, which included New Bern, whose duty it was to fit 
out immediately an armed vessel to help protect the trade of that 
region. 

In the Provincial Congress which met at New Bern in April, 
1775, and in the one at Hillsboro in August, Davis represented 
New Bern. At the second of these he was chosen a member of a 
committee to prepare "a plan for the regulation of the Internal 
peace, order and safety of [the] Province." 

In 1776 he was one of three commissioners supervising the 
collection and exportation of certain goods and supplies necessary 
for shipment abroad to secure funds for purchasing salt, arms, 
and ammunition. The following year he was judge of the court 
for the New Bern district and also one of four court of admiralty 
judges for Port Beaufort. 

Finally to climax his career, he was elected a member of the 
council of state in 1780 and served until 1781. 10 

It was during the next year, 1782, that Davis turned over his 
printing business to his son, Thomas. As the beginning of Davis' 



10 Walter Clark, editor, The State Records of North Carolina (Winston and elsewhere, 
1895-1906, 16 volumes), and William L. Saunders, editor, The Colonial Records of North 
Carolina (Raleigh, 1886-1890, 10 volumes), passim. 



Bicentennial of Printing in North Carolina 199 

life is obscure, so is the end. His will, probated at the March, 
1785, term of court, indicates that he died at New Bern probably 
in February or March of that year, having accumulated large 
holdings in both land and slaves. 11 

By the time of Davis' death the press was firmly established 
in North Carolina as a very necessary institution. It was largely 
due to his persistence that it had survived many severe tests dur- 
ing the period before the Revolution. By the end of the century 
there were presses as far west as Salisbury and Lincolnton, then 
near the state's western frontier, and altogether North Carolina 
could count more than thirty printers who had been at work in 
her nine leading towns at one time or another during the fifty 
years following the establishment of Davis' first press. 

And truly it can be said, "of making many books there is no 
end," and now I think you might appreciate the remainder of 
that Bible verse : "and much study is a weariness of the flesh." 



11 "Craven County Wills." Craven County Courthouse, New Bern, N. C. (James Davis' 
will, Book A, pages 81-82.) 



REVIEW OF NORTH CAROLINA BOOKS OF THE YEAR 

By William T. Polk 

North Carolina may now fairly be called a state of writing. 
There were forty-eight books entered in the Mayflower Cup com- 
petition in 1949. That is about twice as many as were entered last 
year. 

As they were both fiction and non-fiction, it was about as 
difficult for the judges to decide between, say, a novel and a 
volume of history as it would have been for them to say which 
was better, chalk or cheese, nylons or hamburgers. There should 
obviously be two awards, one for fiction and one for non-fiction ; 
perhaps there should be a third for poetry. 

Of the forty-eight books in the running this year, twelve were 
fiction and thirty-six non-fiction. In the fiction classification 
six of the books were written by women, six by men. Ladies first : 

Katharine Newlin Burt is represented by two novels, Strong 
Citadel and Still Water. Both have interesting plots and intri- 
guing characters; they possess the readability that comes from 
expert craftsmanship. 

Dorothy Freemont Grant's Devil's Food is the story of a rather 
torrid love affair between a college girl and her professor, but 
the moral seems to be that you can go home again after all. 

Bernice Kelly Harris's Hearthstones is replete with the living 
details of eastern North Carolina which make her books as 
realistic as Dutch genre paintings. 

M. Virginia Harris's Weddin' Trimmin's shows something of 
the tribulations of a girl who is almost white. 

Mebane Holoman Burgwyn's Lucky Mischief pictures life in 
the Roanoke River region seen through the eyes of a little colored 
boy, with its rock muddles, its work, and its play. 

Now for the men: 

Chalmers G. Davidson's Cloud Over Catawba is a historical 
novel which does a good job of making local history come alive. 
Mr. Davidson is a professor at Davidson College, and his suc- 
cess in recreating the Old South in piedmont North Carolina 
encourages the hope that he will keep it up. 

[200] 



Review of North Carolina Books 201 

Robert K. Marshall's Little Squire Jim has its locale in the 
Mount Airy-Hanging Rock area, and the author gets into it a 
good deal of the beauty of the region and the charm of the 
speech of the people before standardization set in. After the 
manner of his clan the Little Squire lives a wild life, riding his 
stallion over the mountains and seducing quite a few of the 
mountain gals, but he has a habit of curing their heartaches with 
gifts of antiques from the family mansion. Is this true to life? 
Not having tried to cure broken hearts with broken furniture, 
I can't say, but I have a hunch it wouldn't work, especially if a 
mountaineer father of the Dan'l Boone type got mixed up in 
the picture. 

Carl Sandburg's Remembrance Rock is a novel of the Ameri- 
can dream, the search for freedom, in which characters of men 
with searching hearts and women with dancing feet recur. Well 
they might, for the book covers more than 300 years and 1,000 
pages. The great author's insight into the meaning of America 
glows intensely here and there, but the impact of the book is 
diffused, so that the reader may feel as if he had been hit by a 
bazooka shell loaded with bird shot. 

James Street's and James Childers's Tomorrow We Reap is 
another expert, fast-moving, and best-selling story of the Dabney 
clan who once held out against the Confederacy in the Far 
South. This book symbolizes the struggle still going on between 
the Old South and the New. 

Legette Blythe's Bold Galilean is a dramatic and picturesque 
novel of the time of Jesus. The writer has done a good job, but 
it must be admitted that he chose a field where he is bound to 
have a lot of competition, ranging from Ben Hur to the Gospels. 

Foster Fitz-Simon's Bright Leaf is the story of a battered but 
devilishly determined and resourceful young man and his crea- 
tion of a tobacco empire in the New South emerging from the 
Old. Brant Royle, to reach his goal of fame and wealth, rides 
roughshod over everybody in his path, including Sonie Lipik, the 
tough, smart, pretty girl of Ukrainian extraction who lives in 
the tobacco town and who loves him. But he is baffled and 
thwarted in his love for Margaret Singleton, representing the 
Old South. In the end he finds that he has gained the whole 
world but lost something perhaps more worthwhile. 



202 The North Carolina Historical Review 

This may sound like old stuff, but the novel is a remarkably 
good one. Its characters have the breath of life in them, and its 
content has significance. This combination is rare in fiction, at 
any place and any time. North Carolina was fortunate to get it 
in Bright Leaf in 1949. 

There were ten historical works this year, if we use the adje- 
tive in a loose sense. Four of these were local, or county, histories, 
varying in quality. They were: History of Pender County by 
Mattie Bloodworth ; Forsyth, A County on the March, edited by 
the late Adelaide L. Fries ; History of Watauga County by Daniel 
J. Whitener; and Centennial History of Alamance County by 
Walter Whitaker. 

Then there were four books of rather specialized historical 
content: The Campus of the First State University, & labor of 
love and of intimate knowledge by Archibald Henderson which 
should be of much interest to all Tar Heels; The History of 
Selective Service in North Carolina by Spencer B. King; The 
Whig Party in Georgia by Paul Murray ; and The Juvenile Courts 
of North Carolina by Wiley Saunders ; the last three are mainly 
reference works of considerable value in their special fields. 

And to round out the ten historical works there were two very 
good books on tobacco. Nannie M. Tilley's The Bright Tobacco 
Industry, 1860-1927 is a meticulous and comprehensive survey 
of the industry within the allotted limits, invaluable to anyone 
writing in that field. Joseph C. Robert's The Story of Tobacco in 
America is a scholarly and popular work, telling of the develop- 
ment of "that bewitching vegetable," as Col. William Byrd called 
it, from the time when John Rolfe first applied scientific princi- 
ples to its culture to the present when ladies no longer have oc- 
casion to plead with their escorts to "blow some my way." 

Nineteen-forty-nine was the year in which Tar Heel writers 
discovered tobacco. 

The year brought forth four books of poems, all modestly thin : 
Leon R. Meadow's Reveries; Hope R. Norburn's Above the Brink; 
Francis Pledger Hulme's Come up the Valley, fresh, keen, and 
sensitive with the salt of Grannie Grist's mountain wisdom in it ; 
and James Larkin Pearson's Plowed Ground, with its genuine 
humor and rustic beauty. 



Review of North Carolina Books 203 

There were only two volumes of essays, both by Dr. Hardin 
Craig and both excellent : An Interpretation of Shakespeare and 
Freedom and Renaissance. 

There were four books of sermons or ethical exhortations : The 
Hour Has Come by G. Ray Jordan; Christ's Expendables by 
Charles E. Maddry; Resources for Worship by A. C. Reid; and 
It Does Add Up by Elmer A. Hilker. 

There were four books about the South. Two of them were of 
limited appeal, John E. Ivey's Building Atlanta's Future and 
Robert A. Lively's The South in Action, which dealt with the 
freight rate struggle. Exploring the South by Rupert B. Vance, 
John E. Ivey, and Marjorie Bond was a school book dealing with 
the South's resources and potentialities, but it can be read with 
profit by adult Southerners. Edward Gholson's The Negro Looks 
Into the South was in the main logical and well written but 
showed traces of backfiring race prejudice. 

In autobiography Virgil St. Cloud's Pioneer Blood, written by 
a man who has managed quite a few hotels in North Carolina, 
was informal, racy, gossipy, and quite entertaining. Elliott Mer- 
rick's Green Mountain Farm, parts of which came out in the 
New Yorker and other magazines, was a charming and expertly 
written account of the experiences of the author and his wife on 
a farm in Vermont. 

In biography there were Clarence H. Brannon's Allen H. 
Goodbey, sl good portrait of an able and strong-minded man ; Mrs. 
Dorothy Freemont Grant's John England, American Christopher, 
a life of the distinguished early bishop of Charleston; and last 
but not least Phillips Russell's The Woman Who Rang the Bell. 1 

This book is a faithful and deeply moving biography of Cor- 
nelia Phillips Spencer, who did so much for the University of 
North Carolina and who was called "the smartest woman in 
North Carolina" and, as Governor Vance said, "the smartest 
man too." On her fiftieth birthday the news for which she had 
long labored, that the University was to be reopened after the 
evil days of reconstruction, came to her. She gathered some chil- 
dren and started a parade. She marched to the South Building 
and, finding all silent, she "climbed to the belfry and seized the 
rope. And then she rang and rang and rang. She did more than 



1 Winner of the Mayflower Society Award, 1949. 



204 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ring a bell ; she rang out an old world of defeat and inertia and 
she rang in a new world of hope and belief." Or, as Frank 
Graham put it in his speeches, "She rang the bell which has 
never ceased to ring to this day. The people of North Carolina 
were on the march again." 

Translations, as some Frenchman once said, are like women. If 
they are faithful they are not beautiful, and if they are beautiful 
they are not faithful. The same might be said of biographies. 
But here is one which is both beautiful and faithful, and so is 
the exception that proves the rule. Mrs. Spencer was an excellent 
writer, herself, and this book is spangled with her own witty 
and trenchant prose. 

Two welcome books this year dealt with Tar Heel mysteries 
and legends. Legends of Baptist Hollow by Bill Mcllwaine and 
Walt Freidenburg recount some rare and racy stories of Wake 
Forest. John Harden in The Devil's Tramping Ground collects 
a lot of Tar Heel mysteries, some of which you have known 
about before and some you haven't. Anyway, it is a book which 
is hard to put down and it justifies the statement of Gerald 
Johnson in a review of it that North Carolina has always been 
well supplied with mysteries from the disappearance of the Lost 
Colony on Roanoke Island to the appointment of Frank Graham 
to the United States Senate. 

Finally, there were three miscellaneous books: Laura Howell 
Norden's Just About Music; Mrs. Crosby Adams's A Day in a 
DolVs Life; and Carl Hyatt's Gateway to Citizenship. 



A REPORTER REVIEWS FIFTY YEARS OF NORTH 

CAROLINA HISTORY 

By William Thomas Bost 



When some kindly gentlemen a year ago bestowed the presi- 
dency of this association upon me, they told me that I should 
not be expected to deliver a presidential message, but that I 
might make a report on North Carolina. 

They did not suggest the impropriety or the ineptitude of a 
reporter's regaling a literary and historical association, when 
the scribe could qualify as neither literarian nor historian. They 
merely wished a newspaperman to tell in twenty or twenty-five 
minutes everything that he had seen in North Carolina during 
the past fifty years. It was a fascinating prospect and I shall 
now make the report. 

It will not be a presidential address. The word itself is discon- 
certing. If you are a highbrow, you call it an "ad-dress." If you 
are a low-brow it is an "address." And if you are no brow at 
all, you studiously avoid calling it either. This, then, is to be a 
report on North Carolina and I think you should know first how 
a reporter works, and then take a look at the materials with 
which he works. 

First, I shall give you the reporter's technique. He meets you 
and asks, "What do you know?" You are thrilled at the novelty 
of the interrogation in precisely the degree that you would have 
been had he asked is it hot enough for you. Before you finish 
your momentous declaration that you don't know anything, he 
asks you if you ever interviewed Mrs. Emmeline Pankhurst. 
You strike a peripatetic pose and prepare to say that you visited 
her once in a nursing home in London, but he is ahead of you. 
He craves to know why Ben Dixon MacNeill doesn't like him. 
Appalled at the misanthropy of Mr. MacNeill, you undertake to 
tell your interviewer that you never heard Mr. MacNeill mention 
him, but you are too late. He inquires what you do when your 
children curse, but he never gets the benefit of your celestial 
character, for he scratches his right knee and wonders if you 
ever had rheumatism. 

[205] 



206 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Having qualified for star reporting, you now are assigned to 
"cover the legislature." The committee on counties, cities, and 
towns is holding a public hearing on a proposal to dismember 
several counties in order to create a new one. The whole popula- 
tion in these severed communities has descended upon the Capi- 
tal. Hell may have no such fury as a woman scorned, but the rage 
of the citizens in the counties about to be cut up, is a noble coun- 
terfeit. The author of the bill is making a speech which he hopes 
will bring him a favorable report. 

His constituents delegate their best hater to heckle him. The 
statesman is called a traitor. The spokesman asks him if he did 
not spend the night with a neighbor known to be opposed to the 
new county, eat his food and misrepresent his position? "What 
was your position that night?" the heckler demands. To which 
the representative in anguish of soul replies: "Mr. Chairman, 
touching upon and appertaining to the interrogation propound- 
ed to me by the gentleman from Mitchell, regarding this capitally 
important matter, I desire to say in reply, that both in the cam- 
paign for the nomination and the election, in my associations 
at the lodge, in my classes in the Sabbath school, in my church, 
in the parent teachers meetings; whenever, wherever and by 
whomsoever I was asked my position on this great controversy, 
I always evaded the question." 

The report on North Carolina, in the nature of things, there- 
fore, must have a good deal of politics. There is a story coming out 
of Illinois in the early years of the 1900's which furnishes a hint 
of the text. A gentleman from Peoria had become a member of the 
General Assembly. He had been reared in the- least fashionable 
portion of the city and had lived in a house which never had 
been associated with profitable politics. But one day a visitor 
from Springfield where this legislator had been several times 
as assemblyman observed the new mansion of the gentleman 
from Peoria. "My," exclaimed the admiring visitor, "but that is 
a gorgeous house!" To which the solon replied with great pride: 
"You bet. There's a lot of ayes and noes in that house." 

Which suggests that during these fifty years of reporting legis- 
latures lots of ayes and noes have gone into North Carolina. I 
wish I could tell you something about them. It would be illumi- 
nating to give you the significance of the ayes and noes which 



Fifty Years of North Carolina History 207 

went into the three elections of F. M. Simmons, and the two 
elections of Lee S. Overman to the United States Senate by the 
General Assembly. It would be enlightening to watch the growth 
of direct democracy until the election of our U. S. Senators was 
changed from the General Assembly to popular vote, and to 
note with what uncertainty the people received that grant of 
power. 

It would be even more instructive to descant upon the ayes 
and noes which have gone into this tremendous structure which 
we call North Carolina. It would be a significant contribution 
to North Carolina history if you might have the ayes and noes 
which gave North Carolina the first general prohibition act of 
1903. This measure sought to transplant all the saloons and dis- 
tilleries in rural areas into incorporated towns and villages. 
You would be amused to find how the ayes and noes were shuf- 
fled when it was discovered that two Democratic distillers were 
greatly discommoded by this law. It was very inconvenient to 
move their manufacturing establishments. But love — and liquor 
— "had the wit to win." They reached out and brought the cities 
to the distilleries, Mahomet and the mountain stream-lined and 
modernized. 

But there were other ayes and noes of transcendent impor- 
tance. They wrought radical reductions in freight and passenger 
rates, submitted the issue of state-wide prohibition at the ses- 
sion of 1907, saw it ratified at a special election in 1908, clipped 
the capacity of the individual to enjoy more than two quarts 
monthly by the Grier act of 1915, and awaited the eighteenth 
amendment in 1919, when 160 ayes and ten noes ratified the 
messianic mood of our nation. In a word, there were only ten 
General Assemblymen in 1919 who were reckless enough to vote 
against national prohibition. 

These North Carolina ayes and noes made more national his- 
tory in 1921 when they authorized the first $50,000,000 bond 
issue for highways and then in the sessions of 1923, 1925, and 
1927 increased the debt to $115,000,000 to give North Carolina 
the second biggest investment in roads among all the common- 
wealths of the Union. This was quite the most audacious venture 
into the future that North Carolina had yet made. But it fol- 



208 The North Carolina Historical Review 

lowed a spiritual regeneration which our people never suspected 
they had undergone. 

The tax books of North Carolina represented one hundred 
different county systems, which divided into cities and townships 
multiplied those systems more than tenfold. The First World War 
had just ended and Governor Thomas W. Bickett wagered that 
his people would be willing to tell the truth about the property 
on which they paid their taxes. "The tax books of North Carolina 
read like the minutes of an Ananias Club," Governor Bickett 
proclaimed, and he called upon the people to swear to the truth 
about the taxables which they own. They swore and property 
values were more than trebled. In all the 170 members of the 
General Assembly there was not one dissent. And throughout the 
state seventy-five per cent of the taxpayers put upon their prop- 
erty the precise valuation laid upon it by the State Board of 
Assessment; five per cent set the values even above the ap- 
praisers, and only twenty per cent were inclined to chisel. Among 
all the ayes and noes cast in North Carolina, I can recall none 
which came nearer to moral grandeur than these. No wonder 
that after such a convulsion of conscience North Carolina was 
ready for any aspiration and was equal to any achievenemt. 

But ayes and noes are as important for the measures which 
they prevent as for the causes which they promote. Three legis- 
latures in this period refused to enact bills outlawing the teach- 
ing of evolution in the public schools. North Carolina's scholars 
and statesmen combined to save their state from such a reproach. 
And while they were voting down such measures, they were 
adopting secret ballot bills, enacting workmen's compensation 
laws, consolidating Woman's College in Greensboro, State Col- 
lege in Raleigh, and the University of North Carolina at Chapel 
Hill into our Greater University, taking over the 100 county 
school systems into one state pattern, instituting the largest 
school transportation system in the United States, relieving all 
communities from property taxation for the support of our nine- 
months school term in every county of North Carolina, and 
pioneering in rural road development by bringing 60,000 such 
miles of highway under our state system. 

To quote our Illinois favorite, "there is lots of ayes and noes" 
in this vast and imponderable machine which we call the govern- 



Fifty Years of North Carolina History 209 

ment of North Carolina. But for all its tremendous proportions, 
it is a thing which all can love. It is the property of all of us. It 
was built by a populace both of conservative and revolutionary 
instincts. To the conservative it owes its fortune of memories 
and its tradition of manners; to the revolutionary it owes all 
those desperate speculations which make men gamble all that 
they have and all they are that God is and that God cares. 

So, you see, there have been significant ayes and noes in the 
making of North Carolina. They are its will and its law. They 
make official the incredible extremes between the first and last 
years of this semi-centennial ; for as you know this State Literary 
and Historical Association and this state of North Carolina are 
thinking a lot of those fifty years. They tell us the story of how 
in our poverty and fear fifty years ago North Carolina clutched 
its pocketbook and shrieked for the police when the Legislature 
of 1899 held up its people for $100,000 for their schools, and how 
in 1949 we joyfully appropriated $100,000,000 for the same pur- 
pose and in humility lamented that it could not be more. These votes 
tell how North Carolina in its despair levied on the "tribulation 
which worketh patience, and the patience which worketh ex- 
perience, and the experience which worketh hope," took over these 
unprecedented operations in schools and highways, courageous- 
ly enacted the odious sales tax, energetically set about retiring 
its $185,000,000 state debt, second largest in the nation, set apart 
$16,000,000 for the school system and waited for the ravens to 
croak themselves hoarse from disaster. Those ayes and noes re- 
mind us that we have sextupled those sixteen millions in sixteen 
years, have provided for the payment of our entire state debt, 
and that in the 1949 General Assembly we bet $250,000,000 more 
on North Carolina for schools and roads alone. No wonder Gov- 
ernor Bickett thought North Carolina was a great state in his 
day, for his excellency perceived it as a soil which with equal fa- 
cility grows two pecks of potatoes to the hill and produces three 
presidents of the United States. This was his North Carolina 
thirty years ago, but not always. 

When Julian Street in 1915 went through the South doing a 
magazine series for Collier's, he wrote that everywhere in the 
region outside North Carolina, anything made inside the State 
bore the brand of inferiority. 



210 The North Carolina Historical Review 

This was a report which he passed on to his readers with 
scrupulous impartiality, as becomes the honest reporter. If 
North Carolina was on the march as all of us had fancied we 
had been for fifteen years, Mr. Street did not see it. If there had 
been a revolution in 1898 as a prelude to a renaissance beginning 
in 1900, nobody told him about it. 

There was much history to support this snooty attitude toward 
North Carolina. Aycock thanked God for South Carolina, not 
because it deserved the doxology, but because it kept North 
Carolina from being the commonwealth farthest down. Winston 
and Alderman, the most dynamic of University presidents, had 
gone to Texas and Tulane to head bigger universities, and now 
Alderman had moved over to the University of Virginia. Cham- 
bers of Commerce were fulminating furiously against both a 
business and a political cabal to keep North Carolina at a per- 
petual disadvantage in freight rates on our commerce. A great 
preacher had likened North Carolina to Issachar, one of the 
Twelve Tribes of Israel. "Issachar is a strong ass, couching down 
between two burdens," wrote Moses. "And he saw that rest was 
good, and the land that it was pleasant ; and bowed his shoulder 
to bear, and became a servant unto tribute." Issachar was North 
Carolina ; the two burdens were Virginia and South Carolina. 

We are meeting this year in a sort of riot of anniversaries. 
Two hundred years ago the printing press was established in 
North Carolina. Fifty years ago the North Carolina General 
Assembly submitted a suffrage amendment requiring an intelli- 
gent test as a precedent to voting. Fifty years ago Clarence Poe 
came out of the hinterlands of Chatham County in an audacious 
enterprise of converting an impotent little mulligrubs political 
organ into the Progressive Farmer which has made our agri- 
cultural regeneration spread like a blessed contagion all over the 
land. And fifty years ago the State Literary and Historical 
Association was organized with militant Walter Clark as its 
first president. 

I do not think these annals are unrelated. They do not appear 
to me to be a succession of happy flukes, or a series of irrelevant 
episodes that have turned out reasonably well. They appear to fit 
into the pattern of a peculiar people zealous of good works. 
Whether that pattern is political, economic, industrial, or reli- 



Fifty Years of North Carolina History 211 

gious, there is cohesion in it, and in these fifty years which in 
1950 will have finished the first half of the twentieth century, 
there has not been one person who was a serious threat to the 
well-being of North Carolina. 

You will recall that earlier in this paper something was said 
about the character of a people, eighty per cent of whom would 
not lie to their Government by misrepresentation of the property 
they owned and the incomes which they earned. There was a hint 
that this truth-telling has been reflected mightily in both moral 
and economic ways. Thirty-three years after Julian Street 
wrote his sympathetic article on North Carolina, another gentle- 
man of letters, Louis Bromfield, visited North Carolina and 
wrote in the Atlantic these complimentary words : 

"Of all the Southern states, and for that matter of all the 
forty-eight, no state has shown more progress within the past 
generation than North Carolina. The progress is not alone 
economic. Few states have made so rapid an industrial develop- 
ment, and no Southern state has advanced with such speed to- 
ward the achievement of the vital industrial-agricultural balance 
so important to the stabilized prosperity of any region. It was 
not long ago that the same poverty and shabbiness which has 
largely characterized the Deep South since defeat was almost 
everywhere in evidence in North Carolina. Today the shabby 
look has largely gone. The farms appear prosperous and well 
cared for in most areas, and the shabby cabin slums are on their 
way out. The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill has 
become one of the most vigorous cultural centers of the nation. 

"It is, I think, indisputably true that culture, social advance, 
and civilization in general are to a large extent tied to economics, 
to living standards, and to productivity. Education plays its role 
beyond question, but education too is dependent on a stable, fair- 
ly prosperous, and balanced economy. North Carolina is a case 
in proof, for as a state it has made remarkable progress away 
from the old superstitions and the prejudices which in the past 
handicapped and at times paralyzed the Deep South." 

It has been the habit of us Democrats to reckon all our excel- 
lences from the outgoing of the fusion administration of Popu- 
lists and Republicans in the late 1890's, but history, and even 
the ayes and noes, are against us. The aliens who descended upon 



212 The North Carolina Historical Review 

us in Reconstruction, closed our University, issued bogus bonds, 
and made us mortal enemies of our Federal courts were in no 
sense the apostolic predecessors of the North Carolinians who 
swept the Democrats from power in 1894, elected two United 
States Senators, one Governor and two General Assemblies. The 
honest historian will not record that these revolutionists de- 
served the serious suspicion and the age-long handicap under 
which the dominant party held them. Our schools never had 
better friends, receiving from this long-maligned body the first 
big stimulus to local effort by a special fund to be matched by 
local taxation. Our University made a campaign issue in more 
than half the counties, received from this motley array of agrar- 
ians, day laborers, country preachers, and black men the stoutest 
sort of support, and to make complete these fusion assemblies' 
friendship for the disadvantaged man, the interest rate was re- 
duced from eight to six per cent, where it remains after fifty- 
four years. The long stay of the minority party in the wilderness 
cannot be laid to its indifference to the great mass of North 
Carolinians. 

But this was not to have been an effort to compete with the 
historians and the literarians of this body. It was to have been a 
report by a reporter, and all of you know what a reporter is. The 
good reporter has been identified by the St. Louis editor as the 
man who knows where hell is going to break loose next, and is 
on the spot. That gentleman is slightly outmoded today. He has 
been superseded by the scribe, who, perceiving that hell is show- 
ing no sign of an eruption, starts raising it anyway. The reporter 
is the prying peripatetic, the ubiquitous interrogation point. He 
is there when the man is blown up in the explosion and right 
there for an interview when the victim comes down. He has a 
system which opens all the barred doors, batters down all the 
fortifications of dignity and official importance, tears all the 
masks from stupid and solemn faces, and exposes all hands to 
his omnicompetent style. 

So this is a report, not a lesson in history. And all history 
should be contemplated in a spirit of deep and reverential calm. 
It is not, as Napoleon called it, a fable agreed upon ; it is not as 
some cynics have regarded it — Henry Ford, for instance, called 
it bunk; and it is not as some supercilious smart alecs have 



Fifty Years of North Carolina History 



213 



esteemed it, a branch of indecent literature which all the ignor- 
ant should learn and all the wise forget. It is not simply a record 
of man; it is the life of man; a forceful, active, living thing; 
not an accumulation of the results of a mass of information 
which possibly may be of use at some future date. It is the strug- 
gle of ideas which are making a higher and ever higher civiliza- 
tion, which is itself one grand and tremendous escape from 
ancient obsession. It is the story of the coronation of the common 
man which has been going on in this country for 150 years. It 
is how people have lived and toiled and struggled. It is what 
people have thought of religion, of science, of God, and human 
relations. It is the branch of learning which teaches us that the 
struggle of the Gracchi is always with us ; that the Renaissance 
is always with us ; that the English Revolution of 1688, that the 
American and the French Revolutions, the War Between the 
States, and the Russian Revolution of 1917 are with us and will 
be with us and our posterity always. 

But in the outset something was said about anniversaries — 
about the cyclical character of North Carolina life. There was 
a hint as to the significance of the first half of this century which 
will be ending a year from now. How and why did North Caro- 
lina start and persevere in its present direction ? Why has North 
Carolina not concerted with other Southern states in what is now 
known as the "Southern position?" Who in the violences of the 
late nineties was able to turn North Carolina away from the dull 
and dreary rehearsals of race which are still heard in some of 
our sister states? 

It is not obvious what most of us in this world were born for, 
nor for that matter, why almost any of us might as well not have 
been born at all. But occasionally it is plain that some man or 
some group of men did come into the world with a peculiar work 
to perform. If the man himself is unconscious of his mission, it 
is almost certain that his contemporaries are, and it is left to 
history to discover that someone has lived and died, for whom 
there had been an appointed task, and who has made the whole 
course of history different from what it would have been without 
him. 

When Napoleon was on a rampage in Europe in 1809, there 
was born into the world a group of such men : In Germany Felix 



214 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Mendelssohn ; in Britain Charles Darwin, William E. Gladstone, 
and Alfred Lord Tennyson ; in the United States Oliver Wendell 
Holmes, Edgar Alan Poe, Abraham Lincoln and Cyrus McCor- 
mick. How marvelously they set themselves to the task of re- 
deeming the world from the influence of this ambitious lunatic 
and murderer! There were the poets to relieve the world of its 
deep dissonance and despair ; there were the scientists to acquaint 
the world with all life; there were the musicians to bring har- 
mony into a world of discord; and there were the inventors to 
lighten the drudgery of their fellows. There was no accident in 
the birth of these babies 140 years ago. They were God's fresh 
and undiscouraged effort to put some intelligence into a crazy 
world. 

Similarly, there was no fluke in the way the present era was 
inaugurated. For ages our Southern statesmen would not think 
upon statecraft, meditating exclusively upon the stupendous 
folly of the Fifteenth Amendment. It was written that the right 
of suffrage should not be abridged or denied on account of race, 
color, or previous condition of servitude. But that was the least 
of its meaning. In actuality the Fifteenth Amendment was an ef- 
fort to bestow, by legislative act, upon a child race, all the cul- 
ture, all the learning, all the experience and all the responsibility 
accumulated by the English people over a thousand years. Against 
this monstrous folly North Carolina resolutely set itself. 

The campaign wasn't sweet; race wars never are. But that 
war had been waged in 1898. The suffrage amendment ratified 
in 1900 was not race war at all. It was but the prelude to an era 
of education marked by the most thoughtful and generous atti- 
tude toward the Negro yet known in American life. It had for its 
high purpose the removing of the Negro as a menacing factor 
in politics, disturbing the judgment and arousing the passions 
of the people. That done, our statesmen could get a breathing 
spell in which to think upon the Negro as a human being, who 
could not be sent away and who could not be permitted to dom- 
inate intelligence. 

That this amendment meant in 1900 to say that the right to 
vote is a right to be won by intelligence and character is abun- 
dantly illustrated by the Aycock administration which began 
with the new century. When lesser men interpreted Aycock's 



Fifty Years of North Carolina History 215 

campaign to mean that another amendment should be proposed 
whereby the taxes paid by white men should go solely to the 
white schools, and the taxes of Negroes applied solely to Negro 
schools, Ay cock went before the state Democratic convention 
in Greensboro in 1904 and shamed it into a retreat from that 
unspeakably tyrannical proposal. He reminded his fellow Demo- 
crats that he never had any purpose to doom the black man to 
perpetual immaturity. The purpose of the amendment was to 
prepare the Negro for suffrage and to invalidate by law the 
absurdest provision ever written into our organic law — the 
Fifteenth Amendment. 

So passed the black man out of North Carolina's politics as an 
issue, and so began this present era which has been immeasur- 
ably enhanced by this literary and historical association. It has 
been freed by those political acts to write and make history. It 
has been advantaged by a membership willing to know the truth 
about our people. It is meet that this organization's fifty years 
have synchronized with the evolution of this new North Carolina. 

It would be naive, indeed, to say that North Carolina has been 
forever "fixed and forward," as one of the great historians has 
recorded us. One who has looked steadily upon lgislatures has 
seen evidences that when North Carolina was "fixed" it wasn't 
forward, and when it was forward it was not fixed. 

It wasn't "fixed" by the professional fixers when it ran counter 
to the world-wide trend toward democracy and rejected the nine- 
teenth, or the equal suffrage amendment. But it certainly was not 
forward. That campaign subjected us to an orgy of chivalry, in 
which the "chivalves" levied loosely upon Moses and Saint Paul. 
They employed Moses to keep woman the serf, the slave, the chat- 
tels and goods of a man ; they used St. Paul to make her "shut 
up." "Woman," said those saints in all that glorious war, "should 
behave just like Paul said she should, and if she would know 
anything, let her ask her husband," knowing full well that if 
there was anything that a woman should know and had the right 
to know, her husband probably would tell her a lie about it. 
They, moreover, said woman should never come down from her 
pedestal ; but an examination of pedestal premises generally dis- 
closed it in the backyard where some multiparous mother was 



216 The North Carolina Historical Review 

taking the daily fall out of the corrugated bosom of the family 
washboard. 

But I do wander, ladies and gentlemen. In the outset my pur- 
pose was to report North Carolina in retrospect and prospect. 
The future is entirely too much for me. I can no more foresee it 
than John C. Calhoun in 1849 could see Booker T. Washington in 
1899 delighting a Charleston audience. It would be as difficult to 
imagine North Carolina's future as it would have been for Whist- 
ler to fancy his own — he who, after flunking chemistry at West 
Point painted the portraits of his mother, Carlyle, and Miss 
Alexander. I can no more see North Carolina in 1999 than 
Philips Brooks could foresee himself made the greatest of Prot- 
estant bishops after having failed miserably in his efforts to 
teach the barbarians of Harvard. I can no more guess North 
Carolina fifty years hence than Charles B. Aycock could guess 
that in 1949 North Carolina would be making literature. Aycock 
thanked God for Archibald Henderson forty years ago, because 
Dr. Henderson had written books. But Aycock never dreamed 
that his law partner, Judge Robert W. Winston, would be making 
books by the bushel thirty years later. No man can see what 
North Carolina will become in 2,000 any more than Charles D. 
Mclver could see himself twenty-five years after graduation ; for 
legend has it that Mclver once made an egregious mess of a 
public speech, then swore that he never would make public ad- 
dresses and that he never would teach women. He lived to do both 
with unprecedented skill. 

But we all do have our ideas. What an incredible culture is 
evolving before our unseeing eyes ! Our Mrs. Charles A. Cannon's 
Society for the Preservation of Antiquities emphasizes our faith 
that no people can have a great future who forget a great past, 
and one can hear her say in the good old Presbyterian, the good 
Old Testament speech of Naboth to the King. "The Lord forbid 
it me, that I should give the inheritance of my fathers to thee." 
The Lord forbid it us all that we should hold lightly our own 
great traditions ! 

We are taking our folk songs and giving them our warm blood 
as Bobbie Burns took Scotland's and gave his. We are producing 
annually now from fifty to sixty books. We have in the current 
output real singers of songs, novelists, painters, and musicians. 



Fifty Years of North Carolina History 217 

We are producing and importing a rich art which is typically 
North Carolina. Perhaps you will ask how art can be "statish." I 
do not know, but I like that unknown North Carolina woman 
who, hearing that Dr. Phonse Smith had written a grammar, sent 
him a letter thanking God "that we at last have a grammar writ- 
ten from the North Carolina standpoint." What Dr. Smith did 
to his nouns, pronouns, verbs, adverbs, adjectives, conjunctions, 
interjections, his indicative, subjunctive, imperative, and infini- 
tive moods to give them a Tar Heel tang, I never knew. But I 
still revel in her Tar Heel love. 

And I glory in the love of every other person who by wish or 
work is seeking a higher destiny for our people. I have a con- 
viction that every great work is in some way the product not 
alone of one man, but of multitudes of men; that when Rem- 
brandt touched the canvas and God was manifest, it was because 
the efforts of millions before him, both by their dreams and by 
their daubs, had gone into his work; that when Michelangelo 
took his marble and chiseled it into forms of beauty and awe, it 
was because countless thousands had longed to do something like 
it, had wrought upon that same material and left it almost as 
rude and unfinished as when they began ; that when Paul Green 
wrote The Lost Colony, it was not the work alone of a master 
craftsman, but of the millions who had gone down in ships to the 
sea, to do business in the waters, to see the works of the Lord and 
His wonders in the deep. It was made possible by myriads of 
men, unidealized, heroic men, who throughout a thousand years 
had crossed and recrossed the sea, singing the songs of the siren 
until they at last were caught up and made into history and the 
North Carolina Symphony. 

Wherefore we look for more men of poetic vitality, who need 
not make moan over the diminishing poetic material within their 
reach, but will pour their imaginations like a vitalizing flood over 
the whole range of human activities ; men who will answer their 
own prayer that God will send a "man like Bobbie Burns to sing 
a song of steam," and straightway will sing that song themselves. 
And above all, "let us not weary in well-doing, for in due season 
we shall reap, if we faint not." 



THE RESTORING OF COLONIAL WILLIAMSBURG 
By Thomas Jefferson Wertenbaker 

It is fortunate that our country is awakening to the importance 
of historical restorations. At a time when our free institutions 
are under attack, when foreign nations are assailing us with all 
the misrepresentations malice can suggest, when it has become 
a frequent practice to belittle the founders of the United States, 
it is of the greatest importance that we keep alive the ideals of 
our ancestors and live over again the glorious days which gave 
us our liberty. And for this is it not of the highest importance 
that we preserve as best we can the physical surroundings in 
which the epic events of our history took place ? 

So, may I congratulate the people of North Carolina on the 
steps which have been taken to restore the magnificent Tryon's 
Palace at New Bern. Now that the original drawings of the plans 
and front elevation by the architect, John Hawks, have been 
unearthed in the New York Historical Society, and that patriotic 
citizens, by their interest and generosity, have prepared the way 
for the restoration, it is to be hoped that nothing will delay the 
completion of the plans for rebuilding what must have been the 
most imposing residence in colonial America. 

For the past two years I have been engaged in writing the 
history of the restoring of Colonial Williamsburg. The inception 
of this great undertaking, the search for evidence, the use made 
of archaeology, the insistence upon accuracy, the securing of 
expert advice in every important step, the long search for ap- 
propriate furnishings, the restoration of gardens, the removal of 
unsightly buildings, pavements, wires and lights, made a fas- 
cinating story. This evening I shall share it with you in outline, 
trusting that it may be of some service to you in your own under- 
takings. 

It is only too often today that we hear it said that the world 
needs practical men rather than mere dreamers. Yet how often 
it is that the things which have brought the greatest advances 
had their origin in a dream. The man who dreamed of restoring 
Colonial Williamsburg was the Reverend William A. R. Goodwin, 

[218] 



Restoring of Colonial Williamsburg 219 

rector of Bruton Parish Church. As he walked the streets of 
Williamsburg, or gazed at the foundations of the old Capitol, or 
stood on the site of the Raleigh Tavern, the glories of other days 
came alive again. In imagination he heard Patrick Henry denounce 
the Stamp Act, saw George Rogers Clark as he outlined his plans 
for the conquest of the Northwest, followed Washington's ragged 
Continentals as they filed through on their way to Yorktown. 

Many of Williamsburg's historic buildings were still standing — 
The Chancellor Wythe House, the Peyton Randolph House, the 
famous octagonal powder magazine, and lovely Bruton Parish 
Church. Others could be rebuilt on the original foundations. Per- 
haps there might be some benefactor with the vision and the 
financial means to restore the entire original city, someone who 
would wave a magic wand over the place to make it again as it had 
been as Washington and Jefferson and Governor Fauquier and 
Lord Botetourt had known it. 

This benefactor he found in John D. Rockefeller, Jr. I had the 
privilege of talking with Mr. Rockefeller about the restoring of 
Colonial Williamsburg and his motives in entering upon what 
proved to be so difficult and expensive an undertaking. "I love old 
buildings," he told me, "and it pains me to see them fall into 
ruins or be destroyed. But I do not think it worth while to restore 
a building unless you can also restore the original setting. In 
Williamsburg I saw an opportunity to restore, if not an entire 
colonial town, at least complete areas." Mr. Rockefeller visited 
Williamsburg several times before he would commit himself, but 
in the end he told Dr. Goodwin that he would see the project 
through "even though it cost $5,000,000." The final cost was 
several times that figure. 

"The purpose of Colonial Williamsburg is to re-create as ac- 
curately as possible the environment of the men and women of 
eighteenth century Williamsburg and to bring about such an 
understanding of their lives and times that present and future 
generations may more vividly appreciate the contribution of these 
early Americans to the ideals and culture of our country." 

A difficult task this, a task requiring painstaking research, 
infinite patience, attention to the smallest detail. Colonial Wil- 
liamsburg, as Mr. Rockefeller planned it, was to be visual history, 



220 The North Carolina Historical Review 

and history must be based on truth. Thus fidelity became the 
cornerstone of the Restoration. The architects, in restoring a 
house, must not strive primarily for charm and beauty, but for 
accuracy; they must not heed family tradition, but search dili- 
gently for contemporaneous evidence. 

So Colonial Williamsburg spread an historical dragnet almost 
unprecedented in its extent and thoroughness. Research workers 
were sent out to go through hundreds of thousands of manu- 
scripts, old letters and other papers in the Library of Congress, 
the New York Public Library, the library of the American Anti- 
quarian Society, the William L. Clements Library, and many 
more. Others crossed the Atlantic to comb the British Public 
Record Office, the British Museum, the Bodleian Library, the 
libraries of France, the Vatican Library, and other depositories. 
I would most earnestly recommend similar exhaustive research 
in your restorations. 

Among the mass of material discovered, one of the most im- 
portant items was found right at hand in the library of the Col- 
lege of William and Mary. The so-called Frenchman's Map, made 
perhaps by one of Rochambeau's engineers during the Revolu- 
tion, shows the dimensions of public buildings, private houses, 
and yards, and gives the location of fences, gardens, and even 
trees. It has been of very great assistance to the architects and 
landscape architects. 

But the most important find was made in the ancient Bodleian 
Library, at Oxford. Years before, Dr. Charles M. Andrews, of 
Yale University, had found in the Rawlinson Collection two cop- 
per plates, one of which showed several buildings, probably "in 
some town in Virginia or Carolina." Miss Mary Goodwin, a cousin 
of Dr. Goodwin, who had gone to Great Britain in search of data, 
thinking that this town might be Williamsburg, went to Oxford 
and, having climbed the stairs to the reading room, waited im- 
patiently for the assistant librarian to find the plate. When he 
produced it, it was so dusty and corroded that at first the etching 
could not be seen. But when some of the dust had been removed 
the outline of the Wren Building emerged. Then other buildings 
could be seen — the Capitol, the Palace, Braff erton Hall, the Presi- 
dent's House. 




KEY TO COPPER PLATE FOUND IN BODLEIAN LIBRARY, OXFORD, ENGLAND 

Upper Panel 

1. Brafferton Hall, at College of William and Mary 

2. Wren Building, at College of William and Mary 

3. President's House at College of William and Mary 

Middle Panel 

4. Colonial Capitol 

5. View of two rear wings of Wren Building, at College of William and Mary 

6. Governor's Palace 

Lower Panel (Natives of Virginia and the fauna and flora of that country) 

7. Spider 

8. Seaweed or kelp 

9 & 10 Flora-probably of a medicinal character 

11. Tobacco Plant 

12. Beetle 

13. An Indian woman 

14. An Indian man smoking tobacco, displaying 

A. ? 

B. Arrowhead 

C. Bow, arrow, quiver, and tomahawk 

D. Spear head 

15. Flora — probably of a medicinal character 

16. Sea horse 




CAPITOL 

A close view of the south elevation of the Capitol shows it to be an "H" shaped 
building with two semi-circular bays. This structure, closely identified with 
the political life of the colony, has been rebuilt on original foundations 
modelled after the earlier of two buildings that stood here during the 18th 
century. The graceful white cupola bears the arms of Queen Anne, during 
whose reign the first Capitol was erected. 




GOVERNOR'S PALACE 

The Palace was one of the handsomest buildings of colonial America and influenced 
the architecture of many of the later plantation homes. Built as the official resi- 
dence for the royal governors, it was the center of fashion and social life in the 
Virginia Colony. It burned in 1781 while serving as a hospital for the Continental 
Army and has been reconstructed upon its original foundations with its flanking 
buildings, outbuildings, formal and kitchen gardens, canal, and fish pond. 



MMHHH 




FORMAL GARDEN, GOVERNOR'S PALACE 

The features of an early 18th century garden in Virginia are discernible 
in this view of a portion of the Governor's Palace formal ballroom garden. 
The diamond shaped parterres in hemlock and the corner garden houses 
were shown in the Bodelian Plate view of the Palace. Evidence for the 
location of walls and garden structure were found during archaeological 
excavations. The simple topiary pieces, hedges, pleached arbor, bulb and 
perennial plantings were favorite garden ornaments of this period in 
garden history. 




GOVERNOR'S PALACE 

The Palace for the royal governors, built 1706-1718, was the center of fashion and 
social life in the Virginia colony. It has been reconstructed upon its original founda- 
tions with its offices, kitchens, outbuildings, formal gardens, and canal. 




AYSCOUGH SHOP 

This shop near the Capitol has been reconstructed and is the workshop for 
skilled cabinetmakers who wear colonial dress and employ 18th century 
tools to repair furniture used in the exhibition buildings. Christopher 
Ayscough, for whom the shop is named, was gardener at the Palace during 
Governor Fauquier's administration and operated a tavern east of this 
structure. 



Restoring of Colonial Williamsburg 221 

This find gave the architects just what had been lacking for 
the authentic restoration of the most important buildings. They 
might know the exact floor dimensions of the Capitol or the 
Palace from the foundations or from plans, but they would still 
be partly in the dark so long as they had no drawings of the 
elevations. But now their doubts would be dispelled, now they 
would have the correct slopes of the roofs, the height and form of 
the cupolas, now they could locate dormers, doors, balconies. 

By the time the architects were ready to begin digging on the 
sites of the old buildings, they were armed with a mass of infor- 
mation. But once the work had begun they found to their surprise 
that the workman's pick would yield information not less im- 
portant than that in books and manuscripts. They had hoped to 
find old foundations, with chimney bases and cellar steps, but 
they were unprepared for the wealth of material which was dug 
up. In America archaeology has been employed almost entirely 
to throw light upon the life of the Indians, and they were slow 
to realize that beneath the soil at Jamestown, or Plymouth, or 
Williamsburg there might be thousands of objects whose dis- 
covery would be as important for American history as the open- 
ing of an Egyptian tomb, or the uncovering of the market place 
of a Greek city was for ancient history. 

The archaeologists ran shallow trenches at frequent intervals 
over the sites of the buildings which were to be restored. In this 
way, in almost every case, they uncovered all or parts of the 
foundations, and in some found basements almost intact, with 
walls, pavements, and partitions. In working on the site of the 
Governor's Palace, it was assumed that when the building burned 
objects such as locks or tiles had fallen straight downward, and 
so would be directly below their original location. So the entire 
basement was divided into small numbered sections, each having 
its own box into which all objects within its bounds were put. 
Thus a record of the location in which each article was found 
was kept for future reference. 

The architects were not alone in profiting by the findings of the 
archaeologists, for the landscape gardeners found them invalu- 
able in restoring some of the old gardens. And the thousands of 
fragments of china, glassware, household utensils and tools which 



222 The North Carolina Historical Review 

were dug up threw light upon the tastes, fashions, habits, domes- 
tic life, and trades of the people. The bits of broken china were 
innumerable. These the archaeologists tried to piece together like 
a jig-saw puzzle, and in some cases a vase or a bowl or a cup was 
almost entirely restored. 

The people of Williamsburg were especially fond of a cream 
colored earthenware called Queensware made by Wedgewood and 
other potters. When attempts to find sets of an especially popular 
pattern of this ware proved unsuccessful, a representative of the 
Restoration went to the Wedgewood works to ask if it would be 
possible to make an accurate reproduction. To his surprise the 
management, after a brief search, reported that they still had 
most of the moulds from which the original sets were made, the 
patterns of others, and Josiah Wedgewood's receipt for the clay 
mixtures. 

For the architectural restoration Mr. Rockefeller and Dr. 
Goodwin secured the services of the distinguished Boston firm 
Perry, Shaw and Hepburn. They also appointed an Advisory 
Committee of Architects, among them Fiske Kimball, A. Law- 
rence Kocher, and Thomas E. Tallmadge. This body made it a 
guiding principle that "there should be held in the mind of the 
architects the distinction between preservation, where the object 
is scrupulous retention of the surviving work by ordinary repair, 
and restoration, where the object is the recovery of the old form 
by new work, and that the largest practicable number of build- 
ings should be preserved rather than restored." 

At the very outset certain difficulties were encountered. The 
brick used in Williamsburg in colonial days is distinctive. Large 
in size, durable and varying in color from a salmon yellow to dark 
red, it could by no chance be mistaken for New England brick 
or even Piedmont Virginia brick. And when laid in the Flemish 
bond, as it frequently was, its individuality was emphasized by 
the grayish blue glaze of the headers, which gave a checker-board 
effect to the walls. Since all attempts to secure duplicates of the 
old bricks from the manufacturers failed utterly, the Restoration 
was forced to make them themselves, and this entailed the re- 
discovery of a lost art. 



Restoring of Colonial Williamsburg 223 

But they were fortunate in finding a brickmaker in North 
Carolina who continued the traditions of the colonial brickmakers, 
and brought him with his Negro helpers to Williamsburg. There 
he set up his furnace, using hard wood for fuel, moulded the local 
clay, and built his fire. But it took many weeks to attain success, 
for the bricks, though of the proper color, were without the 
essential glaze on the headers. Only when it was found that it 
was necessary to place the ends of the bricks next to the fire 
and to brush them clear of sand, did the glaze appear. Then the 
duplication was so accurate that it is an observant visitor indeed 
who can distinguish the newly made bricks from those made by 
the eighteenth century workmen. 

One of the first houses to be preserved was the John Blair 
House, which for two centuries had stood near the west end of 
Duke of Gloucester Street. A typical Virginia colonial cottage, 
one and a half stories high, with end chimneys and dormers, it 
had suffered much from alterations and the hand of time. With 
scrupulous care the architects preserved all the old work, re- 
placing rotted beams with sound ones, and, removing all modern 
additions, substituted new paneling, trim, mantels, chair railings 
which followed faithfully in design and contour that of other 
houses of Williamsburg and its vicinity. As it stands today the 
house is as nearly as it was when the youthful Jefferson strolled 
past it on his way to the Palace or the Raleigh Tavern, or when 
the ringing of bells announced the signing of the Declaration of 
Independence, as careful research in preserving what was origi- 
nal in the house could make it. 

In coloring, as in other matters, no pains were spared to attain 
accuracy. Old newspapers, letters and inventories yielded a mass 
of information. Ampthill, Little England, and other colonial Vir- 
ginia mansions where the eighteenth century tones had not been 
covered over were examined carefully. But various shades of 
blues, greens, and yellows which resulted were viewed with skep- 
ticism by some of the older citizens, for tradition was insistent 
that most of the interior woodwork had been painted white or 
gray. When one young architect asked that the white of the 
study in one old house should be removed, the family demurred. 
Only when he gained permission to scrape away some of the paint 



224 The North Carolina Historical Review 

and displayed a deeply hidden coat of vivid blue as the first color 
of the pine panels were they convinced. 

During the seventeenth century the architecture of Virginia 
was basically medieval. The little churches were either pure 
Gothic, or modifications of the Gothic, the one and a half story 
cottages were modelled after the East Anglian houses, which 
in turn were Flemish in character. But with the turn of the cen- 
tury Renaissance architecture, which since the days of Inigo 
Jones had been gaining ground in England, established itself in 
Virginia, not only in public buildings, but in the mansions of the 
wealthy planters. The first Renaissance building in the colony 
was the Wren Building at the College of William and Mary, so- 
called because it was designed by Sir Christopher Wren. Gutted 
several times by fire, and mutilated by successive architects 
through the two and a quarter centuries of its existence, it has 
now been restored to all its former dignity and charm. 

In restoring the Capitol the architects selected the original 
building rather than the second structure built within the old 
walls after the fire of 1747, because they had far more evidence 
concerning the first building and because it was lovelier and more 
architecturally correct. But it was in the second building that 
the stirring scenes connected with the Revolution and the birth 
of the nation occurred. Here it was that Patrick Henry hurled 
defiance at George III, that George Mason introduced his Bill 
of Rights, that the assembly instructed the Virginia delegation 
to Congress to propose independence, that the first State Con- 
stitution was drawn up and adopted, that the conquest of the 
northwest by George Rogers Clark was planned. 

As the Capitol was the center of the political life of colonial 
Virginia, so the Governor's Palace was the center of social life. 
Here Governor Spotswood entertained his council with elaborate 
dinners; here, in the beautiful ballroom, handsomely gowned 
women and bewigged and powdered gentlemen whirled and bowed 
to the strains of the minuet; here Governor Fauquier joined with 
young Jefferson and other friends in amateur concerts; here 
distinguished guests listened to Botetourt discourse on history 
or philosophy and examined with keen interest his fine library. 
The Palace, like the Capitol, was designed in the Renaissance 



Restoring of Colonial Williamsburg 225 

style, with a touch of the Dutch in keeping with the trend intro- 
duced into England by William III. 

Like the Wren Building, Bruton Parish Church was standing 
when the Restoration began its work, and like the Wren Building 
it had been changed and robbed of much of its charm, especially 
in the interior. The frame church which stood on the site or 
nearby had been built in the middle of the 17th century. In 1783 
it was replaced by a Gothic building showing Flemish influence, 
similar to beautiful St. Luke's at Smithfield. The present building 
was constructed in 1715 after plans drawn by Governor Spots- 
wood. 

Among other buildings which have been restored some of the 
more interesting are the George Wythe House ; home of the first 
law professor in this country and preceptor of Jefferson, Marshall, 
and other founders of the nation; the St. George Tucker House, 
with its wealth of boxwood ; the President's House at the College 
of William and Mary, now occupied by my friend and former 
colleague at Princeton, John E. Pomfret. 

Since the objects with which we equip our homes are reflections 
of ourselves and of the age in which we live, the replacing of 
furniture, hangings, portraits, rugs, lighting fixtures, silverware, 
pewter, china, and glassware became for the Restoration a mat- 
ter of first importance. And the principle of fidelity required, not 
only that so far as possible each room be fitted with replicas of 
its former furnishings, but that these replicas give the impres- 
sion of being in everyday use. In the parlor of the Palace the open 
book and steel spectacles on the sofa and the teapot and cups on 
the japanned table suggest that the occupants have left the room 
but for a few moments. 

To replace the thousands of objects which had been in the 
Capitol, the Palace, the Raleigh Tavern, and other buildings 
proved a task of great difficulty. In the Capitol the staff had to 
follow the instructions of the Act of Assembly of 1703, which 
provided for an oval table in the Council Chamber, for chairs, 
candlesticks, sconces, and the like. Since there was little hope of 
finding original pieces which would conform exactly to these 
specifications and at the same time could be purchased, the Res- 
toration devoted its efforts to making replicas. The oval table 



226 The North Carolina Historical Review 

was replaced by a beautifully constructed replica of the table in 
the Chapter House at St. Paul's Cathedral in London, the twenty- 
four high cane chairs by replicas of a chair in the Morgan collec- 
tion of the Wadsworth Athenaeum, at Hartford, Conn. 

More perplexing was the problem presented by Governor 
Nicholson's statement in 1704 that the "properest place" for 
the portrait by Sir Godfrey Kneller of Queen Anne was the 
Council Chamber. For many months the staff searched in vain. 
Then one day as the architects were turning the pages of a cata- 
logue of portraits for sale by the Eden family, they noted as a 
minor item "Portrait of Queen Anne, 50 inches by 40, by Sir 
Godfrey Kneller." When Sir Anthony Eden was approached, he 
said : "If it be for that purpose they may have it for L 100." So 
Queen Anne looks down from the wall upon the table with its 
candlesticks and inkstands with the same quiet dignity as in the 
days when the circle of chairs were occupied by her governor and 
his councillors. 

Whereas the Capitol is filled with replicas, the Raleigh Tavern 
has been refurnished with originals. The staff sought to make 
decisions just as though Anthony Hay, the old proprietor, were 
looking over their shoulders and telling them what to select, 
where to place each table or chair, where to hang each curtain. 
And could Mr. Hay today usher a Washington, or a Byrd, or a 
Tayloe into the parlor he could indeed be proud of its furnishings. 
The colonial cherry secretary, the mahogany sofa, the mahogany 
looking glasses decorated with gold leaf, the Windsor chair, the 
maple gateleg table all contribute to the atmosphere of livable- 
ness and good taste. 

Passing through the hall the guest finds himself in the famous 
Apollo Room, furnished in keeping with its use for dining and 
dancing and quiet conversation. But the most beautiful of the 
Tavern rooms is the Daphne. Here the gray tone of the wall- 
paper forms a lovely background for the golden damask curtains. 
The English mahogany center table, the Chippendale chairs, the 
Hepplewhite sideboard, the oval mirror, all harmonize with the 
marble mantel and the Georgian woodwork. 

The restored Williamsburg is a museum in the best sense of 
the word, a museum of architecture, of paintings, of silverware, 



Restoring of Colonial Williamsburg 227 

of china and pottery, of costumes, of colonial crafts, not set aside 
in separate compartments but mingled one with the other as 
though in actual use. The lovely damask curtains of the ballroom 
of the Palace would lose part of their charm were it not for the 
robin's egg blue of the walls and the light which glitters from the 
glass of the chandeliers; the walls and the chandeliers in turn 
would seem out of place without the ornately carved cornices and 
wainscoting; the cornices and wainscoting would be less attrac- 
tive without the exquisite furniture, the furniture without the 
silverware, the china, the portraits. 

"To undertake to preserve a single building when its environ- 
ment has changed and is no longer in keeping, has always seemed 
to me unsatisfactory." These words of Mr. Rockefeller make it 
clear that from the first he considered the restoration of gardens 
and greens and street trees just as necessary as the restoration 
of old houses. 

Mr. Arthur Shurcliff and other landscape architects when 
they began their work accepted the key-word of the Restoration 
— accuracy— as the basic principle upon which to proceed. They 
must spare no pains to discover the design of each old garden, 
to find out what trees had lined the old walks, what flowering 
shrubs had added their wealth of color, what fruit trees and 
vegetables had grown in the kitchen gardens. They must resist 
the temptation to strive for beauty. Perhaps beauty might come 
as the reward of accuracy, perhaps they could trust to the good 
taste of the landscape gardeners of two centuries ago. 

Mr. Shurcliff was greatly aided by the findings of the archae- 
ologists — paths, steps, wall foundations, fence holes, bits of 
broken urns. And though plant survivals were meagre, so that 
rarely could he be sure that a sycamore had stood on this spot 
or a holly on that, or that a beech hedge lined that walk, he 
found abundant evidence of the existence in Colonial Williamsburg 
of sycamores, holly, and beech. In fact he knew, from old letters, 
documents, and books, just what plants had been used by the 
colonial gardeners and just which ones they had been un- 
acquainted with. And they could be reasonably certain that 
most of the trees still standing were descendants of those of 
former days — pin oaks, red oaks, live oaks, tulip trees, white 



228 The North Carolina Historical Review 

poplars, catalpas, red maples, white mulberries, lindens, mag- 
nolias, water beeches, and others. 

For the design of the pleasure gardens Mr. Shurcliff was forced 
in most cases to rely on precedent, since often all traces of walks 
and plants had been lost. So he visited England to study the 
source of the Virginia designs, and then made a tour of surviving 
Virginia and Maryland gardens. At Westover, or Brandon, or 
Tulip Hill one might find him armed with notebook, tapeline, and 
camera, measuring the width of walks, listing the names of trees, 
shrubs, and flowers, noting the relationship of planting to build- 
ings. 

The Williamsburg gardens were formal in design, with geo- 
metric patterns outlined with walks and hedges of boxwood or 
holly, and occasionally embellished with urns, walls, stairs, and 
ornamental gates. Great use was made of topiary work, for it 
had become the fashion in England at the end of the seventeenth 
century, introduced there by the Dutch gardeners of William III. 
But the Virginia gardeners never went to the extreme of cutting 
evergreens into grotesque patterns so common in England- — an 
elephant, a bird, a ship. 

Typical of the small Williamsburg garden is that of the Bryan 
estate, at the corner of Duke of Glouchester and Nassau Streets, 
designed by the present landscape gardener, Mr. Alden Hopkins. 
The plan emphasises a small central square, edged with box, 
whose corners indent four enclosing beds also edged with box. 
Balancing this central design are four rectangular beds, two to 
the north and two to the south, which give depth to the garden 
when viewed from the street. To the right, just inside a high 
plank fence, is a light, airy arbor, where one may sit on summer 
afternoons with the sun at his back and look out over the central 
bed. Within the four beds which surround the center squares ac- 
cent has been attained by topiary work, while the outer beds are 
set off by dwarf apple trees placed within each corner. The whole 
is framed by a row of peach trees, while on either side of the 
street gate are medlars, so frequently mentioned in old garden 
books. 

At the Wythe House the most prominent feature of the gardens 
is the mall. This lovely expanse is separated from a small box 



Restoring of Colonial Williamsburg 229 

garden directly in the rear of the house by an ornate fence, 
whence it extends several hundred feet to a low terrace dominated 
by an arbor. To right and left are long box hedges, lined by flower 
beds on the inside and rows of sycamores on the outside. The 
expanse of turf, the rows of small box trees just inside the flower 
beds, and four small outbuildings complete a scene of beauty and 
dignity. It was Addison who said, "a garden is apt to fill the mind 
with calmness and tranquility," and one likes to think that this 
lovely garden on which Chancellor Wythe looked daily contributed 
to the wisdom and steadfastness of his career in an age of strife 
and revolution. 

At the Palace are a series of gardens, each having its own de- 
sign, each its own atmosphere. The prevailing note of the ball- 
room garden is dignity. The stately walk leading from the north 
door of the Palace to the North Garden, the clipped boxwood trees 
which flank it and the north wing of the Palace, the ornate lead 
vases, the diamond shaped beds enclosed by hemlock hedges, the 
shell marl paths, the wooden seats, the east and west gates, the 
enclosing oak and beech shade trees, all are suggestive of men in 
knickerbockers and powdered wigs who stroll arm in arm with 
richly attired ladies along the paths or stop to admire some es- 
pecially beautiful rose, or sit on the garden benches. The design, 
determined in part by the Bodleian plate which shows the dia- 
mond shaped beds and the intersecting walks, was quite familiar 
to English landscape architects. 

And now it occurred to Dr. Goodwin and Mr. Rockefeller that 
it would add greatly to the Restoration if they could revive cer- 
tain phases of colonial life. Perhaps they could put the hostesses, 
the waiters at the taverns, the gardeners in colonial costumes; 
perhaps they could put old coaches on the streets, driven by liver- 
ied Negroes; perhaps they could revive some of the colonial 
crafts, so that visitors could see the smith at work at the forge, 
the cabinetmaker turning out tables and chairs with his primitive 
tools, the barber making wigs, the chandler moulding candles. 

It was on October 18, 1937, that three restored shops — the 
Ayscough cabinetmaker's shop; the silver, pewter, and brass 
shop operating under the sign of the Golden Ball ; and the Deane 
Smithy — were opened to the public. The response was immediate. 



230 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Visitors poured in to examine the ancient tools, watch the crafts- 
men in their knickerbockers and leather aprons at work at the 
bench or the anvil, and admire the products they had finished. 

Those who strolled down Prince George Street from the Palace 
Green saw on the right a little building with a wooden horse's 
head affixed to the front wall and a high post near the roadway 
bearing aloft the sign "Deane Shop and Forge." On entering one 
leaves the twentieth century behind. Here in the forge are the 
glowing embers, here the bellows, here the grip tongs, here the 
hammers, here a pile of horseshoes. In the center the smith him- 
self stands beside the anvil with red hot horseshoe grasped firmly 
by the tongs in his left hand, while he makes the sparks fly with 
blows from the heavy hammer in his right hand. 

The restoration of the crafts has been handicapped by the 
difficulty of securing workers trained in those arts which in the 
United States have almost ceased to exist. Work which in colonial 
days was done by hand, now is done by machinery. So the Resto- 
ration considered itself fortunate when they found in Max Rieg 
a master silversmith and pewterer, in Joseph Kobelbauer a skilled 
cabinetmaker, and in Mrs. Bonnie Brown a spinner who had ac- 
quired deftness by spinning the soft hair of Angora cats. Among 
the other craftsmen are the barber and peruke maker, the shoe- 
maker, the Chandler. 

Nor less effective in making the old city come alive is the use of 
colonial costumes for hostesses, coachmen, waiters, and footmen. 
Since styles in clothing changed almost as rapidly in the 
eighteenth century as in the twentieth, it was necessary to select 
one decade and make all costumes in the styles then in vogue. It 
would not do to have a gentleman clothed after the fashion of 
1710 bowing to a lady garbed in a gown of 1770. So the decade 
from 1750 to 1760 was selected. 

Today the visitor to the Palace, or the Capitol, or the Raleigh 
Tavern thinks that the hostess who conducts him from room to 
room has stepped directly out of the colonial period. He is in- 
terested in the contrasting parts of her costume — the quilted 
petticoat of one color, its embroidery of another, the dress of 
a third. The hoops over which the dress is draped are narrow 
in front and behind, but very wide at the hips, with hinges to per- 



Restoring of Colonial Williamsburg 231 

mit passing through narrow doors. The waist is small, the neck 
cut low in front and high behind, the hair carried back from the 
forehead to end perhaps in a loose curl on the right shoulder, the 
stockings white, on the head a dainty muslin or lace cap, on the 
feet brocade shoes with buckles and heels of medium height. 

There is abundant evidence that the people of Colonial Williams- 
burg were fond of good music. Governor Fauquier, who was an 
accomplished performer, every week invited Thomas Jefferson 
and several other amateurs to the Palace to join him in a concert 
of chamber music. We know that Jefferson played the violin, and 
it is probable that the governor or one of the other guests sat at 
the harpsichord, while the others performed on the French horn, 
German flute, trumpet, guitar, or violincello. It was appropriate, 
then, that the Restoration, in reviving eighteenth century music, 
should have inaugurated its program in the ballroom of the 
Palace, where undoubtedly Fauquier and his friends held their 
concerts. The first of these concerts, in which eighteenth century 
instruments as well as eighteenth century music were used, was 
held in May, 1938. 

On July 16, 1928, Mr. Rockefeller wrote: "With profound in- 
terest I shall watch the progress of this undertaking in which I 
am happy to have a part, and shall look forward with keen antici- 
pation to the day when Williamsburg shall be a national historic 
shrine, commemorating for all time those fundamental qualities 
and human personalities upon which our nation was founded." 

Time has brought the fulfillment of these hopes. Though 
Colonial Williamsburg has had its effect upon architecture and 
the creative arts, its chief contributions, as Mr. Rockefeller fore- 
saw, have been spiritual. Brick and trees and flowers are of 
interest chiefly because of the men with whom they were asso- 
ciated and whose ideals, hopes, culture, and life they reflect. The 
builders of this nation have handed down to succeeding genera- 
tions a rich heritage, a heritage of self-government, of self- 
reliance, of human dignity, of human rights. It is of the greatest 
importance that Americans today should have a sense of grati- 
tude to the founders for this priceless legacy and a firm determi- 
nation to preserve it. 

To this end the Restoration has contributed its share. Of the 
thousands who go through the restored buildings, those are 



232 The North Carolina Historical Review 

insensible indeed who do not live over again the glorious days 
which won American liberty and created the nation, who do not 
thrill to the eloquence of Patrick Henry, listen in reverence as 
George Mason introduces his Bill of Rights, hear the bell in 
Bruton Parish Church ring out the tidings of independence. 

The visitor to Williamsburg takes away a new understanding 
of the everyday life of the Americans of two centuries ago, of 
their taste in architecture, furniture, gardens, silverware, and 
ceramics, of their appreciation of literature, music, and art, but, 
above all, he has gained an insight into their minds and hearts, 
into the ideals which impelled them to create the nation and 
shape its character. 



NORTH CAROLINA BIBLIOGRAPHY, 1948-1949 1 
By Mary Lindsay Thornton 

Bibliography and Libraries 

ADAMS, AGATHA BOYD, editor. Report on the workshop 
for college and university librarians held at the University 
of North Carolina, July 26-30, 1948. Chapel Hill, N. C, School 
of Library Science, University of North Carolina, 1948. iii, 
46 p. Apply pa. 

BARDOLPH, RICHARD. Agricultural literature and the early 
Illinois farmer. Urbana, University of Illinois Press, 1948. 
200 p. $2.00. 

BEAL, MARJORIE. Libraries in North Carolina, a survey. 
Raleigh, The North Carolina Library Association, 1948. 90 p. 
illus. Apply The North Carolina Library Commission, 
Raleigh. 

NORTH CAROLINA. SECRETARY OF STATE. Public-Local 
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THOMPSON, EDGAR TRISTRAM. Race and region ; a descrip- 
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WILSON, LOUIS ROUND. Report of a survey of the libraries 
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CUSHMAN, ROBERT EARL. More hilltop verses and prayers ; 
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DICKS, RUSSELL LESLIE. Pastoral work and personal coun- 
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1 Books dealing with North Carolina or by North Carolinians published during the year 
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[233] 



234 The North Carolina Historical Review 

FRIES, ADELAIDE LISETTA. Distinctive customs and prac- 
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GARTH, JOHN GOODALL. Sixty years of home missions in 
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Author, Charlotte, N. C, pa. 

HILKER, ELMER ALBERT. It does add up. Boston, Chris- 
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JORDAN, GERALD RAY. The hour has come. New York, 
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PETRY, RAY C, editor. The uncertain sound; sermons that 
shaped the pulpit tradition. Philadelphia, Presbyterian Board 
of Christian Education, Publication Department, 1948. viii, 
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REID, ALBERT CLAYTON. Resources for worship ; with an 
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SAUNDERS, RICHARD R., compiler. Open doors and closed 
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Economics and Sociology 

BRADFORD, GERTRUDE. Economics, a syllabus of questions 
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CHASE, RICHARD, editor. Grandfather tales ; American-Eng- 
lish folk tales. Boston, Houghton Mifflin Company, 1948. 
ix, 239 p. illus., music. $2.75. 



North Carolina Bibliography, 1948-1949 235 

COHEN, ALFRED EUGENE. Divorce and alimony in North 
Carolina; with forms. Charlottesville, Va., Michie Company, 
1949. xii, 562 p. 

COLE, ROBERT TAYLOR. The Canadian bureaucracy ; a study 
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CRAIG, HARDIN. Freedom and renaissance. Chapel Hill, 
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DEMING, GEORGE H. Technical aids to North Carolina offi- 
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1948. ix, 158 p. Gratis, pa. 

ELON COLLEGE. GENERAL ALUMNI ASSOCIATION. 
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FESLER, JAMES WILLIAM. Area and administration. Tus- 
caloosa, University of Alabama, 1949. 158 p. $2.50. 

GHOLSON, EDWARD. The Negro looks into the South. 
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university. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 

1949. xvi, 412 p. illus. $5.00. 

JOUBERT, WILLIAM H. Southern freight rates in transition. 
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illus. $6.00. 

KING, SPENCER BIDWELL. Selective service in North Caro- 
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KNIGHT, EDGAR WALLACE, editor. A documentary history 
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$12.50. 

LIVELY, ROBERT A. The South in action, a sectional crusade 
against freight discrimination. Chapel Hill, University of 
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McILWAIN, WILLIAM. Legends of Baptist Hollow, tales of 
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236 The North Carolina Historical Review 

MESSICK, JOHN DECATUR. The discretionary powers of 
school boards. Durham, N. C, Duke University Press, 1949. 
xix, 147 p. $3.00. 

NORTH CAROLINA. STATE EDUCATION COMMISSION. 
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of Public Instruction. 

PORTERFIELD, AUSTIN LARIMORE. Crime, suicide and 
social well-being in your state and city [by] Austin L. Porter- 
field and Robert H. Talbert with the assistance of Herbert R. 
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viii, 121 p. maps. $2.25. Material given by states and selected 
cities. 

SANDERS, WILEY BRITTON. Juvenile courts in North Caro- 
lina. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1948. 
viii, 210 p. $4.00. 

SIMPSON, WILLIAM HAYS. Workmen's compensation in 
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STROUP, THOMAS BRADLEY. Humanistic scholarship in the 
South, a survey of work in progress, comp. by Thomas B. 
Stroup with the assistance of Rembert W. Patrick. [Chapel 
Hill] University of North Carolina Press, 1948. 165 p. $2.00. 

WAGER, PAUL WOODFORD. Technical aids to North Carolina 
officials ; an analysis, by Paul W. Wager and George H. Dem- 
ing. Chapel Hill, Institute for Research in Social Science, 
University of North Carolina, 1948. viii, 91 p. Gratis, pa. 

WILLIAMS, EDITH WEBB. Research in southern regional 
development. Richmond, Dietz Press, 1948. (Southern asso- 
ciation of science and industry. Monograph no. 3) 145 p. 
illus. $3.00, pa. 

WYNNE, JOHN PETER. Philosophies of education from the 
standpoint of the philosophy of experimentalism. New York, 
1947. xiv, 427 p. $2.50. 

Science 

BLOMQUIST, HUGO LEANDER. The grasses of North Caro- 
lina. Durham, Duke University Press, 1948. vi, 276 p. illus. 
$7.50. 

KATTSOFF, LOUIS OSGOOD. A philosophy of mathematics. 
Ames, Iowa State College Press, 1948. ix, 266 p. $5.00. 



North Carolina Bibliography, 1948-1949 237 

Applied Science and Useful Arts 

EMMERSON, JOHN CLOYD. The steam-boat comes to Norfolk 
Harbor, and the log of the first ten years, 1815-1825 ; together 
with some account of early steam boats in North Carolina 
waters. . . . [Portsmouth? Va.] 1949. vii, 455 p. $6.00, pa. 

HAMBLEN, EDWIN CROWELL. Facts about the change of 
life. Springfield, 111., Charles C. Thomas, 1949. vii, 86 p. 
illus. $2.50. 

HAMBLEN, EDWIN CROWELL. Facts for childless couples. 
Springfield, 111., Charles C. Thomas, 1949. vii, 103 p. $2.00. 

NORTH CAROLINA. DEPARTMENT OF LABOR. Directory 
of manufacturing firms, North Carolina, 1948. Raleigh, 1948. 
$1.00, pa. 

ROBERT, JOSEPH CLARKE. The story of tobacco in America. 
New York, A. A. Knopf, 1949. xii, 296, xxiv p. illus. $3.00. 

SLAUGHTER, FRANK GILL. That none should die. New 
York, Doubleday and Company, 1949. 423 p. $3.00. 

Fine Arts 

CHASE, RICHARD, compiler. Hullabaloo, and other singing 
folk games . . . with six piano settings by Hilton Rufty. 
Boston, Houghton Mifflin Company, 1949. 57 p. illus. $2.00. 

GASQUE, JIM. Hunting and fishing in the Great Smokies. 
New York, A. A. Knopf, 1948. xiii, 210, v p. $3.75. 

NORBURN, HOPE ROBERTSON. Melodies for moppets . . . 
words and illustrations by Hope R. Norburn, music by Hope 
T. Robertson. [Asheville? N. C, Miller Press, c.1948] [62] p. 
illus. $2.50. 

NORDEN, LAURA HOWELL. Just about music. Wilmington, 
N. C, Wilmington Printing Company, 1948. xi, 171, [4] p. 
$2.50. 

Poetry 

HULME, FRANCIS PLEDGER. Come up the valley, ballards 
and poems. New Brunswick, N. J., Rutgers University Press, 
1949. ix, 92 p. illus. $3.00. 

JONES, DECATUR. The impure hand. Prairie City, 111., The 
Decker Press, [c.1948] 48 p. $2.00. 

MILES, HERBERT DE LA HA YE. Look up, O world ; poems. 
Boston, B. Humphries, [1948] 151 p. port. $2.75. 



238 The North Carolina Historical Review 

NORBURN, HOPE ROBERTSON. Above the brink and other 
poems. Philadelphia, Dorrance and Company, Inc., 1949. 
59 p. illus. $1.75. 

PEARSON, JAMES LARKIN. Plowed ground, humorous and 
dialect poems. Guilford College, N. C, The Author, 1949. 
$2.00. Order from the Author, Friendly Road, Guilford Col- 
lege, N. C. 

SHULL, LENA MEARLE. Night is always kind. Dallas, 
Texas, Kaleidograph Press, [1948] 69 p. $2.00. 

STREET, JULIA MONTGOMERY. Street lights. [Winston- 
Salem, N. C, Cynthia Hensel, 1949] [15] p. Limited to 100 
copies. 

Drama 

GREEN, PAUL ELIOT. The common glory, a symphonic drama 
of American history, with music, commentary, English folk- 
song and dance. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina 
Press, [1948] ix, 273 p. illus. $2.75. 

JURGENSEN, KAI, editor. Fourteen plays for the church 
[ed. by] Robert Schenkkan and Kai Jurgensen. New Bruns- 
wick, N. J., Rutgers University Press, 1948. xii, 268, [7] p. 
illus. $3.00. 

SELDEN, SAMUEL, editor. International folk plays. Chapel 
Hill, University of North Carolina Press, [1949] xxiii, 285 
p. (The Carolina Playmakers series) $5.00. 

WOLFE, THOMAS. Mannerhouse, a play in a prologue and 
three acts. New York, Harper & Brothers, 1948. 183 p. $3.00. 

Fiction 2 

ADAMS, MRS. JULIETTE GRAVES. Day in a doll's life, by 
Mrs. Crosby Adams. [Asheville, N. C, Inland Press, c.1948] 
21 p. illus. $2.00. Juvenile. 

BECKER, KATE HARBES. Was it worth while? Belmont, 
N. C, Outline Company, 1947. 186 p. $3.00. 

BLYTHE, LE GETTE. Bold Galilean. Chapel Hill, University 
of North Carolina Press, 1948. 317 p. $3.50. 

BURGWYN, MEBANE HOLOMAN. Lucky mischief. New 
York, Oxford University Press, 1949. 246 p. illus. $2.50. 
Juvenile. 

BURT, KATHARINE NEWLIN. Still water. Philadelphia, 
Macrae-Smith Company, 1948. 287 p. $2.75. 

2 With a North Carolina setting or by a North Carolinian. 



North Carolina Bibliography, 1948-1949 239 

BURT, KATHARINE NEWLIN. Strong citadel. New York, 
C. Scribner's Sons, 1949. 281 p. $3.00. 

CREDLE, ELLIS. My. pet Peepelo, photos by Charles Town- 
send. New York, Oxford University Press, 1948. 62 p. illus. 
$2.00. Juvenile. 

DAVIDSON, CHALMERS GASTON. Cloud over Catawba. 
[Charlotte, N. C] Published under the sponsorship of the 
Mecklenburg Historical Society, 1949. v, 210 p. $2.75. 

DAVIS, BURKE. Whisper my name, a novel. New York, Rine- 
hart and Company, Inc., [1949] 282 p. $2.75. 

FITZ-SIMONS, FOSTER. Bright leaf. New York, Rinehart 
and Company, Inc., [1948] 631 p. $3.50. 

FLETCHER, INGLIS. Roanoke hundred, a novel. Indian- 
apolis, Bobbs-Merrill Company, [1948] 492 p. $3.50. 

GRANT, DOROTHY FREMONT. Devil's food. New York, 
Longmans, Green and Company, 1949. 282 p. $3.00. 

HARRIS, BERNICE KELLY. Hearthstones, a novel of the 
Roanoke River country in North Carolina. Garden City, N. Y., 
Doubleday and Company, 1948. 273 p. $3.00. 

HARRIS, MATTIE VIRGINIA. Weddin' trimmin's. New 
York, Exposition Press, [1949] 233 p. $3.00. 

MARSHALL, ROBERT K. Little Squire Jim. New York, Duell, 
Sloan and Pearce, [1949] 255 p. $2.75. 

MILLER, HELEN TOPPING. The sound of chariots ; a novel 
of John Sevier and the State of Franklin. Indianapolis, Bobbs- 
Merrill Company, [1947] 288 p. $2.75. 

MITCHELL, JOSEPH. Old Mr. Flood. New York, Duell, 
Sloan and Peace, [1948] viii, 111 p. $2.00. 

ROUNDS, GLEN. Stolen pony. New York, Holiday House, 
[1948] 154 p. illus. $2.00. Juvenile. 

RUARK, ROBERT CHESTER. I didn't know it was loaded. 
Garden City, N. Y., Doubleday and Company, 1948. 255 p. 
illus. $2.50. 

SANDBURG, CARL. Remembrance Rock. New York, Har- 
court, Brace & Company, [1948] 1067 p. $5.00. 

SLAUGHTER, FRANK GILL. Sangaree. Garden City, N. Y., 
Doubleday and Company, 1948. 306 p. $3.00. 



240 The North Carolina Historical Review 

STREET, JAMES HOWELL. Tomorrow we reap, by James 
Street and James Childers. New York, Dial Press, 1949. 
384 p. $3.00. 

WELLMAN, MANLY WADE. Mystery of Lost Valley. New 
York, Thomas Nelson and Sons, [1948] 176 p. $2.50. 

Literature Other Than Poetry, Drama, or Fiction 

CRAIG, HARDIN. An interpretation of Shakespeare. New 
York, Dryden Press, [1948] ix, 400 p. $3.75. 

FRIEDERICH, WERNER PAUL. An outline-history of Ger- 
man literature. New York, Barnes and Noble, [1948] vi, 326 
p. $1.50, pa. 

GILBERT, ALLAN H. Symbolic persons in the masques of 
Ben Jonson. Durham, Duke University Press, 1948. xi, 297 p. 
illus. $6.00. 

GOHDES, CLARENCE, editor. Faint clews and indirections: 
manuscripts of Walt Whitman and his family, edited by Clar- 
ence Gohdes and Rollo G. Silver. Durham, N. C, Duke Uni- 
versity Press, 1949. xii, 245 p. $5.00. 

HARTLEY, LODWICK CHARLES, editor. Patterns in modern 
drama [ed. by] Lodwick Hartley [and] Arthur Ladu. New 
York, Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1948. vi, 496 p. $4.00. 

HOWELL, ALMONTE. Ensayos sobre literature norteameri- 
cana. Guatemala, C.A., 1948. 80 p. Apply Author, Chapel 
Hill, N. C, pa. 

RUSSELL, HARRY KITSUN, editor. Literature in English, 
edited by H. K. Russell, William Wells, Donald A. Stauffer. 
New York, Henry Holt and Company, [c.1948] x, 1174 p. 
$5.50. 

Genealogy 

ADAMS, MARY LIZZIE HALL. The Hall family history. 
[Athens, Ga., Speering Printing Company for Mrs. T. L. 
Adams] 1949. [7] 443 p. illus. $6.35. Order from Mrs. 
J. H. Adams, Rt. 4, Statesville, N. C. 

BROUGHTON, CARRIE L., compiler. Marriage and death 
notices in Raleigh Register and North Carolina State Gazette, 
1846-1855. [Raleigh, North Carolina State Library, 1949] 
531 p. Apply, pa. 

EWING, LINDA CUNNINGHAM. My forebears ; history of the 
Cunningham, Knox, Gibson, Borders [and] Ewing families, 
by Linda Cunningham Ewing. [Atlanta, J. T. Hancock, 1946] 
112 p. illus. $5.00. 



North Carolina Bibliography, 1948-1949 241 

LEA, REBA FITZPATRICK. The Lea family in Nelson Coun- 
ty, Virginia, their history and genealogy. [Lynchburg, Va., 
Brown-Morrison Company, 1946] 245 p. illus. Apply Mrs. 
Luke Lea, Lovingston, Va. A North Carolina family now liv- 
ing in Virginia. 

McFARLAND, WILBUR GALLOWAY. Turner Allen's fore- 
bears, a sketch. [Durham] 1946. 102 p. Fifty copies from 
typewritten manuscript. Apply, D. T. Smithwick, Louisburg, 
N. C. 

WILLIAMS, ROBERT MURPHY. Williams and Murphy rec- 
ords and related families. Raleigh, Edwards and Broughton 
Company, 1949. xii, 369 p. ports. Order from Compiler, 306 
Mayflower Drive, Greensboro, N. C, $10. 

YOUNG, EDWARD HUDSON. Our Young family in America. 
Durham, N. C, 1947. xvii, 315 p. illus. Apply Author, Bever- 
ly Apartments, Durham, N. C. 

History and Travel 

CALDWELL, WALLACE EVERETT. World history ; the story 
of man through the ages [by] Wallace E. Caldwell [and] 
Edward H. Merrill. Chicago, B. H. Sanborn, [c.1949] ix, 
870 p. illus. $3.95. 

CRAVEN, WESLEY FRANK. The southern colonies in the 
seventeenth century, 1607-1689. [Baton Rouge] Louisiana 
State University Press, 1949. xv, 451 p. illus. (A history of 
the South, v.l) $6.00. 

FRIES, ADELAIDE LISETTA. Forsyth, a county on the 
march, by Adelaide L. Fries [and others] Chapel Hill, Uni- 
versity of North Carolina Press, 1949. vii, 248 p. illus. $3.50. 

HARDEN, JOHN WILLIAM. The Devil's tramping ground, 
and other North Carolina mystery stories. Chapel Hill, Uni- 
versity of North Carolina Press, [1949] xi, 178 p. illus. $3.00. 

IVEY, JOHN ELI, JR. Building Atlanta's future, by John E. 
Ivey, Jr., Nicholas J. Demerath [and] Woodrow W. Breland. 
Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, [1948] xii, 
305 p. illus. $3.50. 

JOHNSON, GERALD WHITE. Our English heritage. Phila- 
delphia, J. B. Lippincott Company, 1949. 253 p. $3.50. 

MORGAN, MURRAY C. Dixie raider, the saga of the C.S.S. 
Shenandoah. New York, E. P. Dutton and Company, Inc., 
1948. 336 p. illus. $4.00. 



242 The North Carolina Historical Review 

MURRAY, PAUL. The Whig Party in Georgia, 1825-1853. 
Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1948. vii, 
219 p. (The James Sprunt studies in history and political 
science, v.29) $1.25, pa. 

NEWSOME, ALBERT RAY, editor. Studies in history and po- 
litical science. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina 
Press, 1947. xi, 298 p. (North Carolina. University. Sesqui- 
centennial publications) o.p. 

RAPPORT, LEONARD. Rendez-vous with destiny, a history of 
the 101st airborne division by Leonard Rapport and Arthur 
Northwood, Jr. Washington, Infantry Journal Press, [c.1948] 
xii, 810 p. illus. $7.50. 

SHARPE, WILLIAM P., editor. North Carolina, a description 
by counties, compiled by the Division of Advertising and News 
of the North Carolina Department of Conservation and De- 
velopment. Raleigh, Warren Publishing Company, 1948. No 
paging. $5.00. 

STICK, DAVID. Fabulous Dare, the story of Dare County, past 
and present. Kity Hawk, N. C, Dare Press, [1949] 71 p. 

illus. $2.00. 

VANCE, RUPERT BAYLESS. Exploring the South, by Rupert 
B. Vance, John E. Ivey, Jr., and Marjorie N. Bond; aids to 
learning by Mary Sue Beam Fonville. Chapel Hill, University 
of North Carolina Press, [1949] x, 404 p. illus. $3.50. 

WHITAKER, WALTER. Centennial history of Alamance County, 
1849-1949, by Walter Whitaker, in collaboration with Staley 
A. Cook and A. Howard White. Burlington, N. C, Burlington 
Chamber of Commerce, [1949] xvii, 270 p. illus. $3.50. 

WHITENER, DANIEL JAY. History of Watauga County, North 
Carolina and History of Appalachian State Teachers College, 
1899-1949. [Boone, Boone Chamber of Commerce, 1949] 112 p. 
illus. Apply, pa. 

Autobiography and Biography 

ADAMS, AGATHA BOYD. John Charles McNeill, a biograph- 
ical sketch. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 
1949. 32 p. (The University of North Carolina. Library 
extension publication, v.14, no.2) $.50; in North Carolina, 
<p.Zt), pa. 

BAUM, PAULL FRANKLIN. Tennyson sixty years after. Chapel 
Hill, University of North Carolina Press, [1948] xi, 331 p. 

$4.25. 



North Carolina Bibliography, 1948-1949 243 

BRANNON. CLARENCE H. Allen H. Godbey, a biography. 
Boston, Christopher Publishing House, [1949] 470 p. illus. 
$5.00. 

CREASMAN, C. D. Moore of Mars Hill. Nashville, Tenn., 
Privately Printed, 1949. 148 p. Order from Author, Baptist 
Sunday School Board, Nashville, Tenn. 

DUKE, JANE TAYLOR. Kenmore and the Lewises. Garden 
City, N. Y., Doubleday and Company, Inc., 1949. 232 p. illus. 
$4.50. 

FREUDENTHAL, ELSBETH E. Flight into history, the 
Wright brothers and the air age. Norman, Okla., University 
of Oklahoma Press, 1949. xiii, 268 p. illus. $3.75. 

GRANT, DOROTHY FREMONT. John England, American 
Christopher. Milwaukee, Bruce Publishing Company, [1949] 
xvi, 167 p. $2.50. 

HOOD, SAMUEL STEVENS, editor. Archibald Henderson, the 
new Crichton, a composite portrait. New York, The Beech- 
hurst Press, [c.1949] xviii, 252 p. illus. $5.00. 

JOHNSON, GERALD WHITE. Liberal's progress. New York, 
Coward-McCann, [1948] xii, 268 p. illus. $3.50. 

LEWIS, CHARLES LEE. Philander Priestley Claxton, crusa- 
der for public education. Knoxville, University of Tennessee 
Press, 1948. ix, 369 p. illus. $3.50. 

LONG, E. HUDSON. O. Henry, the man and his work. Phila- 
delphia, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1949. 158 p. $2.75. 

MADDRY, CHARLES EDWARD. Christ's expendables. Nash- 
ville, Tenn., Broadman Press, [c.1949] [6] 182 p. illus. $1.75. 

MERRICK, ELLIOTT. Green Mountain farm. New York, 
Macmillan Company, 1948. 209 p. $3.50. 

MORREL, MARTHA McBRIDE. "Young Hickory," the life and 
times of President James K. Polk. New York, E. P. Dutton 
and Company, Inc., 1949. 381 p. illus. $4.50. 

NOLAN, JEANNETTE COVERT. Andrew Jackson. New York, 
Julian Messner, Inc., 1949. 178 p. $2.75. 

NORTH CAROLINA. COMMISSION FOR A MEMORIAL TO 
THE THREE NORTH CAROLINA PRESIDENTS. Address- 
es and papers in connection with unveiling of a monument to 
the three presidents North Carolina gave the nation, Raleigh, 

October 19, 1948 Raleigh, 1949. 61 p. illus. Apply North 

Carolina Department of Archives and History, Raleigh. 



244 The North Carolina Historical Review 

PAINE, GREGORY LANSING. Autobiography of a pocket- 
handkerchief, by James Fenimore Cooper, published in honor 
of Gregory Lansing Paine. Chapel Hill, [Privately Printed] 
1949. 160 p. Includes biographical sketch and bibliography 
of Gregory Lansing Paine. Apply George F. Horner, Chapel 
Hill, N. C. 

PINGEL, MARTHA M. An American utilitarian, Richard Hil- 
dreth as a philosopher, with selections from his published and 
unpublished works. New York, Columbia University Press, 

1948. xi, 214 p. illus. (Columbia studies in American culture, 
no. 20) $3.00. 

RUSSELL, PHILLIPS. The woman who rang the bell; the 
story of Cornelia Phillips Spencer. 3 Chapel Hill, University 
of North Carolina Press, [1949] xi, 293 p. illus. $5.00. 

ST. CLOUD, VIRGIL. Pioneer blood. Raleigh, Edwards and 
Broughton Company, 1948. vii, 312 p. $3.50. 

SCHAUINGER, JOSEPH HERMAN. William Gaston, Caro- 
linian. Milwaukee, Bruce Publishing Company, [1949] ix, 
242 p. illus. $3.25. 

SHIPP, CAMERON. With a feather on my nose, by Billie Burke 
with Cameron Shipp. New York, Appleton-Century-Crofts, 
Inc., 1949. ix, 272 p. illus. $3.00. 

New Editions and Reprints 

COWDEN, DUDLEY JOHNSTONE. Practical business sta- 
tistics, by Frederick E. Croxton and Dudley J. Cowden, 2nd ed. 
New York, Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1948. xviii, 550 p. illus. $6.35. 

DAVISON, WILBURT C. The compleat pediatrician, practical, 
diagnostic, therapeutic, and preventive pediatrics. 6th ed. 
Durham, N. C, Seeman Printery for Duke University Press, 

1949. $5.00e 

FLETCHER, INGLIS. The White Leopard, a tale of the African 
bush. Indianapolis, The Bobbs-Merril Company, [c.1931, Re- 
printed 1948] 304 p. illus. $2.75. 

GROVES, ERNEST RUTHERFORD, and others. The family 
and its relationships. Philadelphia, J. B. Lippincott Company, 
[c.1941, 1948] 594 p. illus. $3.00. 

HENRY, O., pseud, of WILLIAM SYDNEY PORTER. The 
pocket book of O. Henry ; thirty short stories, ed. and with an 
introduction by Harry Hansen. New York, Pocket Books, 
[1948] xii, 291 p. $.25, pa. 



8 Winner of the Mayflower Society Award, 1949. 



North Carolina Bibliography, 1948-1949 245 

HICKERSON, THOMAS FELIX. Statically indeterminate 
frameworks. 3rd ed. Chapel Hill, University of North Caro- 
lina Press, 1949. xii, 202 p. $5.00. 

HUBBELL, JAY BROADUS, editor. American life in liter- 
ature. New York, Harper and Brothers, 1949. $6.00, text 
ed. $4.50. 

McCORKLE, GEORGE W. Rhymes from the Delta. 2nd ed. 
rev. High Point, N. C, Author, [1948] 159 p. illus. $1.85. 

MITCHELL, JOSEPH. McSorley's wonderful saloon. London, 
Porcupine Press, 1949. $.25. 

WOLFE, THOMAS. De la mort au matin, traduit de 1'americain 
par R. N. Raimbault et Ch. L. Vorce. Paris, Delamain et 
Boutelleau, 1948. 293 p. 

WOLFE, THOMAS. From death to morning. New York, Gros- 
set and Dunlap, Inc., 1949. 304 p. $1.49. 

WOLFE, THOMAS. The hills beyond. New York, Avon Book 
Company, 1948. $.25. 



BOOK REVIEWS 

William Gaston, Carolinian. By J. Herman Schauinger. (Milwaukee: The 
Bruce Publishing Company. 1949. Pp. viii, 242. $3.25.) 

William Gaston was born in New Bern during the early days 
of the American Revolution, just three years before his father 
was murdered by a gang of Tory ruffians. He was reared by his 
mother in the faith of the Catholic Church, was given the finest 
educational advantages of the day, and was graduated at an 
early age from Princeton. In turn, he enjoyed phenomenal success 
in the practice of law, entered politics as a Federalist, served 
ably in both the General Assembly of the state and the Congress 
of the United States, and rounded out his public career as a 
justice on the Supreme Court of North Carolina from 1833 to 
his death in 1844. 

The foregoing facts, dimly present in the minds of most stu- 
dents of North Carolina history, are presented concisely and 
neatly in this book. In addition, the author has brought to light 
an amazing quantity of details concerning Gaston's private life 
and his relations with relatives, friends, legal associates, and 
fellow Catholics. Most of these were taken from collections of 
Gaston's papers in the possession of the University of North 
Carolina and various descendants of Gaston. The edited papers 
of prominent men of his day, such as Murphey and Yancey, were 
combed for Gaston materials, and sufficient use was made of 
newspapers and secondary works to meet the most exacting 
standard of completeness in research. 

Mr. Schauinger has covered his subject in a most thorough 
manner and has gathered the raw materials for a great biog- 
raphy. On several counts his work falls short of that ideal, which 
was seemingly inspired by Beveridge's Life of Marshall (pp. 
37-38). In the first place, the work fails to establish any inter- 
relationship between the private life of Gaston and his public 
career. The first chapter, which is the best of the eleven con- 
stituting the work, is concluded with a satisfactory explanation 
of Gaston's early affiliation with the Federalist party. In succeed- 
ing chapters, Gaston is characterized in random statements as a 
highly successful lawyer, a slaveholder and planter, the president 
of the Bank of New Bern, the owner of one of the finest homes 

[246] 



Book Reviews 247 

in New Bern, and one of the wealthiest Catholics in the South. 
These various circumstances, however, are nowhere woven to- 
gether as contributing factors in the full pattern of Gaston's 
life. They are only faintly suggested in the incident of his de- 
cision to accept a lowered income as a Supreme Court justice at 
a time when his business affairs were in a precarious state. In 
the second place, the work fails to include sufficient background 
of political and social development in North Carolina to reveal 
Gaston's place in the history of his times. The incidents in the 
narrative are joined together in a good story about a great man, 
but they never rise in the scale of historical interpretation above 
the level of skillful and rather worshipful reporting. Finally, the 
admirers of Gaston will be disappointed that a more thorough 
analysis of his contributions as a jurist is not given. It is absurd 
to expect every jurist to become a John Marshall in his biog- 
raphy; it is equally obvious that every biographer of a jurist is 
not an Albert Beveridge. But if the fame of Justice Gaston must 
still rest mainly on the decision in the case of The State v. Will 
there is little occasion for his biographer to devote a chapter to 
this phase of Gaston's life, since this case has already been the 
subject of monographic study and is treated in most of the gen- 
eral works on this period. 

The book is free from gross misstatements of historical fact. 
The inevitable errors and near-errors that are easier for a re- 
viewer to detect than for an author to avoid have not been elim- 
inated from some pages. The lords proprietors did not "give" 
their claim on the colony to the crown (p. 28) . Francois-Xavier 
Martin was not a Democrat (p. 28) when Gaston studied law 
under him, nor were the followers of Jefferson generally known 
as Democrats (p. 79) during the War of 1812. "The truths 
(pp. 159, 188, et at) of the Protestant religion" could become in 
a political or theological disquisition quite a different thing from 
"the truth of the Protestant religion," as the phrase is usually 
quoted from the thirty-second article of the state constitution 
of 1776. The most glaring error in the make-up of the book is 
in the caption of a photograph of Gaston (facing p. 52) which 

attributes his graduation to Yale. 

Paul Murray. 
East Carolina Teachers College, 
Greenville, N. C. 



248 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Selective Service in North Carolina in World War II. By Spencer Bidwell 
King, Jr. (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press. 1949. 
Pp. xxiv, 451. $6.00.) 

This is a history of the Selective Service in North Carolina 
from September 16, 1940, to March 31, 1947 ; it is not a history 
of North Carolina during World War II. It is partly historical, 
partly sociological, and constantly statistical. The text includes 
fifty-two tables and twenty-four figures, and the appendices 
have twelve tables. The data presented cover all manner of topics 
ranging from an analysis of congressional votes on the Selective 
Service legislation to figures on population, number of inductees, 
occupational deferments, classifications of registrants, conscien- 
tious objectors, causes for rejection, per capita income, farm 
marketing, health expenditures, and so on. Many of the data are 
by counties and race; comparisons are drawn between North 
Carolina and other states. In nearly all cases the information is 
drawn from the Selective Service records. The author has been 
careful to give explanatory qualifications of the data where nec- 
essary, and personal judgments without statistical foundation 
are avoided. The appendices include the names of the state per- 
sonnel, boards of appeal, medical advisory boards, and local 
boards with their examining physicians and advisory commit- 
tees. This was a cooperative study between the Selective Service, 
the state of North Carolina, and the University, at Chapel Hill. 

Conscription during the Civil War, as explained in the chapter 
on historical background, was not begun until 1862, was almost 
entirely under the Federal government, and was relatively ex- 
pensive and ineffective. The draft of 1917 began shortly after 
our entry into the war. The law eliminated many faults of earlier 
legislation, was declared to be constitutionally sound, and was 
generally effective. The Selective Service system of World War 
II was built upon that of the previous war, but with peace-time 
conscription added. It was a flexible system, balanced between 
national, state, and local agencies; in this state it was free of 
politics ; it was civilian in character ; and it included representa- 
tives of both races and of labor, although the "labor" definition 
was not accepted by organized labor. 

In practice some of the major difficulties were found to be 
the frequent changes in policy with respect to occupational de- 



Book Reviews 249 

ferment ; the volume and ambiguity of printed instructions ; dif- 
ficulties with respect to dependency deferments; and of course 
the problem of striking a proper balance between manpower for 
industry, agriculture, and the armed services. 

It is impossible to summarize even a small portion of the data 
here collected, but we mention some of the more interesting con- 
clusions of broad significance. There was no significant expan- 
sion in manufacturing in North Carolina during the war; ag- 
ricultural production was maintained and even increased with 
a reduced labor supply; probably between one-fourth and one- 
half of those who left farms for military service did not return 
to the farm in the years immediately following the war; and 
the rejection rates for North Carolina were about ten per cent 
higher than for the rest of the United States. In the matter of 
rejections for deficiencies in health and education, North Caro- 
lina made a poor showing. 

As a composite picture of the male population of military 

age in North Carolina, this is an important volume and should 

be extremely useful to those concerned with social and economic 

conditions in the state. 

Robert H. Woody. 

Duke University, 
Durham, N. C. 



Fabulous Dare: The Story of Dare County, Past and Present. By David 
Stick. (Kitty Hawk, N. C: The Dare Press, 1949. Pp. 71.) 

The purpose of this little book, which is part history, part 
tourist guide, and part legend, is "to acquaint the outsiders with 
Dare County, both past and present." In twelve chapters of un- 
even length and value, the author recites the story of the Roanoke 
Island colonies and the possible fate of the "Lost Colony," the 
Civil War battle of Roanoke Island, piracy, significant ship- 
wrecks, the first airplane flight, and other historic events as- 
sociated with this historic county. The reviewer is most impressed 
with the "Guide to Fishing," which lists the names, season, lures, 
and baits for all types of fish in that vicinity, and the chapter 
"Where to Go and How to get There," which gives a good de- 
scriptive account of Duck Village, Kitty Hawk, Kill Devil Hills, 
Collington Island, Fresh Ponds, Manteo, Wanchese, Fort Raleigh, 



250 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Manns Harbor, East Lake, Stumpy Point, Oregon Inlet, Rodan- 
the, Avon, Cape Hatteras, Hatteras Inlet, and other places in 
the county. 

Fourteen attractive pictures and two airplane maps of the 
county add to the value of the book. There is no index. 

The author is to be congratulated for his contribution to local 
history. His claim that "the first tobacco introduced to England" 
came from Dare County would be difficult to prove, as would 
his assertion that "the first Irish potatoes was sent to Ireland" 
from Dare. Most of his other claims could be established. The 
reviewer had always thought that East Lake "rye" was famous ; 
the author makes out a good case for "drinking corn." Of course, 
this refers to the days of the "noble experiment." 

Hugh T. Lefler. 

The University of North Carolina, 

Chapel Hill, N. C. 



The Early Settlement of Georgia. By James Etheridge Callaway. (Athens: 
The University of Georgia Press. 1948. Pp. 138. $2.50.) 

It is both novel and interesting to find a story of the settlement 
of Georgia which gives emphasis to other features than the penal 
character of the colony. The author has done this without sacri- 
ficing the facts in his study. Land was the primary factor in the 
settlement, but the three groups concerned had different interests 
in the acquisition of the land. The English government wanted 
a colony to serve as a buttress against the Spanish. Oglethorpe 
and his promoters wanted to offer the convicts of England a new 
chance in life, and the independent settlers wanted personal 
profits. 

The author traces the settlements over approximately a hun- 
dred years and through four migratory movements. First came 
the "charity" colonists and those, including many non-English, 
who paid their own passage and took out fairly small grants of 
land. These settled along the Atlantic coast. Immigration soon 
dropped off, probably because of the presence of the charity 
settlers and the objections to the strict regulations imposed by the 
trustees. "As a military colony it was a success. But as a settle- 
ment for ambitious and worldly settlers there were definite draw- 
backs. . . ." (p. 27). 



Book Reviews 251 

The second movement set in in the late forties when there 
was "a sudden release of energy that showed itself in compara- 
tively rapid expansion/' Larger grants were made, slavery began 
to flourish, and Georgia "had become a land of planters." The 
swamplands were being settled by planters whose interest lay in 
the production of rice and tobacco. The colony was losing its 
military character and the restrictive control of the trustees gave 
way to a more liberal royal government. 

Around 1770 small farmers from neighboring colonies came in 
with few or no slaves and moved inland past the plantation own- 
ers to lands recently ceded by the Indians. Their numbers were 
increased by the veterans of the American Revolution who re- 
ceived bounties in land. 

The final big migratory movement came after the Revolution 
when cotton growers pressed on to seek new lands for this soil- 
devastating crop. The author disagrees with historians like Pax- 
son (Frederick Paxon, History of the American Frontier), who 
say that the small farmer preceded the cotton planter who went 
in to buy up the cleared land. In Georgia the planter also pioneer- 
ed and both large planters and small farmers, under the influence 
of cotton production, advanced together across the frontier. 

This study was done as a part of the requirements of a degree 
from Princeton University. Unfortunately an automobile acci- 
dent resulted in the death of the young student shortly before he 
would have been graduated. Had the author lived, he would un- 
doubtedly have smoothed out many of the crudities in style, par- 
ticularly prevalent in the first part of the study, and have cor- 
rected the few factual errors. The format of the book would have 
benefitted by the inclusion of an index and maps. The work is 
neither definitive nor profound, but it has the virtue of present- 
ing salient factors in convenient and available form. 

Alice B. Keith. 
Meredith College, 
Raleigh, N. C. 



A List of the Early Settlers of Georgia. Edited by E. Merton Coulter and 
Albert B. Saye. (Athens: University of Georgia Press. 1948. Pp. 
xiv, 103. $4.00.) 

This is a roll of settlers in Georgia during the first eleven 
years of the existence of the colony. It was made up from a 



252 The North Carolina Historical Review 

manuscript list purchased in London by the University of Geor- 
gia in 1947. The editors make no claim for finality or unquestion- 
ed authenticity. In the introduction, however, they offer con- 
vincing evidence that the original list "was written by the First 
Earl of Egmont, original President of the Georgia Corporation." 

There are two alphabetical lists here presented : 1,675 "Persons 
Who Went from Europe to Georgia at the Trustee's charge," and 
1,304 "Persons Who Went from Europe to Georgia on Their Own 
Account." Racial and national origins are given for many individ- 
uals; occupations, religious affiliations, and social status are 
mentioned often; while "death" and "quitted" are the laconic 
terminations of many of the short paragraphs attached to the 
names of the first families of Georgia. 

This publication meets two distinct needs in the study of colo- 
nial history. To the specialist in Georgia history it should be 
an acceptable answer to the question of the proportion of eco- 
nomic dependence and independence in the original make-up 
of the most paternalistic of the thirteen colonies. For students 
and teachers of general American history it furnishes a graphic 
picture of the melting-pot in action. Moravians, Salzburgers, 
Jews, Palatines, a couple of "Italian silk men," and others are 
listed indiscriminately with the dominant English strain. If the 
tolerant and philanthropic policy of the original corporation 
had been continued for a generation, it seems fair to assume 
that Georgia would have rivalled Pennsylvania for the title of the 
most cosmopolitan of the colonies. 

Paul Murray. 

East Carolina Teachers College, 

Greenville, N. C. 



Colonial Williamsburg, Its Buildings and Grounds: A Study of Virginia's 
Restored Capital. By A. Lawrence Kecher and Howard Dearstyne. 
(Williamsburg, Va.: Colonial Williamsburg. 1949. Pp. vii, 104. $2.75.) 

Despite the care with which colonial Williamsburg has been 
"restored," it is difficult for the average person to visualize the 
town as it was in the eighteenth century. In this perfectly beauti- 
ful book, Mr. Kocher, a nationally renowned architect who has 
been associated with the Williamsburg Restoration since its 
inception, his assistant, Mr. Dearstyne, and two competent photo- 



Book Reviews 253 

graphers, Herbert Matter, of California and New York, and 
Thomas L. Williams, Staff Photographer of Colonial Williams- 
burg, have pooled their talents to present in story and pictures 
the restoration of a significant American town ; not only to show 
its buildings and gardens as they appear today, but to outline 
the principles of the restoration work and the significance of 
the undertaking, which is carried out under the motto: "That 
the Future May Learn From the Past." They have achieved this 
objective and the result is one of the most interesting and in- 
formative of the many good books that have come out of Williams- 
burg in recent years. 

In Chapter One, "The Virginia Planters' Capital," the authors 
give a brief sketch of plantation society, Williamsburg as capital 
(1699-1780), "publick times," trades and crafts, education, cul- 
ture, and religion. Chapter Two deals with "Buildings and Build- 
ers of Williamsburg" and presents a good account of "the town 
plan," the various types of houses, materials used in building, 
the "Virginia chimney," the history of the building of the capitol 
and palace, and the use of handbooks by the builders. The authors 
emphasize the fact that Williamsburg developed an architecture 
of its own but that many of the houses and public edifices were 
based originally on the mode of building already established in 
eighteenth century England. 

Chapter Three describes "The Manner of Furnishings" — walls, 
ceilings, and floors, painting and the use of color, furniture, and 
the furnishing of exhibition buildings. The reviewer has been 
impressed by the great use of whitewash in eighteenth-century 
Virginia, where annual whitewashing was the rule, although it 
might be done more often as a sanitary measure. Of the oil colors 
used in exterior painting in Williamsburg during the eighteenth 
century, Spanish brown was a favorite, but other colors were 
much in vogue, such as lead color. Interior woodwork was oc- 
casionally left in a natural state, but more often it was painted. 
Stone and wood colors, Spanish brown, and white were favorites, 
but greens were also used and, of these, verdigris, a green made 
of copper rust and inclining to bluish, was considered the best 
and most useful. It was this color, or one like it, that was used 
to produce some of the well-known blue-green colors of Williams- 
burg. 



254 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The chapter on "The Gardens of Williamsburg" is most in- 
teresting. Eighteenth-century gardens in Williamsburg were 
formal in treatment and were designed as an integral part of the 
original plot plan. Fences, so familiar in Williamsburg today, 
were required by colonial law to be built around each lot. Of the 
trees and shrubs grown in the colonial gardens, some were im- 
ported at various times and others were native to Virginia. 
Hedges of imported boxwood were popular and widely used. 
Holly hedges and trees were also found in the gardens. Of the 
trees seen by the visitor, perhaps the most striking is the paper 
mulberry with its gnarled trunks. The authors emphasize the 
fact that these trees were not used in the colonial silkworm in- 
dustry, since the silkworm was actually reared on the true mul- 
berry, the black and white. 

The last chapter of the text, "The Restoration of an American 
Town," is a fine summary of the various steps in the restoration. 
This program, which began about 1927, has involved more than 
the repair and restoration of existing colonial homes and build- 
ings. Many buildings, including the Capitol and Palace, had dis- 
appeared, and had to be completely reconstructed on their origi- 
nal foundations. Authentic furnishings and decorations were re- 
quired. Gardens had to be replanted. How all this has been done 
is told with skill by the authors. 

The last half of the book is devoted to "A Photographic Tour 
of Williamsburg" and places emphasis on the Governor's Palace, 
The George Wythe House, Bruton Parish Church, The Court 
House of 1770, The Magazine, The Ludwell-Paradise House, 
Raleigh Tavern, The Capitol, The Public Gaol, Houses and Out- 
buildings, Gates and Fences, The College of William and Mary, 
Arts and Crafts, and the Williamsburg Shopping District. 

Bibliographical notes, credits for illustrations, and an index 

round out this excellent book. 

Hugh T. Lefler. 

The University of North Carolina, 
Chapel Hill, N. C. 



Book Reviews 255 

Mobile: History of a Seaport Town. By Charles G. Summersell. (Uni- 
versity, Alabama: The University of Alabama Press. 1949. Pp. xii, 81. 
$1.00.) 

For many years the most significant study of Mobile, Alabama, 
was Peter J. Hamilton's Colonial Mobile (Boston, 1910). At last 
in 1948 Caldwell Delaney brought out his Remember Mobile and 
the present reviewer had printed a short monograph on ante- 
bellum Mobile as an agricultural trade center and port. The latter 
two writers and Professor Summersell have approached their 
subject differently and independently. 

Mobile deserves this interest and research. It is the oldest 
permanent settlement located on the Gulf of Mexico. During the 
late antebellum period it was the third ranking seaport in the 
United States. After an extended period of relative inactivity 
in more recent years, it ranked seventh in tonnage of imports 
and exports in 1947. Its present primacy has resulted largely 
from the millions of dollars invested since 1923 by the state in 
the State Docks, which are administered by an active State Docks 
Commission. 

Professor Summersell's account is more than a history of Mo- 
bile as a seaport. Included also in his twelve chapters are in- 
teresting descriptions of the city's cultural developments. Space 
is divided about equally between the pre- and post-Civil War 
periods. No effort has been made to develop fully any period or 
any topic. As is true of many such studies in which detail is 
sacrificed for synthesis, the author himself would be the first to 
conclude that his work is not definitive. Still, one puts down the 
study with a distinct impression of having had a most pleasant 
visit to Mobile. The book's significant contribution is its en- 
cyclopaedic presentation of the story of an exceedingly important 
and interesting city. In view of the limited number of pages in 
his account, the author has accomplished his difficult task in a 
scholarly fashion. 

Weymouth T. Jordan. 

Florida State University, 
Tallahassee, Fla. 



256 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The Vermont Story: A History of the People of the Green Mountain State, 
1749-1949. By Earle Newton. (Montpelier: The Vermont Historical 
Society. 1949. Pp. x, 282. Illustrations. $7.50.) 

The first volume of a projected series is always welcomed as 
a portent of things to come. Of this series to be known as The 
American States Earle Newton, formerly director of the Vermont 
Historical Society and now director of Old Sturbridge Village in 
Massachusetts, is general editor and of this, the first volume, he 
is author. 

Mr. Newton's history of Vermont which, it is presumed, will 
set the pace for the series has approximately 500 illustrations 
including charts, maps, graphs, and diagrams as well as pictures, 
a great many of which are in color, and is written in a popular 
vein. Vermont's two hundred years are considered separately 
by centuries and such subjects as industrial growth, the tourist 
trade, and " 'Republican' government" are discussed along with 
the story of the development of the state from the period of 
Indian dominance to the present. 

The real value of The Vermont Story, however, lies in its ori- 
ginal approach to the subject, its clear and readable style, its 
adequate coverage of the social and economic aspects of Vermont 
history, its very attractive format — in short, its popular appeal. 
The page size, approximately 8% by 11 inches, lends itself nicely 
to good typography. Many of the maps and quite a few of the 
pictures are full-page and the size adopted for this book seems 
to be well adapted to the use of such illustrations. Each of the 
illustrations, it should be noted, serves to elaborate upon or to 
supplement the text and not merely to decorate the book. 

Much of the material in The Vermont Story has previously 
appeared in the magazine Vermont Life, of which Mr. Newton is 
editor, and elsewhere. A number of the illustrations have come 
from various national publications and in many cases were used 
in advertisements. Only by relying on such sources for illustra- 
tions, however, could so elaborate a volume have been published 
to sell at anything like a reasonable price. 

The value of this new history is increased by the inclusion of 
an adequate critical bibliography and a carefully compiled index. 

Editor Earle Newton has, indeed, set a fast pace for those 
authors who will follow him in preparing volumes for the Ameri- 



Book Reviews 257 

can Association for State and Local History's The American 
States series. 

William S. Powell. 

State Department of Archives and History, 
Raleigh, N. C. 



Edmund Pendleton Gaines, Frontier General. By James W. Silver. (Baton 
Rouge: Louisiana State University Press. 1949. Pp. xxi, 291. Illustra- 
tions. $4.50.) 

When a well-known public official courts and marries a widow 
many years younger than he the affair attracts the attention 
of the great American public. It was no less true in 1839 than 
in 1949. The bridegroom on the earlier date was Edmund Pendle- 
ton Gaines, hero of the War of 1812, friend and then enemy of 
Andrew Jackson, and commander of the western department of 
the army, who took as his third wife the already famous "New 
Orleans woman," Myra Clark Whitney, his junior by thirty years. 

The sixty-two-year-old groom had had a colorful career. He 
had arrested Aaron Burr in Mississippi Territory in 1807 and 
later testified at Burr's trial, served with distinction in the 
second war with England, accompanied Andrew Jackson into 
Florida and presided over the trial of the two Englishmen, quar- 
reled with Governor Troup of Georgia over the Creek affair, 
and played a role in the drama of the Seminole War. He had never 
been timid or tactful in expressing his views on problems relat- 
ing to national defense, and his opinions were not always wel- 
comed or appreciated by military authorities. Indeed, before his 
death in 1849 he had several "brushes" with the War Depart- 
ment. 

Although a frontier general, Gaines held views concerning the 
Indians not in line with the attitude of the typical frontiersman. 
He believed that the government should be a guardian and a 
protector of the red men, and he recommended a system of ag- 
ricultural and mchanical education for the Indians. He was 
opposed to moving tribes like the Cherokee from their ancestral 
land. He thought that the Indians could be civilized and even 
believed that they would make good soldiers in the United States 
army. 



258 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Professor Silver has examined and digested the original 
sources pertaining to his subject and has succeeded in writing 
a first-class biography. The volume presents much information 
on military affairs, including the Scott-Gaines feud, on the Ind- 
ian removal policy, on the Texas revolution, and on the problems 
of frontier transportation. The work is carefully documented, 
and the index is a model of perfection. Seven maps aid consider- 
ably to the value of the study. The volume is indeed a real con- 
tribution to American history. 

Jefferson Davis Bragg. 

Baylor University, 

Waco, Texas. 



Giant in Gray: A Biography of Wade Hampton of South Carolina. By 
Manly Wade Wellman. (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons. 1949. 
Pp. xv, 387. $5.00.) 

This book is intended primarily for the general reader although 
the scholar will find it of value, not only because it is acceptable 
history but also because it is the first full-length biography of 
Wade Hampton. Despite the sparsity of personal papers (Hamp- 
ton's papers were burned during the war and again after Hamp- 
ton's retirement from public life) Mr. Wellman, through exten- 
sive search of the available family papers and published accounts, 
has succeeded in producing a fairly complete picture. His is an 
intriguing story told in a delightful manner by a journalist who 
has already published some successful novels. Although one might 
wish that he had examined more manuscripts of Hampton's con- 
temporaries and given more background to fit the story into the 
historical setting, the reader will obtain a vivid picture of this 
great leader who, measured by any standard, deserved treatment. 

Mr. Wellman is primarily concerned with the story of his 
hero's life and in relating this story he makes him stand out as 
a giant — a giant in physical size, in character, and in leadership. 
According to the author, Hampton was born and educated to 
be a gentleman of wealth and civic responsibility. Robust in 
sports and moderate in politics he admitted the evils of slavery 
and disapproved of secession. Once war came, he was in the thick 
of the fight for the entire period and when Lee surrendered 
Hampton seriously considered continuing the struggle in Texas. 



Book Reviews 259 

He served as infantry leader with Beauregard and J. E. Johnston 
before he joined Stuart's calvary. After the latter's death, he 
became Lee's cavalry commander. According to the author, Hamp- 
ton was a greater defensive fighter than Stuart. 

Upon the defeat of the Confederacy, he returned to South 
Carolina, where he found his home burned, his slaves gone, and 
the people despondent. He advised that literate Negroes be al- 
lowed to vote. He cautioned against violence and on three oc- 
casions after he was elected governor in 1876, prevented blood- 
shed between his followers and the Federal troops. While others 
were despondent, he advised against migration to Brazil or the 
use of the Ku Klux Klan. His moderation helped eventually to 
return the Conservatives to power. He remained a political bul- 
wark in South Carolina and the South until Ben Tillman's appeal 
to the poor overthrew the Bourbon rule. Respected and admired 
by his friends, Hampton lived to the ripe old age of eighty-four. 
According to the author, 20,000 people appeared at his funeral. 

In making Hampton the giant that he does, the author has 
probably overdrawn his picture. He is too hard on Tillman, Fitz- 
hugh Lee, Sherman, Gary, and others who opposed his hero. His 
sketchy sections on Hampton's terms as governor and United 
States Senator and the conflict with Tillman are disappointing. 
There are several careless errors of fact such as the statement 
that Louisiana seceded December 23 (p. 48). Nevertheless, this 
is a full-length and, in the main, objective life of Hampton. It 
is also good reading. 

Henry T. Shanks. 

Birmingham-Southern College, 
Birmingham, Ala. 



Elbridge A. Stuart, Founder of Carnation Company. By James Marshall. 
(Los Angeles: Carnation Company. 1949. Pp. x, 238. Illustrated.) 

When E. A. Stuart resigned as Carnation's president in 1932 
the directors of the well-known milk products company, with 
small exaggeration, described their giant organization as but 
"his lengthened shadow." Now, as Carnation celebrates its fif- 
tieth anniversary (and five years after the death of Stuart) , the 
directors have issued an attractive volume that is a biography 
both of the man and of the company. Of course such a book could 



260 The North Carolina Historical Review 

hardly be a definitive, or perhaps even a critical, account of 
either subject. It is, however, unusually informative and decided- 
ly entertaining. James Marshall is a gifted chronicler. 

The story of Elbridge Amos Stuart is a typical American 
"success story." He was born in Guilford County, North Carolina, 
in 1856. On the eve of the Civil War his Quaker parents migrated 
to Indiana, where, on the farm, he spent his boyhood. At fifteen 
he and a seventeen-year-old brother opened a small store in In- 
dianapolis. But severe attacks of rheumatism soon persuaded El- 
bridge to move to Kansas, where the change of climate and the 
care of another brother — a physician — restored his health. There 
followed a series of odd jobs in Kansas and a fling at track-lay- 
ing for the Santa Fe. When he had had his fill of the wilder 
West, young Stuart began store-keeping in El Paso, timing his 
entry into business there to coincide with the coming of the rail- 
roads to that town. He prospered. After a dozen years he took his 
wife and two children to Los Angeles and became a wholesale 
grocer. Here he was less successful. 

At loose ends at forty-three, Stuart in 1899 drifted into the 
canned milk business near Seattle. The last two-thirds of the 
book deal absorbingly with the development of Carnation Com- 
pany — how early technical, financial, and marketing problems 
were solved ; how a model dairy farm was carved from the Wash- 
ington wilderness ; how a great herd of purebred Holsteins was 
built up ; how certain of Carnation's "contented cows" set world 
records for milk and butterfat production; and how the com- 
pany expanded into every section of the United States and 
overseas. Throughout, E. A. Stuart's energy, ability, ideas, 
and influence stand paramount. He died in Los Angeles at the 
age of eighty-seven. 

Stuart Noblin. 

North Carolina State College, 
Raleigh, N. C. 



The American Presidency in Action, 1789: A Study in Constitutional His- 
tory. By James Hart. (New York: The Macmillan Company. 1948. 
Pp. xv, 256. $4.00.) 

This well-documented volume, the first in a series projected 
by the author, concerns itself with the crucial first year of the 



Book Reviews 261 

Presidency. Professor Hart begins with a brief examination of 
Washington's symbolic function in the history of the office, a 
function of which the first President seems to have been fully 
aware. Here was a national hero risking a great reputation in a 
new enterprise, firm in the belief that "the first transactions 
of a nation, like those of an individual upon his first entrance 
into life, make the deepest impression, and are to form the lead- 
ing traits in its character." Characteristically, Washington plan- 
ned each phase of his conduct as though he were setting precedent 
for all time. While he did use his office and position to influence 
the actions of legislators on rare occasions during this first year, 
the main rule seems to have been to give such dignity and char- 
acter to the Presidency that it should be above reproach. He 
insisted on the primacy of the Presidency among American chief - 
tanships-of-state and, during an official tour of New England, 
made that primacy good in a dignified but somewhat amusing 
clash with Governor John Hancock of Massachusetts. 

Chapters dealing with relations between the President and the 
Congress and the President and the Senate show the emerging 
pattern of government. Although the Congress was in fact as 
well as in theory the principal formulator of legislative policy, 
the beginnings of presidential leadership and of administrative 
participation in the legislative process are apparent. Washing- 
ton's unsuccessful effort to treat the Senate as an advisory coun- 
cil in treaty-making and his happier experience in using Senators 
individually as advisors in appointment making are carefully 
examined. The President's high standards and improving tech- 
nique of selection and the trials and pressures to which he was 
subjected in staffing the new government make enlightening 
reading. Apparently Washington's one political requirement of a 
candidate for appointment was pro-Constitutionalism ; therefore 
his administration from the outset was Federalist in character, 
though the President did not regard himself as a partisan. As 
an administrator Washington revealed many good qualities. He 
sought the advice of his associates in administration, preferably 
in writing (the cabinet was a thing of the future) , but made his 
own decisions; he had the ability to delegate authority equal to 
the responsibility assigned subordinates; he exercised effective 



262 The North Carolina Historical Review 

supervision over administration, and he revealed an archival 
sense characteristic of better administrators. 

The Judiciary, which has since become so important in our 
constitutional development, had scarcely begun to function when 
the year under consideration ended, but Professor Hart gives 
much attention to the part played by the First Congress in shap- 
ing the Presidency. Indeed the last and longest chapter in the 
book is devoted to the establishment of the State, Treasury, and 
War departments, and by far the greater part of this chapter 
is devoted to the debates over the President's power to remove 
the heads of these departments. Here, of course, the author is 
on ground that has been carefully worked over by others — 
notably Edward S. Cor win — and much use is made of their work. 
Four theories concerning the dismissal of department heads were 
advanced : According to the first, the impeachment process was 
the sole means of removal. (All the other theories recognized 
impeachment but did not deem it exclusive.) The second theory 
regarded the power to remove as incident to the power to appoint 
and hence held the President and Senate vested jointly with this 
power. The third, or legislative-grant theory, held that Congress 
might freely establish rules concerning tenure and removal. The 
fourth, or constitutional-grant theory, held the removal power 
to be a part of the general executive power vested in the Presi- 
dent by the Constitution. The Legislative Decision of 1789, as 
the choice between these theories is called, fell to the constitution- 
al-grant theory, though the way was not wholly closed to ultimate 
legislative control. This decision, says Professor Hart, "helped 
to save . . . [the Presidency] from the dangerous disintegration' ' 
which each of the other theories entailed. With this conclusion 
Andrew Johnson, Woodrow Wilson, and Franklin Roosevelt 
would surely have agreed, and William H. Taft, in the Myers 
case, actually went further by holding that the removal power 
was illimitable where executive officers were concerned. 

Professor Hart has made an important addition to the grow- 
ing literature concerning the Presidency, but the book is no 
literary gem. Quotations are over-used, and the reader gets the 
impression at points that he is dealing with notes for a book 
rather than with the end product itself. It is to be hoped that the 
author's future volumes will reveal a changed literary technique. 



Book Reviews 263 

Regardless of its literary deficiency, the book amply demonstrates 

that Washington and the majority of the Congress of 1789 were 

truly fit to rule. As the Great Seal of the United States says, 

"Annuit coeptis." 

Preston W. Edsall. 

North Carolina State College, 
Raleigh, N. C. 



Album of American History, volume V, Index. Edited by James Truslow 
Adams and others. (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons. 1949. Pp. x, 
222. $5.00.) 

Although Dr. Adams did not live to see the publication of this 
final index volume, the manuscript was completed under his 
supervision as an ambitious attempt to produce a comprehensive 
guide to the more than 5,000 pictures in the preceding four 
volumes. Not only have pictures been listed by caption, or by 
original title if there was one, but details have been fully an- 
alyzed with appropriate listings, the analysis having been car- 
ried so far that it is sometimes only after careful scrutiny that 
the reader or observer finds the item in question. 

Every effort has been made to arrange the index to facilitate 
quick and convenient location of desired material. Items have 
been listed under as many headings as the compilers suspected 
a reader might imagine. The use of "see" and "see also" refer- 
ences has been generous. Any departure from expected alphabeti- 
cal arrangement has been noted. Not least among the mechanical 
conveniences provided has been the printing of volume numbers 
in type very decidedly heavier than that used for page references. 

It is naturally only by sampling that a reviewer can hope to 
measure the effectiveness of a comprehensive analytical index 
such as this; only continued practical use will make possible a 
final judgment. Of twenty-five "see" references examined only 
two were found defective. One listing reads : "William, Fort, See 
Fort Kaministiguia." No entry under "Fort Kaministiguia" has 
been included. The reader must therefore look under "Forts" 
where he is told to look for names of specific forts. The reference 
is finally found under "Kaministiguia, Fort," hence an original 
direct reference "See Kaministiguia, Fort" could have been made. 



264 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The other defective entry, involving the heading "Huskies, See 
Dogs, Alaskan," is similar. 

A check of fifty "see also" references shows that two are 
incomplete. Under "Costume" there is a "see also" reference to 
"Jewelry" which is not listed. There is no heading "Sports, rac- 
ing" found as a "see also" reference under "Horses." The entry 
is actually under "Racing" and could so have been stated. Three 
other "see also" references are awkwardly indirect, as for ex- 
ample "Reform, methods of . . . . See also . . . New Woman. . . ." 
Under the entry "New Woman" is a "see" reference to "Women : 
The New Woman." The original entry could have been phrased 
to read "See also . . . Women : The New Woman." 

To estimate the completeness with which items have been en- 
tered under all reasonable subject headings twenty-five pictures 
were selected at random and all entries for each were traced. 
In at least eight instances additional or more uniform treatment 
could have been presented. The telescopes at the Lick Observatory 
are not listed under "Observatories" or under "Lick, James, ob- 
servatory founded by, 1888," although seismographs at the ob- 
servatory are listed under the latter heading. The Apollo Room 
in the Raleigh Tavern at Williamsburg, Virginia, is listed under 
"Williamsburg, Va.," but the same reference is not placed under 
the heading "Raleigh Tavern, Williamsburg, Va." A road drag 
does not appear under "Drag, road," although the index frequent- 
ly employs inverted headings, e.g. "hatchets, hewing, colonial." 
The Rogers locomotive has not been listed under "Locomotives" 
but does appear under "Railroads." It is evident that, however 
much the "see" and "see also" references might be improved, 
much more has been left to be desired in the choice of subject en- 
tries, from the point of view of both consistency and inclusive- 
ness. 

It may be assumed that the editors and compilers have taken 
pains to see that page references are accurate. Twenty-five ref- 
erences in each of the four volumes have been tested, with the 
result that no inaccuracies were discovered. 

Without a satisfactory index, or any index at all, such a work 
as the Album could not, of course, be much more than a series 
of picture books without ready reference value. The publication 
of a comprehensive index such as this volume contains makes 



Book Reviews 265 

the set enormously useful; more care in its preparation would 

have produced a somewhat sharper and more convenient tool. 

Carlton P. West. 
Wake Forest College Library, 
Wake Forest, N. C. 



Preliminary Inventory of the Records of the Maritime Labor Board. Com- 
piled by Caroline W. Hiatt and Salvatore D. Nerboso. [The National 
Archives, Preliminary Inventory, Number 20.] (Washington: The Na- 
tional Archives. 1949. Mimeographed. Pp. iii, 7.) 

This is a preliminary inventory of the materials in the Records 
of the Maritime Labor Board (Record Group 157), issued by 
the National Archives in line with its policy of preparing check- 
lists and finding aids for particular groups of records without 
waiting for decisions as to final arrangement. The Maritime 
Labor Board was created in 1938 and was liquidated by expira- 
tion of its appropriation in 1942. Its function was to aid in 
eliminating "the causes of certain substantial obstructions to 
the free flow of water-borne commerce ... by encouraging the 
practice and procedure of collective bargaining and the prompt 
and orderly settlement of all disputes. . . ." To this end the Board 
participated in the capacity of mediator, advisor, or observer 
in 195 mediation cases involving approximately 188,000 maritime 
employees, accumulated a file of nearly 4,500 collective bargain- 
ing agreements, and undertook numerous research studies in the 
field of maritime labor relations and associated economic prob- 
lems. 

The materials here described consist of approximately 78 cubic 
feet and include all extant records of the Board. Among these 
are minutes, correspondence, inter-office memoranda, adminis- 
trative reports, research studies, statistical data, collective bar- 
gaining agreements, mediation case materials, budget estimates 
and justifications, personnel files, and organizational and pro- 
cedural materials. There is also a reference file, consisting of 
publications, files of maritime union newspapers, clippings from 
newspapers and other periodicals, printed texts of laws and bills, 
and transcripts of congressional hearings and those of executive 

agencies. 

James W. Patton. 
The University of North Carolina, 
Chapel Hill, N. C. 



266 The North Carolina Historical Review 

List of Documents Concerning the Negotiation of Ratified Indian Treaties, 
1801-1868. Compiled by John H. Martin. [The National Archives, Spe- 
cial List, Number 6.] (Washington: The National Archives. 1949. 
Mimeographed. Pp. iii, 175.) 

This list includes all documentary materials in the records of 
the Bureau of Indian Affairs and the Office of the Secretary 
of the Interior (National Archives Record Group 75 and 48) 
that are easily identifiable as throwing light on the authority, 
intent, and understanding of the makers of Indian treaties rati- 
fied between 1801 and 1868. The treaties are arranged in the 
numerical and chronological order in which they are maintained 
by the Department of State (Numbers 30-374), beginning with 
the treaty of October 24, 1801, with the Chicasaw and ending 
with that of August 13, 1868, with the Nez Perces, the last agree- 
ment of this nature negotiated with an Indian tribe. Twenty- 
nine treaties antedating 1801 are not included, as no documents 
of importance concerning their negotiation were uncovered 
among the records searched in preparing the list. 

In general the records listed fall into three broad categories : 
(1) instructions issued to treaty commissioners or others, first 
by the Secretary of War and later by the Secretary of the In- 
terior, authorizing them to negotiate treaties, outlining the scope 
of their authority, and describing the general character of the 
treaty desired ; (2) records of treaty council proceedings, includ- 
ing minutes of meetings, speeches, journals, and similar papers; 
and (3) correspondence concerning the treaty during and im- 
mediately after the negotiation period, up to the time of its 
transmission to the President for submission to the Senate. Where 
documents important to the history of a negotiation are missing 
from the files, an effort is made to cite others that throw light 
on it. 

Documentary materials of this sort have long been recognized 

as important in arriving at the true historical and legal import 

of particular treaties. This list will therefore facilitate the work 

of historians and attorneys constantly seeking to unravel the 

complexities and ambiguities that are often contained in treaties 

between the United States and the Indian tribes. 

James W. Patton. 

The University of North Carolina, 
Chapel Hill, N. C. 



HISTORICAL NEWS 

Robert Digges Wimberly Connor, chairman of the Executive 
Board of the State Department of Archives and History, died 
at Watts Hospital in Durham on February 25. He was born in 
Wilson, North Carolina, on September 26, 1878, the son of Judge 
Henry Groves Connor. Having received a bachelor's degree from 
the University of North Carolina in 1899, he taught and was a 
principal for several years in the public schools of the state. 
In 1903 he was one of the organizers of The North Carolina 
Historical Commission, was a member of the Commission from 
1903 to 1907, and served as secretary of that agency from 1903 
to 1921. From that date until 1934 he was a Kenan professor 
of history and government at the University of North Carolina 
and was chairman of the history department from 1930 to 1934. 
In the latter year President Roosevelt appointed him as Ar- 
chivist of the United States, a position he held for seven years. 
In 1941 he returned to the University of North Carolina as 
Burton Craige professor of jurisprudence and history and he 
continued to fill that post until his retirement in December, 
1949. From 1942 to 1943 he was a member and chairman of the 
North Carolina Historical Commission and from 1943 until his 
death he served as a member and chairman of the Executive 
Board of the North Carolina State Department of Archives and 
History (the new name for the former Historical Commission) . 
He had published many books and articles on the history of 
North Carolina. Best known is his North Carolina: Rebuilding 
an Ancient Commonwealth (1929), which many consider the 
best general history of the state. At the time of his death he 
was engaged in writing a history of the University of North 
Carolina during its early years. 

Dr. Frontis W. Johnston, professor of history at Davidson 
College, will teach in the summer session at Emory University. 

Dr. J. A. McGeachy, associate professor of history at Davidson 
College, has published an article, "The Editing of the Letters 
of Symmarhus," Classical Philology, October, 1949. 

[267] 



268 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Dr. Edward 0. Guerrant, an assistant professor of history at 
Davidson College, will teach in the summer session of the Uni- 
versity of Southern California. He has published Roosevelt's 
Good Neighbor Policy (Albuquerque: The University of New 
Mexico Press, 1950). 

Mr. John M. Justice after a year's graduate study at the Uni- 
versity of North Carolina has returned to the history department 
of Appalachian State Teachers College. 

Dr. Julian Yoder, who received his doctorate in history at the 
University of North Carolina and who is a member of the faculty 
of Appalachian State Teachers College, wrote a chapter, "Ag- 
riculture in Watauga," for the recently published History of 
Watauga County, 

Dr. D. J. Whitener, professor of history at Appalachian State 
Teachers College, edited the History of Watauga County. This 
publication included the semi-centennial history of Appalachian 
State Teachers College. He also wrote "History of Public Educa- 
tion in North Carolina During Reconstruction, 1865-1876," in 
Southern Essays, edited by Dr. Fletcher M. Green (Chapel Hill: 
University of North Carolina Press, 1949). 

Mr. Vance B. Howell, a member of the faculty of Appalachian 
State Teachers College, wrote "Older Days in Watauga" for the 
History of Watauga County. 

Dr. Lenore O'Boyle, assistant professor of history at the 
Woman's College of the University of North Carolina, has pub- 
lished "Theories of Socialist Imperialism," Foreign Affairs, 
January, 1950. 

Dr. Frontis W. Johnston of Davidson College, Dr. Douglas L. 
Rights, acting archivist of the Moravian Church, Southern 
Providence, and Mr. George M. Stephens, publisher of the 
Southern Packet, have become members of the Editorial Board 
of The North Carolina Historical Review. 



Historical News 269 

On December 17 a celebration was held on Kill Devil Hill on 
the anniversary of the first airplane flight by the Wright broth- 
ers. The celebration was sponsored by the Kill Devil Hill Me- 
morial Association, the North Carolina Division of the American 
Philatelic Society, and the Air Force Association. Mr. Herbert 
C. Bonner, representative of the first congressional district, 
delivered an address. Dr. Christopher Crittenden, director of 
the State Department of Archives and History, attended the 
celebration and accepted on the part of North Carolina a series 
of postage stamps issued in commemoration of the celebration. 

On January 18 Dr. Christopher Crittenden and Mr. W. F. 
Burton of the State Department of Archives and History went 
to Washington to investigate the newest equipment for micro- 
filming records in the Navy Records Center, the Army Records 
Center, the Library of Congress, the National Archives, and the 
Walter Reed Hospital. Dr. Crittenden and Mr. Burton were 
assisting the State Highway and Public Works Commission in 
their plan to purchase such equipment. Mr. William S. Powell, 
researcher of the State Department of Archives and History, 
joined them on the trip in order to engage in research in the 
Library of Congress on the Lost Colony. 

On January 27 Mr. D. L. Corbitt, head of the Division of Pub- 
lications of the State Department of Archives and History, made 
a talk on "The History of Bertie County' ' before an organiza- 
tional meeting of the Bertie County Historical Society. Interested 
persons who had been invited by Dr. W. P. Jacocks, a native of 
the county, and Mr. John E. Tyler, county historian, met at the 
courthouse for the purpose of organizing the society. Mr. E. S. 
Askew was elected temporary chairman and Mr. Carl E. Con- 
ner was elected temporary secretary. Mr. Askew appointed a 
committee to prepare a constitution for the organization and to 
report at a later meeting. The chairman and about sixty people 
indicated their interest in joining the society. 

Mr. Frank Ryan, candidate for the degree of doctor of phil- 
osophy in history at the University of North Carolina and now 
a member of the history faculty at the College of Charleston, 



270 The North Carolina Historical Review 

has recently been appointed a member of the publication com- 
mittee of the South Carolina Historical Society. 

The Advisory Committee on Historical Markers met in Chapel 
Hill on January 27 and approved inscriptions for nineteen new 
historical markers. Included in this group are markers for a 
number of state-supported teachers' colleges, the site of the 
Indian town of Cowee in Macon County, Barbecue Church in 
Harnett County, two churches organized by German settlers 
in Rowan County in the eighteenth century, and the route of 
Governor Tryon's march to the western part of the colony in 
1767 to survey the Cherokee boundary (several markers). 

Mr. John Littleton, candidate for the degree of doctor of 
philosophy in history at the University of North Carolina, has 
recently accepted a position with the National Park Service and 
is stationed at Fort Oglethorpe, Georgia. 

Some of the gifts received by the state of North Carolina from 
people of France on the well-known Gratitude Train were dis- 
played for a time in Raleigh and are now being sent throughout 
the state in a specially equipped trailer-museum containing 
twenty-six separate representative exhibits. Several cases in the 
Hall of History are also filled with items from the collection. 
Mr. Charles L. Jones is employed as the Travelling Museum 
Curator for this project. During the months of December, Janu- 
ary, and February the trailer-museum spent approximately one 
week in each of the following counties : Nash, Edgecombe, Wil- 
son, Greene, Lenoir, Wayne, Duplin, Pender, Brunswick, New 
Hanover, Onslow, and Jones. 

Beginning in March, 1949, the Hall of History has featured 
each month a special exhibit, commemorating the anniversary 
of some event in North Carolina history. Among the anni- 
versaries covered have been those of the Raleigh and Gaston 
Railroad, the Halifax Resolves, the Battle of Alamance, and the 
Farmers' Alliance. 



Historical News 271 

Among recent accessions to the Department's Hall of History 
are a miniature bureau of the gay ninety's, a sheet of six-cent 
Wright brothers commemorative air mail postage stamps, an 
old-fashioned iron washpot, a hair jewelry necklace, a black 
lace shawl of the antebellum period, a gay ninety's lace um- 
brella cover, and a carved stone Indian head. 

The Department of Archives and History recently accessioned 
125 cubic feet of the records of the State Utilities Commission. 
The Department now has all of the records of that agency from 
1891 to 1934. 

The Department of Archives and History has installed micro- 
film equipment, including a flat bed camera and a modernly 
equipped dark room. 

The Department of Archives and History, at the request of 
the Budget Bureau, recently undertook a survey of the records 
problems of twenty-six state agencies, particularly to determine 
to what extent the bulk of the state's records might be reduced 
by microfilming. The conclusion reached was that microfilming 
will considerably reduce the bulk of the records and it was 
recommended that a microfilming unit be set up within the 
Department of Archives and History. A considerable portion of 
the original records, however, will need to be preserved, at least 
for a time. 

Professor W. E. Caldwell of the University of North Carolina 
attended the December meeting of the Archaeological Institute 
of America in Baltimore. He has recently been elected one of the 
vice presidents of the Institute. 

At the American Historical Association meeting in Boston in 
December, Professor Fletcher M. Green of the University of 
North Carolina presided over the joint session with the Ameri- 
can Agricultural Society and Professor C. 0. Cathey, also of the 
University of North Carolina, read a paper, "Developments in 
Agricultural Implements in North Carolina, 1783-1860." Profes- 
sor H. A. Bierck, Jr., of the same institution, read a paper, 



272 The North Carolina Historical Review 

"General Course in Latin American History: Past and Present 
Practices," and Mr. Robert S. Smith of Duke University partici- 
pated in the discussion at the same session. Dr. Charles S. Sydnor 
of Duke University presided at a session on "The Historian and 
the Federal Government: Policies for Administrative History 
Writing and Historical Records Programs," and Dr. John Tate 
Lanning, also of Duke University, made a "Report from Spain" 
at the meeting of the Conference on Latin American Studies. 

Professor L. C. MacKinney of the University of North Caro- 
lina has published the following articles: "The Renaissance: 
Myth and/or Reality," University of North Carolina Extension 
Bulletin, XXVIII (1949) ; "Medical Illustrations; Ancient and 
Modern," Ciba Symposia, X (1949), 1062-1071 (illustrated); 
"Sex Determination: A Scientific Superstition," Medicine Illus- 
trated, III (1949) ; "Photoreproductions of Medieval Manu- 
scripts at the University of North Carolina," The University of 
North Carolina Record, no. 464 (Research in Progress, bulletin 
27, 1949), 1-16. He has had accepted for publication the follow- 
ing: "The Third Printing of Galen's Opera Omnia," Isis, XL 
(1950) ; "Multiple Explicits of a Medieval Medical Dynamidia," 
Isis, XL (1950) ; and "Recent Writings on Medieval Medical 
History," Progress of Medieval and Renaissance Studies in the 
United States and Canada, bulletin no. 21 (1950). Professor 
MacKinney has been appointed to the following historical com- 
mittees : Advisory Selection Committee on Continental European 
History for Fulbright Awards, for the years 1949-1950; Com- 
mittee on Documentary Reproduction of the American Historical 
Association, 1948-1950 and Committee for Microcopying in Italy, 
of the American Historical Association, for the years 1948-1950. 

Dr. Christopher Crittenden has delivered addresses on the 
program of the Department of Archives and History and other 
historical topics, as follows: January 31, Book Exchange Club, 
Raleigh; February 2, Rotary Club and Colonial Dames, both in 
Kinston ; February 7, Wake Forest Faculty Woman's Club ; Feb- 
ruary 10, Daughters of the Revolution, Raleigh; February 24, 
annual joint banquet of the Daughters of the American Revolu- 
tion and Sons of the American Revolution, Raleigh. 



Historical News 273 



On February 28 Mr. William S. Powell, researcher for the 
Department of Archives and History, addressed the Moore 
County Historical Society on the beginnings of printing in North 
Carolina. 

Many local museums and historical societies have in their 
possession an old hand printing press, used by the first printer 
in the state or county, and on which was printed the first news- 
paper in the vicinity. Usually such presses do not bear a name 
plate or carry the name of the maker and place of date of origin. 
If this information is desired, write Ralph Green, 332 South 
Michigan Ave., Chicago 4, 111., with a brief description of the 
press. If available a picture would, of course, be preferred. As a 
hobby Mr. Green has spent many years gathering information 
and inspecting old presses. 

On January 27, 1950 Dr. James W. Patton, director of the 
Southern Historical Collection at the University of North Caro- 
lina, read a paper, "Regional Manuscript Collections and Their 
Relationship to the University Library," at the mid- winter meet- 
ing of the American Library Association at Chicago. 



CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE 

Dr. William C. Pool is an associate professor of history in the 
division of social sciences, Southwest Texas State Teachers Col- 
lege, San Marcos, Texas. 

Miss Marian H. Blair is a former assistant professor of Eng- 
lish at Greensboro College, Greensboro, N. C. 

Dr. Christopher Crittenden is director of the State Department 
of Archives and History and secretary of the State Literary 
and Historical Association, Raleigh, N. C. 

Mr. Richard Schriver Barry is a graduate student in history 
at Duke University, Durham, N. C. 

Mr. Roger Powell Marshall is a professor of English at North 
Carolina State College, Raleigh, N. C. 

Mr. William S. Powell is researcher for the State Department 
of Archives and History, Raleigh, N. C. 

Mr. William T. Polk is an associate editor of the Greensboro 
Daily News, Greensboro, N. C. 

Mr. William Thomas Bost is a reporter and columnist for the 
Greensboro Daily News, Greensboro, N. C. Mr. Bost resides in 
Raleigh, N. C. 

Dr. Thomas Jefferson Wertenbaker is Edwards Professor of 
American History Emeritus, Princeton University, Princeton, 
New Jersey. 

Miss Mary Lindsay Thornton is librarian, North Carolina 
Collection, University of North Carolina Library, Chapel Hill, 
N. C. 



[274] 



The North Carolina 
Historical Review 

Volume XXVII July, 1950 Number 3 

SALEM IN THE WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 
By Douglas LeTell Rights 

In the decade before the War Between the States the South was 
riding on a high tide of prosperity. The town of Salem flourished 
in this time of plenty. It was still a Moravian town, a church 
community in which the dominant emphasis was religious. The 
school for girls reflected the austere atmosphere inaugurated 
by the founders. But the culture of the age, with its refinements 
and luxuries for those who could afford them, affected this re- 
ligious center. The romance of the Old South is not entirely a 
myth, and Salem claimed its share. 

Salem was an important town. As early as 1835, when the in- 
habitants numbered 700, the local newspaper listed the following 
industries and trades : one hotel, two merchants, one book store, 
one toy shop, two confectionaries, one candle manufacturer, two 
clock-makers, three hatters, four cabinet-makers, two black- 
smiths, one skin-dresser, five shoemakers, three gunsmiths, one 
coppersmith, one tinplate-maker, one saddler, two coopers, two 
potters, one wheelwright, two tailors, one chair manufacturer, 
one portrait painter, one printing office, one apothecary, one 
tobacconist, one baker, and two milliners. 1 

In the same journal the merchant T. Linebach advertised his 
"neat assortment" of "Jewelry, and Silver Ware ; Plain English 
and Swiss WATCHES ; Ever-pointed Pencils and Pencil Points ; 
Shell and Tin Japann'd Musical Boxes ; Purses and Purse Clasps ; 
Silver & Steel Spectacles, to suit all ages ; An assortment of Steel 
and Gilt Watch Chains, Keys and Seals ; Fine Pearl Handle and 
Roger's best Penknives; Malacca and Wangee Canes, (with and 
without swords ;) Pistols and Percussion Caps, with many other 



1 The Farmers Reporter and Rural Repository (Salem, N. C), May 23, 1835. 

[277] 



278 The North Carolina Historical Review 

articles usually found in a Silver Smith Shop. . . . Also PRO- 
FILES neatly and correctly taken. . . . The subscriber will also 
furnish Marble TOMBSTONES. ... A fair price will be given 
for Peacock Feathers.' ' 

Through the years there had been significant changes. Pacifist 
sentiment gave way to the organization of a company of militia. 
The church no longer controlled all trades and industries; in- 
dividual ownership was allowed. 2 Non-Moravians were permitted 
to take up residence. Salem became a resort community, like 
Asheville in later years. Families from Wilmington, Charleston, 
and other cities and from plantation homes of the Southeast 
came here to the hill country to escape the unpleasantness and 
dangers of the lowlands in summer. Salem Tavern was enlarged 
to meet the demands of the visitors. Kinsfolk of the girls attend- 
ing Salem Female Academy enjoyed sojourning in the pleasant 
community. 

The southern states found here their largest institution for 
the education of their daughters. By stagecoach, in family car- 
riage, and on horseback the girls came. 3 Many are the stories of 
those days. For example: A girl from Louisiana was a student 
at Salem. (The revered former teacher, Miss Emma Lehman, gave 
her name, now forgotten) . From the neighborhood of her planta- 
tion home came a "poor but worthy" young man to claim her for 
his bride. The principal of the Moravian school, as would be 
expected, refused to accede to the young man's pleas. Letters 
were hastily written to the parents. In due time there came to 
Salem a trusted Negro servant bringing the necessary credentials 
with the permission of the girl's father. The young couple appear- 
ed before the principal of the Academy and were married. They 
departed by stage on their honeymoon, guarded by their faithful 
Negro attendant. 

The flourishing school for girls sorely needed more ample 
building accommodations. In 1854 the old Gemeinhaus, or meet- 
ing house, was removed, and the cornerstone of what is known 
as Main Hall was laid. On March 24, 1856, the school moved into 
its new home. 4 



2 Levin T. Reichel, The Moravians in North Carolina (Philadelphia, 1857), 161. 

3 J. H. Clewell, History of Wachovia (New York, 1902), 220-221. 
* Reichel, The Moravians in North Carolina, 125. 



Salem in the War Between the States 279 

In the years immediately preceding the War between the 
States, the town newspaper revealed the prosperity of the times. 5 

Hall and Hall advertised "Confectionaries : Crystalized Fruits 
& Candies, Ornamental Candies, Oranges, Figs, Dates, Citrons, 
Pine Apples, Prunes, Raisins, Currants, Cheese, Preserved Fruits, 
Grape Drops, Cocoa and other Nuts, CRACKERS, (Soda and 
Cream,) Sardines, Salad Oil, Pickles, Jujube Paste, &c, &c. . . . 
Fresh Oysters constantly on hand during the season." (The 
oysters came from Norfolk.) 

Boots and shoes were made and repaired in the basement of 
the Zevely Hotel, one of the three hostelries in town. 

Boner and Crist advertised "Spring and Summer Goods, Dry 
Goods, Ladies' Dress Goods, Gentlemen's Wear, Ready-made 
Clothing, Hats & Caps, Bonnets, Boots & Shoes, Hardware, Cut- 
lery & Queensware, Groceries, Drugs, Paints & Dyestuff s, Patent 
Medicines, &c, &c," with the slogan "A nimble sixpence is better 
than a slow shilling." 

Daguerreotypes were made by A. E. Welfare or the "Photo- 
graphic Artist" J. S. Wear. 

A certain Mrs. Turner, under the advertising headline "Mantua 
Making," would "respectfully inform the citizens of this place, 
Winston, and surrounding country, that she is prepared, in her 
room in Zevely's Hotel, to receive orders in her line of business, 
which she flatters herself to be able to execute to the satisfaction 
of all who may favor her with a call. . . . Dresses made, and all 
kinds of needle work done, with neatness and dispatch, at short 
notice. . . ." 

These give but a partial review of the tradesmen's appeals. 

As for diversion, Robinson's circus and numerous other en- 
tertainments found their way to Salem. The following excerpts 
are from a note sent by a young man to a teacher in the school, 
inviting her and her colleagues to a musical event : 

It's a fact, dearest ladies, you very well know it, 
I make no pretensions to being a poet, 
But, as I happily am, in an excellent vein, 
Of very good spirits, I send you a strain, 
And although I may prove for the better, or worse, 
Instead of dull prose, I have written bad verse, 

5 The People's Press (Sajeip, N. C), January 4, 1861 f 



280 The North Carolina Historical Review 

'Tis done in the midst of great "fussification," 
The "gents" all around me discussing location 
Of Courthouse and jail, whether these shall be 
Near Salem, or nearer to Liberty. 

You have heard no doubt, long before today, 

That tomorrow night the Aeolians play, 

And sing their rich songs, which have made great noise 

In both cities & towns & drew down the applause 

Of musical critics who always can know 

Whether notes are played too fast or too slow. 

I assure you, 'twould prove a joy untold, 
Greater than that to be bought with gold, 
To enjoy with ladies so charming and sweet, 
As your own fair selves, this musical treat. 6 

The new courthouse town of Winston was established in 1849, 
and already its voice was heard. The local newspaper in 1861 
called attention to a "Prospectus of the Trinity College Monthly 
Magazine . . . the first number of this new Literary Number for 
popular favor." Merchants Barrow & Flynt advertised a wide 
range of general store goods including "Ladies' Dress Goods in 
great variety. Shawls, Cloaks, Prints, Flannels, Linsies, &c," and 
P. A. Wilson & Company's "Clothing Emporium" announced, 
"We have on hand every article that is necessary for a GENTLE- 
MAN'S OUTFIT, consisting of the latest styles of Coats, Vests, 
Pants, Shirts, Collars, Cravats, Gloves ... an elegant assortment 
of Cloths, Cassimeres, Tweeds, Vestings, &c, from which we are 
prepared to make any garment desired, in the neatest and best 
style. ... A lot of Fries' celebrated Salem Jeans constantly on 
hand." 7 

Many indeed were the innovations in community life, while the 
Moravian Church kept in the forefront, with its regular services 
of worship and its added features of beautiful observance of 
Christmas, Easter, and other seasons of the church year. 

In the prosperous year 1858, when town clerk C. L. Rights 
reported after all expenditures a balance of $29 in the town 
treasury, the Salem newspaper in its issue of May 28 reported 
the "Annual Examination" of the pupils of the Female Academy: 



8 About 1850, C. L. Rights to Miss Elizabeth Hanes, whom he later married. Note is on 
file in Salem College library in unclassified documents. 
7 Western Sentinel (Winston, N. C-), June 7, 1861. 



Salem in the War Between the States 281 

"There are a great many persons in attendance, from a distance 
and from the neighborhood. . . . The present session has been 
very full, numbering some 370 . . . full to the utmost capacity. . . . 
From North Carolina, 89. South Carolina, 45. Alabama, 42. 
Georgia, 32. Mississippi, 30. Tennessee, 20. Virginia, 19. Texas, 
11. Louisiana, 8. Arkansas, 2. California, 2. Indian Territory, 1. 
Kentucky, 1. Salem, N. C, 68." 8 

The "Examination" far outshone later college commencements. 
The program for three sessions included a hymn, a prayer, and 
an address; public examinations in grammar, geography of 
Europe, church history, astronomy, a French dialogue, and read- 
ing of compositions ; three choruses and a variety of recitations 
and musical selections, vocal and instrumental, numbering nine- 
ty-eight. The fourth session presented a cantata, "The Flower 
Queen, or the Coronation of the Rose," which was "performed by 
eighty-six scholars." 

The local newspaper of January 4, 1861, along with the notice 
of a lecture on "Hebrew Poetry" to be given by R. D. Dick, Esq., 
of Greensboro, carried the alarming news, "Great Excitement in 
Charleston — Major Anderson abandons Fort Moultrie, and Re- 
moves all His troops to Fort Sumpter." 9 In another column there 
was a summons to a mass meeting to be held in Winston with the 
declaration, "Secession has no place in Forsyth." 10 

But secession and war came, and Salem was soon rallying to 
the support of the Confederacy. 

The Press of June 21 reported that "on Monday morning last, 
the 1st and 2nd Companies of Forsyth Volunteers — the 'Rifle- 
men* and 'Grays' — took their departure from this place for 
Danville, Va." Forty wagons were provided for the troops. The 
volunteers, headed by the brass band, marched to Salem Square 
and halted in front of the Female Academy, where, in the pres- 
ence of a large concourse of people "of all ages, sexes, and con- 
ditions," the Rt. Rev. George F. Bahnson delivered a "brief but 
pertinent" address and the Rev. Michael Doub of the Methodist 
Church added his blessing. 11 



8 The People's Press, May 6, 1858. 
• The People's Press, January 4, 1861. 
10 Forsyth County. 
" The People's Press, June 21, 1861. 



282 The North Carolina Historical Review 

These soldiers camped for a while at the fairgrounds in Rich- 
mond, and then moved forward to battle. In November the Salem 
Museum advertised, "New Curiosities — Consisting of NATIVE 
BIRDS prepared and mounted in a most lifelike manner by sev- 
eral members of the society; also a BOMB, said to have been 
shot at and passed over the Forsyth Volunteers at the Battle 
of Manassas, and to have been thrown a distance of three 
miles/' 12 

After the departure of the first contingent of troops, there 
came appeals for aid, appeals that grew more urgent as the 
battle years passed. The Young Ladies Relief Association and 
other groups gathered large quantities of supplies much needed 
by the Confederate soldiers and their families. Dr. Clewell, for- 
mer president of Salem College, wrote: "A pleasing feature of 
these years of hardship appears in the earnest and self-sacrific- 
ing manner in which the church and community laboured to 
ameliorate the suffering of the soldiers, especially in the latter 
portion of the struggle. The residents of Salem, in 1863 and 
1864, will recall the long lines of cloth tacked to the fences, in 
the avenue, or around the private lots in the town. These long 
strips were being painted and made into 'oilcloth,' to protect 
the soldiers from the weather and to serve them in other ways. 
. . . Even the little folks picked quantities of lint for the wounded, 
while their elders wound numberless rolls of bandages for the 
surgeons' use." 13 

As North Carolina sent its manpower into the conflict, leading 
the entire South, Salem and the surrounding country responded 
loyally with volunteers. The Twenty-first and the Twenty-sixth 
North Carolina regiments were largely recruited here and for 
them two military bands were furnished. The band of the 
Twenty-sixth, numbering among its players Julius Leinbach, 
Samuel T. Mickey, Daniel Crouse, Gus Reich, the magician, and 
other well known Salem residents, had the honor of serenading 
General Lee. At the battle of Gettysburg the bandboys served 



12 The People's Press, November 1, 1861. This bomb and several other missies fired in the 
battle of Bull Run are among the exhibits of the Hall of History in the Wachovia Museum 
of the Wachovia Historical Society, Winston-Salem, N. C. 

13 Clewell, History of Wachovia, 254. 



Salem in the War Between the States 283 

as stretcher-bearers. 14 One of the handbooks, which was pierced 
by a bullet, is now in the museum. Ladies of the community 
made and presented two embroidered silk flags to departing 
companies. One of the flags was captured in battle and later 
returned to find a resting place in the Hall of History. 

The pinch of war was felt in lack of school supplies at Salem 
Female Academy. An advertisement of the principal of the 
Academy in August, 1862, reads: "OLD SCHOOL BOOKS 
WANTED — The Subscriber will pay a liberal price for any of 
the following second hand books: Robbins' Outlines of History, 
Smith's Grammar, Mitchell's Geography and Atlas, Ollendorff 
French Grammar, Davies' Arithmetic, Davenport's U. S. History, 
Gray's Astronomy, Murray's Exercises, &c. Even if the books 
are somewhat injured, bring them to the office of Robert De 
Schweinitz." 15 

By the end of the year 1862 lengthy casualty lists had appear- 
ed in the papers and the community was counting its sad cost 
of the dead or wounded. The Twenty-first Regiment had been 
engaged in the battle of Fredericksburg. Many familiar names 
appear on its list: "Romulus Tesh, wounded in shoulder; John 
Wimmer, broken left arm and left leg . . . ," etc. 16 The latter 
was in after years well known in the community as the white- 
bearded veteran with one arm and one leg, who for many years 
hauled the mail in his wagon from the railway station to the 
Salem College post office. 

Glimpses of the sorrow and loss are found in the notes of the 
Salem diary: 

"Today at one o'clock was the funeral of our brother Armenius 
Lash, whose death took place at Petersburg, and his remains 
were brought here by his brother." December 22, 1862. 

"The funeral of Lieutenant Jacob Sheppard took place. He 
was killed in the battle of Fredericksburg." December 22, 1862. 

"Henry C. Banner died at Petersburg, December 21, from a 
wound received at Fredericksburg, and was buried here today." 
December 24, 1862. 



14 Julius A. Leinbach, "The Salem Band at the Battle of Gettysburg," an unpublished 
paper in the library of the Wachovia Historical Society, Winston-Salem, N. C. 
* 5 The People's Press, August 22, 1862. 
i« The People's Press, December 19, 1862, 



284 The North Carolina Historical Review 

"Today we received the news of the death of Charles J. 
Clauder, who had fallen on the battle-field near Fredericksburg. 
He was found dead, by the litter bearers, with his Bible open 
on his breast." May 13, 1863. 17 

On these notes Dr. Clewell has commented: "This same sad 
record could be increased, for many a mournful procession 
passed beneath the rows of cedars, bearing the remains of loved 
ones, brave boys like Henry Belo and [Major] William Pfohl, 
who died in the conflict. Or we could tell of those who fell, and 
whose friends did not even have the comfort of placing their 
remains in the home graveyard, as was the case of Wiley Gray, 
and many another." 18 

In the year 1863 Salem Academy was still going strong in 
spite of the war. Its 310 pupils participated in the "Examina- 
tion" in May, although the program was noticeably shortened. 19 

There was a personal interest in the death of General Stone- 
wall Jackson, for Mrs. Jackson had been a student at Salem. 20 

In the week following the battle of Gettysburg the Winston 
newspaper printed the following war news: "From Pennsyl- 
vania we have the most cheering of news, provided it is reliable. 
Our forces since they entered the State have had things pretty 
much in their own way, and no doubt have made partial amends 
for the treatment which we of the South have received at the 
hands of the Yankees. A series of battles have been fought near 
Gettysburg, Pa., . . . which so far as we are able to judge from 
the meager reports received, both through the enemy's channels 
of information and our own, have resulted in a most glorious 
success and decided victory to our army under Lee." 21 The Salem 
newspaper also gave a glowing first account of the battle, but 
conservatively added reports from Baltimore expressing doubt 
about the results of the conflict. 22 Gradually the citizens of Salem 
and the pupils of the Academy learned that the southern army 
had suffered a great defeat. When the casualty lists had been 
tabulated, it was found that losses to home regiments were as 
follows : 



17 Diary in the archives of the Moravian Church, Winston-Salem, N. C. 

18 Clewell, History of Wachovia, 241. 

19 The People's Press, May 29, 1863. 

20 Mrs. Jackson later received an honorary degree from Salem College. 

21 Western Sentinel, July 10, 1863. 

22 The People's Press, July 10, 1863. 



Salem in the War Between the States 285 

Killed Wounded Missing 

21st Regiment 11 63 38 

26th Regiment 88 483 87 23 

As the war continued, strain and suffering in the South in- 
creased with mounting losses in life and property. After every 
great battle in 1864, the casualty lists bore names of Salem's 
volunteers. "Battles Around Richmond: Lt. Col. A. H. Belo, 24 
wounded in arm," etc. 25 Supplies of every kind were running 
low. Confederate money was steadily depreciating. Would the 
Salem Female Academy be able to weather the storm? The an- 
swer is found in the news of June, 1864: 

"The Session of this venerable Institution closed on the 25th 
ultimo. The number of scholars was very large, and the con- 
tinued depreciation of the currency rendered it frequently almost 
impossible to provide for the future ; but the energetic Prinicpal 
surmounted all difficulties, and we are glad to state that the 
Board of Trustees have determined to open the new session in 
August next. — Registration North Carolina, 125; Tennessee, 
29, Virginia, 26 ; Mississippi, 23 ; Georgia, 21 ; Alabama, 18 ; 
South Carolina, 15 ; Florida, 10 ; Texas, 3 ; Louisiana, 1 ; Arkan- 
sas, 1 ; Salem, N. C, 48.— 320. 

"The Musical Entertainment, on the evening of the 26th 
ult., displayed the usual good taste in arrangement. The music 
was excellent, and the recitations and dialogues both amusing 
and instructive, keeping a large audience in good humored at- 
tention for over two hours. The chapel was charmingly decor- 
ated with flowers." 26 

Thus Salem kept the faith in the dark days of the war. 
The local newspaper noted the contrast between Salem Acad- 
emy and the University of North Carolina at this time. At the 
University in, 1860 there were 70 to 80 graduates and 500 
matriculates. In 1864 there were 8 graduates and 50 to 60 matric- 
ulates. 27 



23 The People's Preaa, August 20, 1863. 

24 The late Dr. Adelaide L. Fries of Winston-Salem furnished this information: Lt. Col. 
Belo spent some time in Salem recovering from the effect of his wound. He did not return 
to Virginia to be paroled after General Lee's surrender. Dr. Fries's uncle, H. W. Fries, gave 
Belo a horse on which he rode to join General Johnston's army, which was still engaged. 
General Johnston surrendered before Belo reached him. Then Belo, determined not to 
surrender, rode horseback to Texas. There he sold the horse and with the proceeds of 
the sale began his business. He became a millionaire newspaper publisher with two papers, 
the Galveston Neivs and the Dallas News. 

25 The People's Press, November 3, 1864, and following issues. 
16 The People's Press, June 9, 1864. 

27 The People's Press, June 9, 1864. 



286 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Salem had a tremendous task in caring for the students of the 
Academy in the latter years of the war. There was a scarcity of 
clothing of all sorts. Children clattered about wearing shoes 
made with wooden soles. There was a serious shortage of food 
supplies. Salt was rationed by E. A. Vogler, salt commissioner. 
In 1863 it was selling at $10 a bushel, or $25 on the black market. 
Later there was hardly any obtainable at any price. When the 
supply of sugar at the Academy was exhausted, Governor Zebu- 
Ion B. Vance sent two barrels to the institution. Sheriff Augustus 
Fogle, sometimes accompanied by Principal de Schweinitz, made 
many trips in his wagon scouring the surrounding country for 
food, bringing in vegetables, meat, and other provisions from a 
wide area. 28 Governor Vance gave written permission for Sheriff 
Fogle and the principal to pass through Confederate lines on 
their search for food, and paid a high tribute to the Academy 
for taking care of so many students, including large numbers of 
refugees from other states. 29 

The payment of the students for their expenses was in Con- 
federate money. The result was an accumulation of thousands 
of dollars in worthless currency. In the Salem College office 
today there is an iron safe that was used for deposit in the days 
of the War between the States, and within it are large bundles 
of the Confederate money, mute evidence of the loss sustained 
by the institution in war. 

In the early months of 1865 severe fighting continued, but 
peace rumors became frequent. 

On April 6 there was a report that Stoneman's cavalry was 
approaching from the west, one detachment coming down the 
Yadkin River by way of Jonesville, another coming across the 
mountains near Hillsville, Virginia. 30 

In Salem the inhabitants excitedly prepared for the invasion. 
Widespread destruction in the South by northern troops was 
well known and a rush was made to conceal valuables. Under 
a stone in the cellar of the principal's house, later the college 
office, the money and jewelry of the students and other objects 
of value were buried. The two fine black horses owned by the 
Academy were hidden in the cellar under Main Hall. 31 



28 Clewell, History of Wachovia, 252-255. 

29 Letter on file in the Salem College treasurer's office. 

30 The People's Press, March 30, 1865. 

31 Clewell, History of Wachovia, 250. 



Salem in the War Between the States 287 

Principal de Schweinitz of the Academy, Mayor Joshua Boner, 
and a few other citizens rode out to meet the invading troops 
and parleyed with the advance guard a short distance north 
of the town of Winston. They were given the assurance that the 
community would be protected and that no pillaging would be 
allowed. 32 

Of the invasion the Press reported: 

"On the evening, April the 10th, Col. Palmer's Brigade en- 
tered the village, and occupied it for twenty-four hours, strictly 
respecting persons and property. Government stores, and citizens' 
horses 33 and mules, were of course appropriated, in town and 
surrounding country. Contrary to Col. Palmer's orders, Mr. 
Fries's Cotton Factory was entered by a few soldiers and others, 
and pillaged to some extent, but as soon as the affair became 
known to the colonel, he promptly put a stop to it." 34 

Headquarters for the Union force were in the Kuschke house, 
then the residence of Mayor Joshua Boner, across the street 
from the Blum home and printing office. 35 

An incident that might have resulted in serious consequences 
has been included in local traditions. When the Yankee soldiers 
approached the Salem Female Academy, a hot-headed student 
from Alabama waved a Confederate flag from a third-story 
window of Main Hall and gave the Rebel yell. Tradition also 
claims that at the same time Principal de Schweinitz and the 
commander of the Union troops recognized each other as former 
schoolmates of the Moravian school for boys in Pennsylvania, 
and that the commander gave reassurance that the school would 
be protected in spite of this demonstration. 

Colonel Palmer's troops were succeeded by the Tenth Ohio 
Cavalry of the army of occupation. Headquarters were in the 
home later occupied by Dr. J. W. Hunter. 36 

The Press of May 20, 1865, along with the news of the assas- 
sination of President Lincoln gave a report of the raising of the 
Stars and Stripes above the Forsyth County courthouse in 



32 Clewell, History of Wachovia, 250-51. 

s " Mrs. Sarah K. Stevenson of Winston-Salem told of a humorous incident: The seven- 
year-old son of C. L. Rights was watching the Yankee cavalrymen troop down Main Street, 
when, stirred with excitement, he cried, "You can't sret our horses; we got 'em hid in 
the cellar." The good natured troopers did not get the horses. 

34 The People's Press, May 27, 1865. 

85 Clewell, History of Wachovia, 251. 

38 Clewell, History of Wachovia, 251. 



288 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Winston, in which Salem's daughters participated. Thirteen little 
girls, between the ages of five and eleven years, representing 
the original states, dressed in white, festooned with flowers and 
evergreens, and sashes of red, white, and blue, wearing wreaths 
of roses and evergreens, and carrying small white flags with 
the coat of arms of the United States on the one side and a minute 
likeness of President Washington on the other, with the words 
"Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable," led 
the parade to the courthouse. "The little galaxy of beauty was 
composed of Misses Mary A. Fontaine, Dora Starbuck, Ella 
Starbuck, Alice Steiner, Rosa Lash, Sophie Shultz, Adelia Mickey, 
Rosa Mickey, Gertrude Hall, Flaucy [Flossie] Hall, Josie Wilson, 
Sarah Earp, and Pattie Fountain." The little boys, Willie Foun- 
tain and Willie Spach, presented the flag to the officials while the 
Salem Band, led by a veteran of the Confederacy, a certain Cap- 
tain Carmichael, played martial music. The flag was raised as the 
band played "The Star Spangled Banner," and salutes were fired 
from a six-inch cannon. "As the flag reached the top and spread 
its ample folds to the breeze, a shout went up that made the welkin 
ring." 37 

The war was over. The Stars and Stripes waved again. Salem 
had weathered another war and the school for girls had kept 
its honorable record for continuous service. 



87 The People's Press, May 20, 1865. 



AN ECONOMIC INTERPRETATION OF THE RATIFICA- 
TION OF THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION IN 
NORTH CAROLINA 

PART II 

THE HILLSBORO CONVENTION- 
ECONOMIC INTERESTS OF THE ANTI-FEDERALISTS 

By William C. Pool 

The Anti-Federalists, or the group opposed to ratification of 
the Federal Constitution, had an overwhelming majority from 
the first day of the Hillsboro convention of 1788 until the last 
session. When the vote was taken on Saturday, August 2, 1788, 
no less than 184 of the delegates voted to reject the Constitution. 
This large number of those opposed to ratification creates a 
splendid situation for an economic study. Did the opposition in 
North Carolina come from the non-slaveholding farmers and 
debtor classes? Or, on the other hand can it be shown that be- 
tween the men who supported and those who opposed the Con- 
stitution there was no line of property division at all ; that men 
owning substantially the same amounts and kinds of property 
were equally divided on the matter of adoption or rejection? 

In the following pages the amounts and kinds of property 
held by each one of the 184 persons opposing ratification will 
be considered. As in the case of the Federalist bloc, the Anti- 
Federalists will be presented not according to their rank or 
their importance in the debates but according to the county 
they represented. The counties are arranged alphabetically. Once 
again it should be noted that the statistics which follow are in- 
complete in that they represent amounts and kinds of property 
held by each delegate within the borders of his own home 
county unless otherwise indicated. The statistics, therefore, 
represent the minimum holdings. 

Anson County 

Daniel Gould is listed in the census as the owner of four slaves 
in 1790 ; no other information is available. 1 



1 Census of 1790. . 

[289 ] 



290 The North Carolina Historical Keview 

Lewis Lanier held only 50 acres of land according to the land 
records of Anson County. It is evident that he held more land as 
he represented Anson County in the house of commons, 1788- 
1789. Lanier owned 13 slaves. 2 

Samuel Spencer, lawyer, graduate of Princeton (College of 
New Jersey), and the leading debater in opposition, owned 11 
slaves and 2,080 acres of land. Spencer was a member of the 
first three provincial congresses of North Carolina and one of 
the judges of the state court after 1777. In 1784 the degree of 
doctor of laws was conferred upon him by the College of New 
Jersey. 3 

Thomas Wade, Anson County's member to the state senate, 
1782-1784, possessed 2,822 acres of land and 17 slaves. 4 

Beaufort County 

James Bonner was an extensive property holder. Prior to the 
convention he held 51 slaves, 3,621 acres of land, and additional 
small grants in Tennessee with the Blounts. Bonner represented 
Beaufort County in the state senate, 1786-1788. 5 

Bladen County 

Thomas Brown is listed in the records along with many other 
Browns. Thomas was issued 2,634 acres prior to 1791 in the 
Cape Fear region. He also received a grant of 2,640 acres in 
Tennessee in 1788 and other small grants earlier. The tax lists 
indicate that Brown's total acreage in Bladen County was 1,871 
with 1,920 acres "over the mountains." Thomas Brown pos- 
sessed 30 slaves and was state senator in 1785, 1786, and 1788. 6 

Samuel Cain, member of the house of commons in 1783, 1784, 
1787, and 1788, is recorded in the tax lists as the owner of 640 
acres of land in Bladen County although 1,440 acres appear in 
the land grant records under the name Samuel Cain. The Census 
of 1790 lists two Samuel Cains — one with 13 slaves, the other 
with none. 7 



2 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 25; Census of 1790: Land Grant Index. 

3 Trenholme, Ratification in North Carolina, 25, 148, 154n; Census of 1790; Land Grant 
Index. 

* Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 25; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 

"Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 29; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index: Legislative Papers 
(hereafter cited as L. P.), Tax Lists, 1786-1790, Beaufort County, 1789; L. P., Beaufort 
County Records, Land Grants, 1758-1760. 

a Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 44; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax 
Lists, 1786-1790, Bladen County. 

7 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 44; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax 
Lists, 1786-1790, Bladen County. 



Ratification of the Federal Constitution 291 

Joseph Gaitier is not listed in any of the records examined. 
Perhaps there is an error in the spelling as Jos. R. Gautier is 
listed as state senator, 1791, from Bladen County. This informa- 
tion would indicate that Gautier held at least 300 acres of land. 8 

Brunswick County 

John Cains held 997 acres of land in Brunswick County prior 
to 1790; additional grants of 500 acres in partnership with 
Christopher Cains and 300 acres with Charles Cains are listed. 
He held 9 slaves and represented his county in the house of com- 
mons in 1788. 9 

Lewis Dupree possesed 873 acres of land and 34 slaves. He was 
a member of the house of commons in 1778 and 1787 and state 
senate in 1788 and 1791. 10 

Alexious M. Forster, member of the state senate in 1787, owned 
2,876 acres of land. No slave information is available. 11 

Jacob Leonard, member of the house of commons, 1784-1788, 
held grants for 300 acres and "part of a lott" in Brunswick 
County. His will reveals that all his legal debts were to be paid 
and debts due him were to be collected. Leonard also provided 
for a liberal education for his children. 12 

Burke County 

James Greenlee was an extensive property holder with 5,827 
acres of land and other miscellaneous grants in Burke County. 13 

Joseph M'Dowell, Revolutionary soldier and member of the 
house of commons from 1780 to 1788 and of the state senate 
from 1791 to 1795, held 2,918 acres prior to the convention in 
private ownership. It is difficult to distinguish between Joseph 
M'Dowall and Joseph M'Dowall, Jr. The elder M'Dowall held 
10 slaves. 14 

Joseph M'Dowall, Jr., member of the house of commons from 
1786 to 1792, held 9 slaves. The remainder of his property is 
confused with that of Joseph M'Dowall. The family, however, 
held considerable property. 15 



8 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 44. 

9 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 49: Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax 
Lists, 1780-1782, Brunswick County, 1782. 

10 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 49; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 

11 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 49; Land Grant Index. 

"Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 49; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists, 1780-1782, 
Brunswick County, 1782. 

13 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 62; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 

14 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 62; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 

15 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 62; Census of 1790. 



292 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Robert Miller is listed with 2 slaves in 1790 ; no other informa- 
tion concerning his property interest was available from the 
records examined. 16 

Caswell County 

James Boswell is listed as the owner of 385 acres with an 
evaluation of £228 in 1784. 17 

Robert Dickens was granted 12,078 acres of land between 1778 
and 1790 and 3,939 acres with Wm. Waite; he had 16,077 acres 
plus an evaluation of £6,369 in the tax lists of 1785. Dickens 
was a member of the house of commons in 1782, 1785, and 1786 
and of the state senate in 179 1. 18 

John Graves held 2,473 acres, granted between 1772 and 1790. 
A John Graves, Jr., is listed with 1,500 acres, granted from 1782 
to 1790. The tax records also list two John Graves — one with 
2,000 acres, the other with 1,690 acres and a £1,966 evaluation. 
John Graves is listed as a member of the house of commons from 
1788 to 1793. 19 

George Roberts is not listed in any of the Caswell County 
records available. 

John Womack owned 1,860 acres of land with an evaluation of 
£1,320. 20 

Chatham County 

James Anderson, member of the house of commons from 1786 
to 1792, was granted 185 acres of land in 1787 and 1788 in 
Chatham County and 500 acres in Tennessee. He owned 15 slaves. 
His will mentions £25 of "Virginia money," 2- horses, and lands 
in Chatham County and Mecklenburg County, Virginia. 21 

Ambrose Ramsey, member of the senate, 1777-1788, was an 
extensive property holder. He was granted 640 acres of land 
in 1779 and held 11 slaves in 1790. In addition his will lists $5,500 
and additional security, mills, 400 acres, a ferry, and a fishery. 22 



10 Census of 1790. 

17 L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785, Caswell County, 1785. 

18 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 80-81; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785; 
Caswell County, 1785. 

» Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 81; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785, 
Caswell County, 1785. 

20 Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785, Caswell County, 1784. 

21 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 86; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Chatham 
County Records, Wills, Inventories, Sales of Estates, and Deeds, 1790-1799. 

22 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 86; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Chatham 
County Records. Will Book B, 1798-1833. 



Ratification of the Federal Constitution 293 

Joseph Stewart, member of the house of commons from 1786 
to 1789 and of the state senate from 1790 to 1796, owned 1,135 
acres of land. 23 

William Vestal owned no slaves in 1790 and 205 acres of land 
plus "the remainder of estate." 24 

Craven County 

Richard Nixon, member of the house of commons from 1787 
to 1789, owned 19 slaves and had grants for 565 acres of land 
prior to 1788. Other small grants were held in partnership ; still 
other grants were received after ratification. 25 

Benjamin Williams, a member of the state senate in 1788, 
held 1,689 acres of land, all granted between 1762 and 1789. He 
held no slaves in 1790. 26 

Cumberland County 

Thomas Armstrong, state senator from 1784 to 1787, held 
18 slaves and land grants for 2,900 acres received between 1757 
and 1790. He was granted 384 acres in Tennessee. The tax 
records of 1787 list Armstrong's acreage as 3,200. His will lists 
"a plantation" and various other tracts of land ; his western land 
grants totaled more than 9,000 acres by 1789. 27 

Alexander McAllaster, an extensive property holder, owned 
40 slaves and had received grants for 2,599 acres of land prior 
to the convention. He was a member of the state senate from 
1787 to 1790 and prior to that had been very active in the forma- 
tion of the revolutionary government, representing Cumberland 
County at Hillsboro in August, 1776. 28 

Davidson County (Tennessee) 

William Dobbin possessed grants totaling 1,500 acres of land 
in North Carolina and 3,140 acres in Tennessee. 29 

William Donaldson was granted 1,530 acres of land between 
1786 and 1790. 30 



23 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 86; Land Grant Index. 

2i Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Chatham County Records, Will Book A, 
1798-1819, I, 24. 

25 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 122; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 

26 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 122; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 

27 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 131; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Cumber- 
land County Records, List of Taxables, 1777-1787; L. P., Cumberland County Records, 
Wills, 1757-1869, I, 14-15. 

28 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 131, 125; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., 
Cumberland County Records, List of Taxables, 1777-1787; L. P., Cumberland County 
Records, Wills, 1757-1869, IV, 22. 

29 Land Grant Index; Land Records, North Carolina Grants in Tennessee, 1778-1791, 
microfilm. 

30 Land Grant Index. 



294 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Thomas Evans owned 3,940 acres of land in North Carolina 
prior to the convention and 640 acres in Tennessee. 31 

Thomas Hardiman was granted 100 acres of land in 1784 and 
3,840 acres in 1787. His property in Tennessee included 640 
acres of land. 32 

Robert Weakley had been granted 5 sections (3,200 acres) 
of land with associates prior to ratification. Later grants in 
Tennessee totaled 5,220 acres. 33 

Duplin County 

William Dickson received grants totaling 1,320 acres before 
1790 plus 640 acres with Federalist Robert Dickson. William 
Dickson held 31 slaves in 1790. 34 

James Gillespie owned 30 slaves and received grants for 2,100 
acres of land before 1790 ; additional grants were received later. 
He represented Duplin County in the house of commons from 
1779 to 1783 and in the state senate from 1784 to 1786. 35 

James Kenan, member of the state senate from Duplin County 
from 1777 to 1783 and from 1787 to 1791, was an extensive 
property holder with land grants for 2,790 acres before 1787 and 
for 1,000 acres in 1790. Kenan owned 37 slaves. 36 

Francis Oliver owned only 3 slaves and had 125 acres of land 
entered in 1780 and granted in 1791. 37 

Charles Ward, member of the house of commons from 1787 
to 1789, owned 12 slaves and received grants for 1,000 acres of 
land betwen 1785 and 1788. The tax records for Duplin County 
show Ward's total acreage as 1,600 acres. 38 

Edgecombe County 

Elisha Battle, one of the outstanding leaders among the Anti- 
Federalists in 1788, was born in Virginia in 1723 and moved to 
the Tar River area in 1743. He was a member of the convention 
which met at Halifax in November, 1776, and drew up the state 



31 Land Grant Index; Land Records, North Carolina Grants in Tennessee, 1778-1791, 
microfilm. 

32 Land Grant Index; Land Records, North Carolina Grants in Tennessee, 1778-1791, 
microfilm. 

33 Land Grant Index; Land Records, North Carolina Grants in Tennessee, 1778-1791, 
microfilm. 

34 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Duplin County Records, Tax Lists, 1783- 
1817, 15. 

35 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 139; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 
38 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 139; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 

37 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Duplin County Records, Tax Lists, 1783- 
1817, 19. 

38 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 139; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Duplin 
County Records, Tax Lists, 1783-1817, 21. 



Ratification of the Federal Constitution 295 

constitution; he represented Edgecombe County in the state 
senate from 1777 to 1787 except for the terms of 1782 and 1784. 
Battle received separate land grants between 1754 and 1762 for 
3,001 acres. He owned 22 slaves. Battle died in 1799 and his will 
mentions Negroes, plantation, $225, and 170 silver dollars. 39 

Blythel Bell possessed 14 slaves and the "land and plantation 
whereon I now live." His political career began with the Hills- 
boro convention. 40 

Robert Diggs, member of the House of Commons, 1781-1787, 
owned 300 acres of land, referred to in his will as a "plantation." 
No information is available concerning the number of slaves 
Diggs held ; "negroes" are mentioned in his will. 41 

William Fort, whose political activity was not extensive prior 
to 1788, owned 6 slaves and held land grants totaling 879 acres. 42 

Etheldred Gray was an extensive property owner with hold- 
ings which included 714 acres "on south side of Tar River," 
also 580 acres "more or less," 875 acres on "Walnut Creek," 200 
additional acres on the "south side of Tar," and 250 acres in 
Pitt County — a total of 2,619 acres. He had 29 slaves. He was a 
member of the house of commons in 1780 and state senator in 
1788 and 1789. 43 

Franklin County 

Durham Hall, member of the house of commons from 1784 
to 1786 and in 1789, owned 7 slaves and 165 acres "on the waters 
of Tarr River." 44 

Henry Hill, state senator for Franklin County from 1780 to 
1783, 1784 to 1787, and 1789 to 1791, received grants for 640 
acres of land on "Sycamore and Cedar Creeks" in 1779 and an 
additional 272 acres in 1780. The Franklin tax records for 1779 
reveal that Hill's taxables included 779 acres of land. He owned 
28 slaves. 45 



39 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 146; Census of 1790; L. P., Edgecombe County Records, 
Wills, 1758-1830, I, 64; Land Grant Index. 

40 Census of 1790, L. P., Edgecombe County Records, Wills, 1758-1830, I, 73; Wheeler, 
Historical Sketches, II, 146. 

41 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 146; Land Grant Index; L. P., Edgecombe County 
Records, Wills, 1758-1830, III, 85. 

42 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 

43 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 146; L. P., Edgecombe County Records, Wills, 1758- 
1830, V, 15. 

44 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 149. 

45 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Franklin County Tax Records, 1785-1834, 
List of Taxables, 1799; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 149, 



296 The North Carolina Historical Review 

William Lancaster held 5 slaves in 1790 and had been granted 
500 acres of land as early as 1779. 46 

John Norwood owned 24 slaves and had been granted 1,957 
acres of land prior to the convention. 47 

Thomas Sherrod, representative for Franklin County in the 
house of commons, 1784-1785, again in 1787, and again from 
1789 to 1791, held land grants totaling 1,161 acres by 1799. It 
is impossible to list his specific holdings in 1788. He owned 9 
slaves. 48 

Granville County 

Howell Lewis, Jr., state senator, 1785-1787, received grants 
in 1788 and 1789 for 1,087 acres of land. In 1782 his property 
evaluation was fixed at £2,066 and in 1785 he is listed as possess- 
ing 900 acres of land. 49 

Elijah Mitchell owned 640 acres of land in 1785; he repre- 
sented Granville County in the house of commons in 1788 and 
four times afterwards. 50 

Thomas Person, born in 1733, was a staunch defender of 
the rights of North Carolina through the last years of the colonial 
period and early years of statehood. He was a man of the people 
and, besides serving in the revolutionary assemblies held at 
New Bern, Hillsboro, and Halifax between 1774 and 1777, repre- 
sented his county in the house of commons without interruption 
from 1777 to 1784, was a member of the senate in 1787, and re- 
turned to the house of commons in 1788. Despite his public 
activities, Person managed to build up a large estate which con- 
sisted of 89,660 acres of land and 62 slaves by 1785. This land 
baron denounced both the proposed constitution and the men 
who framed it. He was uncompromising and loudly advocated 
rejection of the Constitution through all of the contest over 
ratification. 51 

Joseph Taylor, state senator in 1781, held 2,836 acres of land. 52 



*• Census of 1790; L. P., Franklin County Tax Records, 1785-1834, List of Taxables, 1799. 

47 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 

'"'Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 149; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., 
Franklin County Tax Records, 1785-1834, List of Taxables, 1799. 

49 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 165-166, makes no distinction between Howell Lewis 
and Howell Lewis, Jr.; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists, 1780-1782, Granville County, 
1782; L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785, Granville County, 1785. 

150 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 166; L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785, Granville County, 1785. 

51 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 162, 165-166; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists, 
1783-1785. Granville County, 1785. 

52 Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785, Granville County, 1785; Wheeler, 
Historical Sketches, II, 165. 



Ratification of the Federal Constitution 297 

Thornton Yancey, six times member of the house of commons, 
held 542 acres of land in 1785. 53 

Greene County (Tennessee) 

Asabel Rawlings had obtained about 3,000 acres of land by 
1800 ; no information is available concerning his slave holdings. 54 

James Roddy possessed 1,400 acres of land prior to the con- 
vention ; available records do not list Tennessee counties' slaves. 55 

James Wilson held 640 acres of land prior to the convention, 56 

Guilford County 

John Anderson, who held no slaves, received grants for 550 
acres of land. 57 

David Caldwell, one of the more radical Anti-Federalists, was 
born in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, March 22, 1725. He 
went to North Carolina as a Presbyterian missionary after 
graduation from Princeton. Caldwell set up a classical and theo- 
logical school at Guilford. He later studied medicine and com- 
bined the two professions. Caldwell was not interested in politics 
and was a member of only two revolutionary conventions — the 
convention at Halifax in November, 1776, and the Hillsboro 
convention of 1788. Besides the school at Guilford, Caldwell 
owned 8 slaves and 791 acres of land. 58 

Daniel Gillespie, member of the house of commons, 1779, and 
state senator, 1790-1795, owned 6 slaves and had received a land 
grant for 500 acres in 1783. Gillespie also obtained 2,000 acres in 
joint ownership. 59 

William Goudy received grants for 1,220 acres of land; he did 
not own any slaves. Goudy was a member of the house of com- 
mons from 1780 to 1782, state senator during 1786, and returned 
to the lower house in 1787 and 1788. 60 

John Hamilton, member of the house of commons from 1784 to 
1786 and from 1788 to 1789, held 1,280 acres of land, another 
1,280 acres with Thomas Henderson, and other small grants. He 
owned 6 slaves. 61 



63 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 166; L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785, Granville County, 1785. 

64 Land Grant Index. 

55 Land Grant Index. 

56 Land Grant Index. 

67 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 

58 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 181; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; Records of the 
Convention, 1789, indicate that Caldwell also represented Guilford County at the Fayetteville 
Convention. 

69 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 183; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 

60 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 183; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 

61 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 183; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 



298 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Halifax County 

John Branch, member of the house of commons from 1781 to 
1782 and again from 1787 to 1788, was a man of "true revolu- 
tionary stock ... a terror, in his day, to the Tories." Branch 
owned 28 slaves and 2,000 acres of land in 1790. His will shows 
that his estate included 10,000 acres of land in Tennessee "on the 
waters of duck river." 62 

Egbert Haywood, member of the house of commons in 1778, 
owned 17 slaves and 1,500 acres of land in 1790. During 1788 he 
served as a commissioner for purchasing tobacco. 63 

John Jones received grants for 1,173 acres of land between 
1780 and 1790. The tax records of Halifax County for the year 
1790 list only 250 acres under his name. Jones was a member of 
the house of commons in 1788. 64 

Willie Jones, one of the most powerful political figures of the 
age, was born May 25, 1741, in Surry County, Virginia. His 
father, a lawyer, brought his family to North Carolina some time 
between 1750 and 1753. As agent for Lord Granville and attorney 
for the crown, the elder Jones acquired immense tracts of land 
by grants, negotiations, and dealings with the Indians; he was 
"probably the largest landed proprietor on Roanoke River." 
Willie Jones was educated at Eton in England and returned to 
North Carolina to inherit his father's old home, "the castle." 
Jones soon moved to the town of Halifax where he resided in 
one of the "outstanding homes" in colonial North Carolina. A 
man of aristocracy and wealth, Willie Jones owned "one of the 
finest stables in the South," 9,942*4 acres of land in District 
Nine of Halifax County and 120 slaves. He was also involved in 
the Transylvania Company (speculators in western land) of 
Richard Henderson, and in 1795 he was among "a number of 
gentlemen desirous of promoting the navigation of the Roanoke 
River," a charter member of the Roanoke Navigation Company 
in 1797, and president of the subscribers. In 1796 he managed 
the Halifax Factory lottery "for the purpose of raising 5,000 



B2 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 201; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Halifax 
List of Taxables, Inventories of Estates, Miscellaneous Papers, 1769-1839; L. P., Halifax 
County Records, Wills, 1772-1854, I, 76. 

63 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 203; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Halifax 
List of Taxables, Inventories of Estates, Miscellaneous Papers, 1769-1839; Samuel Johnston 
Letterbook, 1788-1789, 23. 

64 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 203; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Halifax 
List of Taxables, Inventores of Estates, Miscellaneous Papers, 1769-1839. 



Ratification of the Federal Constitution 299 

dollars ... to establish an extensive FACTORY ; for the purpose 
of carding, spinning and weaving." 

The political career of Willie Jones began in the colonial gen- 
eral assembly of 1767 ; he was a member of the lower house. In 
1771 he again represented Halifax in the lower house, supported 
Governor Tyron in the Regulator disturbances, and was ap- 
pointed by the crown to the "Council of the Province of North 
Carolina.'' Jones was outstanding in the provincial congresses, 
1774-1775, and became marked as a political radical believing 
strongly in independence and democracy. In November, 1776, 
Jones was an outstanding member of the Halifax congress which 
framed the state constitution. He represented Halifax County 
in the house of commons of the state assembly, 1779-1787, and in 
the senate in 1788. A leader of the democratic element in North 
Carolina, the aristocratic Willie Jones led the opposition to 
ratification of the Federal Constitution and completely domniated 
the proceedings of the Hillsboro convention because of his jeal- 
ousy for any force which tended to abridge the newly won in- 
dependence. 65 

William Wootten owned 14 slaves and 1,000 acres of land 
in 1790. 66 

Hawkins County (Tennessee) 

Stokely Donelson received land grants for 64,885 acres prior 
to the convention and an additional 14,380 acres with associates. 
Donelson afterwards received grants for around 500,000 acres 
of western land. Some of these individual grants were as large 
as 60,400 acres. He had a wide interest in Tennessee land war- 
rants and was probably the most active of all the promoters of 
speculation schemes in North Carolina. 67 

Thomas King obtained grants for 17,164 acres of land between 
1780 and 1795. He received grants for additional large tracts with 
associates. 68 

William Marshall entered grants for about 1,000 acres before 
1788. These tracts were later granted to him. 69 



88 Blackwell Pierce Robinson, "Willie Jones of Halifax," The North Carolina Historical 
Review, XVIII (1941), 1 ff., 133 ff.; Census of 1790: Land Grant Index. 

66 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Halifax List of Taxables, Inventories of 
Estates, Miscellaneous Papers, 1769-1839. 

67 Land Grant Index; Stockley Donaldson to Will Tyrill, Raleigh, February 24, 1796, 
Miscellaneous Papers, Series One, II, 23. 

68 Land Grant Index. 

69 Land Grant Index. 



300 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Hertford County 

Lemuel Burkitt listed 100 acres of land, 7 cattle, 3 Negroes, 
£84/12/1, 1 horse, and a total evaluation of £2,351 in the tax 
records of 1779. Additional information concerning his property 
was not revealed by the records examined. 70 

William Little was a common name in North Carolina and no 
specific information is available for the one representing Hert- 
ford County. 

Johnston County 

Joseph Boon owned 10 slaves and 380 acres of land. He was a 
member of the house of commons in 1781 and 1784 and a member 
of the senate in 1787. 71 

John Bryan, member of the house of commons in 1778 and 
again in 1788 and 1789, owned either 2 or 22 slaves in 1790 and 
613 acres of land in 1784. 72 

William Farmer received grants for 228 acres of land in North 
Carolina and 1,786 acres in Tennessee. He owned 10 slaves. 73 

Everet Pearce, member of the house of commons in 1787, re- 
ceived grants for 1,320 acres of land prior to the convention and 
owned 11 slaves. Other property listed for Pearce includes "mill 
and apparatus" and a "plantation," evidently the same tract 
listed above. 74 

Jones County 

John Hill Bryan, member of the house of commons, 1788, 
owned 14 slaves in 1790. 75 

Nathan Bryan, member of the house of commons in 1787 and 
from 1791 to 1794, owned 15 slaves in 1790 ; no other information 
is available from the records examined. 76 

Frederick Hargett, member of the house of commons in 1783 
and state senator, 1786-1793, received a grant for 1,508 acres of 
land in Tennessee in 1786 and additional grants after 1790. He 



70 L. P., Tax Lists, 1779, Hertford County. 

71 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 219-220; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., 
Tax Lists, 1783-1786, Johnston County, 1784. 

72 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 219-220 lists the representative as John Bryan, Jr.; 
two John Bryans are listed in the Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists 
1783-1786, Johnston County, 1784. 

78 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 

7i Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 220; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax 
Lists, 1783-1786, Johnston County, 1784; L. P., Johnston County Records, Wills, 1760-1830, 
III, 40. 

76 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 221; Census of 1790. 

78 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 221; Census of 1790. 



Ratification of the Federal Constitution 301 

owned at least 600 acres in North Carolina prior to the convention 
and 16 slaves. 77 

William Randall, member of the house of commons in 1783 
and again from 1787 to 1789, possessed 19 slaves, 2 lots in New 
Bern, 5,000 acres of land "lying on the western waters" in 
partnership with "Fredrick Harget," one lot in Fayetteville, and 
an unspecified amount of "lands and plantation." 78 

Edward Whitty received grants for 310 acres of land between 
1785 and 1789 plus "lands . . . purchased from Thomas Eubanks," 
and 160 acres "whereon Esther Ramsey now lives." 79 

Lincoln County 

Robert Alexander, member of the house of commons, 1781- 
1782 and of the senate, 1783-1787, owned 14 slaves in 1790; 
other information is inadequate for specific conclusions. 80 

James Johnston, member of the state senate, 1780-1783, owned 
8 slaves in 1790. Only 50 acres of land had been granted Johnston 
prior to the convention ; he undoubtedly owned a larger acreage. 81 

Martin County 

Thomas Hunter owned 44 slaves in 1790. The land records list 
only 189 acres for Hunter. 82 

Mecklenburg County 

Joseph Douglass is listed in the land records as the owner of 
150 acres in 1790 ; he represented his county in the house of com- 
mons in 1788. 83 

Joseph Graham owned 8 slaves, one mare, and some land. 
Graham, born in Pennsylvania in 1759, moved to Mecklenburg 
County in 1769. He served in the Revolutionary army. 84 

Caleb Phifer, member of the house of commons without in- 
terruption from 1778 until 1789, owned 19 slaves and received 
grants for 446 acres of land in North Carolina and 640 acres in 
Tennessee. Phifer was an active participant in the Revolutionary 



77 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 221; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 

78 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 221; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Jones 
County Records, Wills, 1760-1842, III, 19. 

79 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Jones County Records, Wills, 1760-1842, III, 19. 
^Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 247; Census of 1790. 

81 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 247; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 

82 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 

83 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 263; Land Grant Index. 

84 Tompkins, History of Mecklenburq County, II, 72; Census of 1790; L. P., Mecklenburg 
County Records, Wills, 1749-1869, VII, 38. 



302 The North Carolina Historical Review 

assemblies and rose to the rank of colonel in the Revolutionary 
army. 85 

Zachias Wilson was born in Pennsylvania in 1735 and moved 
to Mecklenburg County in 1750. He was a member of the Halifax 
congress in November, 1776. No slaves are listed for Wilson in 
1790 ; he was granted 100 acres of land in 1786. 86 

Montgomery County 

Thomas Butler owned 200 acres of land prior to the Hillsboro 
Convention ; he held no slaves in 1790. 87 

William Kindall, member of the house of commons for the 
years 1784 and 1787, was granted 100 acres of land in 1783 and 
150 acres in 1790. He owned 5 slaves. 88 

William Loftin listed 920 acres of land in the tax records of 
1782 and was granted 498 acres between 1783 and 1792. Loftin 
owned 10 slaves. 89 

Thomas Ussory owned 4 slaves in 1790 and had been granted 
940 acres of land in 1782. He represented Montgomery County 
in the house of commons in 1788. 90 

Moore County 

John Carrel represented Moore County in the house of com- 
mons in 1785. It is difficult to determine his property interests 
because of similar names in the records examined. 91 

John Cox, member of the house of commons from 1785 to 1788, 
received grants to 450 acres of land between 1783 and 1789 plus 
small amounts in Tennessee. 92 

Cornelius Doud owned 3 slaves in 1790; no" other specific in- 
formation is available except that he was a member of the house 
of commons in 1791. 93 

William Martin represented Moore County in the house of 
commons, 1788-1791, and was elected to the state senate in 1793. 
He owned no slaves in 1791 and the land records examined are 



85 Tompkins, History of Mecklenburg County, II, 79; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 268; 
Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; Land Records, North Carolina Grants in Tennessee, 
1778-1791, microfilm. 

86 Tompkins, History of Mecklenburg County, II, 83; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 

87 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 

88 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 271; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 

89 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists, 1780-1782, Montgomery County, 1782. 
«> Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 271; Census of 1790; L. P., Tax Lists, 1780-1782, 

Montgomery County, 1782. 

91 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 273. 

92 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 273; Land Grant Index. 

93 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 273; Census of 1790. 



Ratification of the Federal Constitution 303 

not specific concerning the property he held prior to the con- 
vention. 94 

Thomas Tyson, member of the state senate in 1791, owned no 
slaves in 1790 ; no additional information is available. 95 

Nash County 

John Bonds, member of the house of commons from 1785 to 
1790, owned 13 slaves in 1790 and had been granted 950 acres 
of land in 1782. 96 

Redman Bunn owned 4 slaves in 1790 ; his will shows that he 
possessed "lands and plantation," 18 Negroes, 7 horses, "2 yoke 
of work stears," and $50. Bunn was a member of the senate in 
1788. 97 

Howell Ellin owned 4 slaves in 1790 and had been granted 360 
acres of land in 1782. 98 

William S. Marnes possessed 100 acres of land in 1782 and 
owned 14 slaves in 1790. 99 

David Pridgen owned 5 slaves in 1790. His will lists "land and 
plantation" which totaled 1,740 acres, $1,050, and 6 Negroes. 100 

New Hanover County 

James Bloodworth, who lists 200 acres of land with Timothy 
Bloodworth, had received grants for 1,356 acres before the con- 
vention. Other property included "1 bay mare, cattle and hogs, 
200 Spanish dollars," real estate, and personal property. Blood- 
worth represented New Hanover County in the house of commons 
from 1782 to 1786. 101 

Timothy Bloodworth, prominent citizen of the lower Cape Fear 
region, served many terms in the house of commons between 
1779 and 1794. He represented New Hanover County in the state 
senate in 1788 and 1789 and was a member of the first Congress 
of the United States. Bloodworth, a man of no formal education, 
was described "as one of the most remarkable men of the era." 
A child of poverty, Bloodworth's diligence and ambition more 



94 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 273; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 

95 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 273; Census of 1790. 

06 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 275; Census of 1790; L. P., Tax Lists, 1780-1782, 
Nash County, 1782; Land Grant Index. 

07 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 275; Census of 1790; L. P., Nash County Records, 
Wills, 1778-1859, II, 26-27. 

98 Census of 1790; L. P., Tax Lists, 1780-1782, Nash County, 1782. 
» Census of 1790; L. P., Tax Lists, 1780-1782, Nash County, 1782. 
™° Census of 1790; L. P., Nash County Records: Wills, 1778-1859, V, 23-24. 
101 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 294; Land Grant Index: L. P., New Hanover County 
Records, Wills, 1732-1864, I, 44. 



304 The North Carolina Historical Review 

than make up for his lack of education. Preacher, farmer, black- 
smith, doctor, watchmaker, wheelwright, and politician are 
listed as his professions. Bloodworth owned 9 slaves and received 
grants for 4,266 acres of land. He was "almost radical in his 
democracy" and opposed ratification of the Constitution in both 
conventions. 102 

John A. Campbell, senator from New Hanover County from 
1783 to 1787 and member of the house of commons in 1789, 
owned 300 acres of land in his home county and 2,560 acres in 
Tennessee. 103 

Thomas Devane, whose name is confused with that of Thomas 
Devane, Jr., received grants for 2,056 acres of land between 1735 
and 1769. Both Thomas Devane and Thomas Devane, Jr. served 
intermittently in the house of commons from 1787 to 1792. 104 

John Pugh Williams owned 39 slaves in 1790. The land grant 
records list 220 acres for John Pugh Williams and 4,270 acres 
for a John Williams. In 1785, 1786, 1788, and 1789, Williams was 
a member of the house of commons. 105 

Northampton County 

John M. Benford, who owned 19 slaves in 1790, lists the 
"plantation whereon I now live" and £20 of Virginia money in 
his will ; the acreage is not specified. Benford became a member 
of the state senate in 1788 and served without interruption until 
1802. 106 

Robert Peebles, member of the house of commons, 1787-1788, 
possessed at least 100 acres of land and 8 slaves. 107 

James Vaughan owned 16 slaves in 1790. He served in the 
house of commons from 1783 to 1785 and again in 1786. 108 

James Vinson lists in his will the "tract of land whereon I now 
live," three other plantations, £160 of Virginia currency, and 10 
shillings of North Carolina money. Two James Vinsons are listed 
in the Census of 1790, one with 9 slaves, the other with 3. 109 



103 McRee, Life of Iredell, II, 233; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 294; Census of 1790; 
Land Grant Index; Personal Collection, Miscellaneous. 

103 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II. 294; Land Grant Index. 

104 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 294; Land Grant Index. 

ins wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 294; Land Grant Index; Census of 1790. 
we wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 296-297; Census of 1790; L. P., Northampton County 
Records, Wills, 1770-1880, I, 8. 

107 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 296; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 

log Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 296; Census of 1790. 

109 Census of 1790; L. P., Northampton County Records, Wills, 1770-1808, III, 65. 



Ratification of the Federal Constitution 305 

Onslow County 

Thomas Johnston, state senator in 1784 and 1788, owned 9 
slaves in 1790 and listed 580 acres of land in 1787. 110 

John Spicer, member of the house of commons in 1789 and 1792 
and member of the senate in 1783 and again from 1794 to 1800, 
owned 22 slaves in 1790 and received grants for 2,108 acres of 
land. His will lists, besides his land, £200 of "current money." 111 

Daniel Yates, member of the house of commons from 1786 to 
1789, possessed 27 slaves, a plantation of 850 acres or more, and 
notes and stocks of all kinds. 112 

Orange County 

Jonathan Lindley owned property "in the town of Orange," 
farm tools, a plantation of 2,657 acres plus other lands, and 
numerous town lots. Lindley served in the house of commons 
from 1787 to 1790. 113 

William M'Cauley, member of tke senate from 1784 to 1788, 
owned 822 acres "on the waters of Newhope and south side of 
Haw R.," 9 Negroes, 31 houses and lots in Hillsboro, a tavern, 
a still, and 80 shillings in money. 114 

Alexander Mebane, with the exception of 1785 and 1786, was a 
member of the house of commons from 1783 to 1792. He had an 
evaluation of £10,478 in 1779; he owned 1,181 acres of land in 
Orange County, 6,400 acres in Davidson County, Tennessee, 
horses, "mear and colt," sheep, 4 cows, 7 Negroes, a small amount 
of specie, books, and several stills. 115 

William Mebane owned 12 Negroes, 500 acres of land in 
Orange County, and 7,200 acres in Davidson County, Tennessee. 
Other personalty listed in his will included 1 mare, books, horses, 
cattle, sheep, and hogs. William Mebane was a member of the 
state senate in 1782. 116 



110 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 299; Census of 1790; L. P., Onslow Tax Lists, 1774- 
1790, List of Taxables, 1787. 

111 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 299; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Onslow 
County Records, Wills, 1746-1863, IV, 20-21. 

112 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 299; Census of 1790; L. P., Onslow County Records, 
Wills, 1746-1863, IV, 83. 

ii3 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 337; L. P., Orange County Records, List of Taxables, 
1787; L. P., Orange County Records, Wills, 1785-1865, VIII, 17-18; Land Grant Index. 

114 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 337; L. P., Orange Countv Records, List of Taxable 
Property, 1788; L. P., Orange County Records, Wills, 1785-1865, VIII, 53. 

us Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 337; Land Grant Index; L. P., Orange County Records, 
List of Taxable Property, 1788: L. P., Orange County Records, Wills, 1753-1819, III, 21. 

lie wheeler, Historical Sketches, IT, 337; Land Grant Index; L. P., Orange County Records, 
List of Taxable Property, 1788; L. P., Orange County Records, Wills, 1785-1865, IX, 36. 



306 The North Carolina Historical Review 

William Shepard received grants for 584 acres of land between 

1785 and 1790 ; other realty included 2 lots in Hillsboro. 117 
Absalom Tatom, representative from the town of Hillsboro, 

owned 500 acres of land in Tennessee. Tatom was a surveyor and 
contractor and had served as a tobacco agent. He represented 
Hillsboro in the house of commons in 1788 and again from 1797 
until 1802. 118 

Pitt County 

Sterling Dupree owned 8 slaves and had received grants for 
516 acres of land by 1782. 119 

Arthur Forbes possessed 18 slaves and received grants for 
200 acres of land in 1782; another 100 acres was granted in 
1793. 120 

Richard Moye, member of the house of commons from 1783 to 

1786 and again in 1788 and 1790, owned 760 acres of land and 
3 slaves. 121 

Robert Williams, who represented Pitt County in the senate 
from 1782 to 1787 and from 1794 to 1796, owned 6 slaves in 
1790 ; information on his landholdings is not available. 122 

Randolph County 

Thomas Dougan, member of the senate from Randolph County 
in 1783, 1784, and 1788, owned 7 slaves and 555 acres of land. 123 

Edmund Waddill represented his county in the house of com- 
mons in 1787 and in the senate from 1793 to 1798. He owned 22 
slaves and his political career suggests ownership of at least 
300 acres of land. 124 

Zebedee Wood, member of the house of commons in 1786, 1788, 
and 1789 and of the state senate in 1791 and 1792, is listed as 
holding 110 acres of land and no slaves. 125 

Richmond County 
Benjamin Covington owned 550 acres of land and 5 slaves in 
1790. He represented Richmond County in the house of commons 
from 1785 to 1787. 126 



117 Land Grant Index; L. P., Orange County Records, List of Taxables, 1788. 

118 Trenholme, Ratification in North Carolina, 165; Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 337; 
Land Grant Index. 

119 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 

120 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 

121 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 347; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 
^Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 347; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 

123 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 349; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 

124 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 349: Census of 1790. 

:25 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 349; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 
i2« wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 351; Census of 1790; L. P., Tax Lists, 1786-1790, 
Richmond County, 1790. 



Ratification of the Federal Constitution 307 

John M'Callaster held no slaves in 1790. A John McAllister 
served in the house of commons in 1791. Because of the various 
spellings of this name, no clear picture of this delegated property 
is available. 127 

Charles Robertson represented Richmond County in the house 
of commons in 1784. Because the land records list Robertsons, 
Robesons, and Robinsons all together in this county, property in- 
terests for the delegate are inaccurate. 128 

Edward Williams received land grants for 200 acres in Rich- 
mond County, 100 acres "over the mountains," 350 acres in An- 
son County, and 750 acres in Jones County. He owned 7 slaves. 
He represented Richmond County in the house of commons 
during the sessions of 1781 and 1788. 129 

Robeson County 

John Regan, later member of the house of commons, 1797-1799, 
possessed 13 slaves and 258 acres of land in 1790. 130 

Rockingham County 

William Bethell owned 5 slaves and was granted 80 acres of 
land in 1789. The remainder of his landed estate cannot be 
gleaned from the records. Bethell represented Rockingham 
County in the house of commons from 1786 until 1789 and in 
the senate in 1790. 131 

Charles Galloway, who represented Rockingham County in 
the state senate during the session of 1791, owned 14 slaves and 
received grants in Tennessee for 5,000 acres. 132 

James Gallaway owned 12 slaves and 5,000 acres of land in 
Tennessee. He represented his county in the state senate from 
1786 to 1790, a fact which indicates some acreage in North 
Carolina. 133 

John May is listed as the owner of 8 slaves in 1790. No other 
information is available from the sources examined. 134 

Abram Phillips, member of the house of commons in 1788, 
1789, and 1790, possessed 450 acres of land and 3 slaves. 135 



127 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 351; Census of 1790. 

128 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 351. 

129 wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 351; Land Grant Index; Census of 1790; L. P., Tax 
Lists, 1786-1790, Richmond County, 1790. 

130 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 353, Land Grant Index; Census of 1790. 

131 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 355; Land Grant Index; Census of 1790. 

132 wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 355; Land Grant Index; Census of 1790. 

133 wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 355; Land Grant Index; Census of 1790. 

134 Census of 1790. 

135 wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 355; Land Grant Index; Census of 1790. 



308 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Rowan County 

James Brannon owned 9 slaves and the land records list a 
"Brandon" with 1,284 acres. 130 

George H. Berringer is not listed in any of the records 
examined. 

Thomas Carson, member of the house of commons from 1786 
to 1789, possessed 11 slaves in 1790 and had received grants for 
8,984 acres of land prior to the convention. His will includes the 
listing of a storehouse, a country house, a lot in the town of 
Lexington, and 400 acres in Montgomery County. 137 

Matthew Locke, brigadier general of North Carolina troops 
during the Revolution, was an active participant in the Regu- 
lator troubles of 1769-1771. In 177,5 he became a member of the 
third provincial congress of North Carolina and was also a mem- 
ber of the fourth and fifth. In 1776 Locke assisted in framing the 
state constitution. From 1777 to 1781 he was a member of the 
house of commons and sat in the senate in 1781 and 1782; he 
returned to the house of commons six times between 1783 and 
1791. Later he represented his district of North Carolina in the 
Congress of the United States from 1793 until 1799. During 
this interval he was classified as a "warm Republican." Locke 
owned a fertile tract of land on the east side of Grants Creek 
about 5 miles from Salisbury, 5,000 acres in Tennessee, some 
with associates, and 2,797 acres not specifically located. 138 

Griffith Rutherford, member of the state senate from 1777 to 
1780 and again from 1783 to 1786, general in the Revolutionary 
Army and famous Indian fighter, owned 8 slaves in 1790 and had 
received grants for 2,499 acres of land as well as additional 
tracts in partnership with James McCulloch. 139 

Rutherford County 
George Ledbetter owned 14 slaves, and 350 acres of land were 
granted to a George "Leadbetter." Ledbetter was a Revolutionary 
war veteran and served as justice of the peace in Rutherford 
County for a number of years. 140 



138 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 

137 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 398; Land Grant Index; Census of 1790; L. P., Rowan 
County Records, Wills, 1743-1868, III, 56 f. 

138 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 398; Land Grant Index. 

130 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 384; Land Grant Index; Census of 1790. 
140 Clarence W. Griffin, History of Old Tryon and Rutherford Counties, North Carolina, 
1730-1936, 117; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 



Ratification op the Federal Constitution 309 

George Moore represented his county in the house of commons 
in 1781 and again in 1785. He also held the office of justice of 
the peace numerous times. Moore owned no slaves and 700 acres 
of land. 141 

William Porter represented Rutherford County in the state 
senate from 1780 until 1782 and served intermittent terms in 
the house of commons. He was not a slaveowner and the land 
records list only 50 acres plus other small grants. 142 

Richard Singleton was born in Brunswick County, Virginia, 
and settled in Rutherford County before the Revolutionary War. 
He was a soldier in the Revolutionary forces and served in the 
state senate from 1788 until 1794 and in the house of commons 
from 1783 to 1787. He owned 850 acres of land and 1 slave. 143 

James Whiteside was born in Virginia and moved to North 
Carolina before the Revolutionary War. His parents took land 
grants on Beaver Dam Creek and First Broad River. Whiteside 
was an agriculturist and doctor of medicine. During the Revolu- 
tion he served in the army and fought at Kings Mountain. He 
represented his county in the state senate in 1786. His landed 
estate comprised at least 350 acres and £100. 144 

Sampson County 

Richard Clinton, member of the North Carolina Senate with 
the exception of one term from 1785 to 1795, owned 37 slaves 
and had received grants for 1,747 acres of land by 1784. 145 

David Dodd, member of the house of commons from 1785 to 
1787, was granted 830 acres of land before 1790; he owned 6 
slaves. 146 

Hardy Holmes owned 14 slaves, 1,941 acres of land in Sampson 
County, and 2,560 acres of land in Tennessee. He represented 
Sampson County in the state senate in 1788. 147 



141 Griffin, History of Old Tryon and Rutherford Counties, 82 ff; Census of 1790; Land 
Grant Index. 

112 Griffin, History of Old Tryon and Rutherford Counties, 73; Census of 1790; Land 
Grant Index. 

143 Griffin, History of Old Tryon and Rutherford Counties, 88; Wheeler, Historical 
Sketches, II, 400; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 

144 Griffin, History of Old Tryon and Rutherford Counties, 116; Wheeler, Historical 
Sketches, II, 400. 

"5 Wheeler Historical Sketches, II, 402; L. P.. Tax Lists, 1783-1785, Sampson County, 
1784; Census of 1790. 

146 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 402; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax 
Lists, 1783-1785, Sampson County, 1784. 

147 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 402; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 



310 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Lewis Holmes, member of the house of commons from 1786 to 
1789, owned 7 slaves in 1790 and received grants for 300 acres 
of land prior to the convention. 148 

Curtis Ivey received grants for 2,560 acres of land in Tennes- 
see in 1786 and an additional 978 acres with Griffith McRee "on 
the west side of Six Runs." He possessed 5 slaves in 1790. 149 

Sullivan County (Tennessee) 

John Dunkin owned 808 acres of land ; no further information 
is available from the records examined. 150 

David Looney received grants for 4,152 acres of land between 
1780 and 1793. 151 

John Scott was granted 1,500 acres of land from 1783 to 1794. 
Another source lists 1,700 acres for him. 152 

John Sharpe entered and received grants for 2,856 acres of 
land between the years 1779 and 1797. The Tennessee land rec- 
ords list his holdings as 1,645 acres. 153 

Surry County 

Absalom Bostick, member of the house of commons in 1789, 
owned 20 cattle, 9 slaves, 5 horses, 570 acres, and a taxable 
evaluation of £688/15. 154 

Matthew Brooks is not listed in any of the records examined. 
He represented Surry County in the house of commons in 1778. 155 

James Gains possessed 250 acres and 3 slaves in 1789 and 1790. 
In 1787 Gains represented Surry County in the house of 
Commons. 156 

Charles M'Annelly owned 5 slaves in 1790 ; ho other informa- 
tion is available from the records examined. 157 

Joseph Winston, member of the state senate in 1787 and again 
from 1789 to 1790, held land grants totaling 980 acres as early 
as 1782 plus 15 slaves and a total evaluation of £1058/10. The 



148 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 402; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 

149 Census of 1700; Land Grant Index. 

150 Land Grant Index. 

151 Land Grant Index. 

162 Land Grant Index; Land Records, North Carolina Grants in Tennessee, 1778-1791, 
microfilm. 

153 Land Grant Index; Land Records, North Carolina Grants in Tennessee, 1778-1791, 
microfilm. 

164 Wheeler, Historical. Sketches, II, 410; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., 
Surry County Records, List of Taxables, 1782. 

165 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 410. 

166 wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 410; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 

167 Census of 1790. 



Ratification of the Federal Constitution 311 

land records list his total acreage as 1,362. He owned 18 slaves 
in 1790. 158 

Wake County 

James Hinton, several times member of the house of commons 
for Wake County between 1781 and 1788, owned 36 slaves and 
received grants for 3,169 acres of land. 159 

Joel Lane, state senator without interruption from 1782 to 
1792, was granted 3,615 acres of land and owned 27 slaves. 160 

Brittain Sanders, member of the house of commons from 1787 
until 1792, was granted 400 acres of land prior to 1790. He owned 
16 slaves in 1790. 161 

Warren County 

Thomas Christmas possessed 943 acres of land in 1784 and 
owned 23 slaves in 1790. 162 

Wyatt Hawkins owned 829 acres of land in 1784 and 5 slaves 
in 1790. He represented Warren County in the house of commons 
from 1785 to 1787 and again from 1788 to 1793. 163 

John Macon received grants for 1,059 acres of land prior to 
1784 and owned 36 slaves in 1790. Macon served in the house 
of commons without interruption from 1786 until 1795. 164 

Henry Montfort owned 9,680 acres of land by 1783 and pos- 
sessed 16 slaves in 1790. 165 

James Payne, member of the house of commons in 1784, owned 
1,576 acres of land and 26 slaves. 166 

Washington County (Tennessee) 

Robert Allison owned 450 acres of land ; no other information 
is available from the records examined. 167 

John Blair was granted 3,390 acres of land prior to 1790 and 
2,040 acres after that year. 168 



iB8 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 410; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Surry 
County Records, List of Taxables, 1782. 

159 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 422; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 

160 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 422; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 

161 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 422; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 

162 Census of 1790; L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785. Warren County, 1784. 

163 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 441; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax 
Lists, 1783-1785, Warren County, 1784. 

164 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 441; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax 
Lists, 1783-1785, Warren County, 1784. 

165 Census of 1790; L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785, Warren County, 1784. 

166 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 441; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax 
Lists, 1783-1785, Warren County, 1784. 

187 Land Grant Index. 
168 Land Grant Index, 



312 The North Carolina Historical Review 

James Stuart received grants for 1,532% acres of land between 
1782 and 1786; no other information is available from the rec- 
ords examined. 169 

John Tipton was one of the leaders in the establishment of the 
revolutionary state of Franklin in 1784. He was among the first 
to resume allegiance to North Carolina and became a political 
opponent of John Sevier. Tipton was granted 750 acres of land 
before the convention and 1,000 acres afterward. His total 
acreage entered upon the records was 2,750. 170 

Joseph Tipton, who entered claim for 857 acres with no record 
of grant, received grants for 400 acres before 1788 and 600 acres 
after the convention. 171 

Wayne County 

Andrew Bass owned a "plantation on the Thorough Fare 
Swamp," 27 slaves, 24 cattle, 5 ewes and lambs, "1 cwt. of seed 
cotton," a mill, and an unspecified number of town lots. Land 
records list his acreage at 432 before 1790. 172 

James Hanley, a member of the house of commons from 1784 
to 1786, possesed 1,140 acres of land by 1782. He owned 8 
slaves. 173 

Richard M'Kinnie, who represented Wayne County in the state 
senate from 1788 until 1799, was granted 500 acres of land be- 
tween 1779 and 1790. He owned 16 slaves. 174 

Burwell Mooring, member of the house of commons from 1780 
until 1783 and of the senate from 1783 to 1787 and again in 1791, 
is not listed in any of the records examined. His political career, 
however, indicates that he owned considerable property. 175 

William Taylor is listed in the Census of 1790 as the owner of 
2 slaves. Taylor represented Wayne County in the house of com- 
mons from 1785 until 1789. 176 

Wilkes County 
Richard Allen received grants between 1779 and 1790 for 869 
acres of land on "Buggabo and Potato creeks," plus other small 



169 Land Grant Index. 

170 Wapstaff, Steele Papers, I, 30n; Land Grant Index; Land Records, North Carolina 
Grants in Tennessee, 1778-1791, microfilm. 

171 Land Grant Index. 

172 Land Grant Index: L. P.. Wayne County Records, Wills, 1776-1805, I, 6. 

173 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 460; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 
171 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 460; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 
its wheeler. Historical Sketches, II, 460. 

i™ Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 460; Census of 1790, 



Ratification of the Federal Constitution 313 

grants. The tax records of 1784 show that Allen owned a total 
of 1,220 acres. 177 

John Brown, a member of the house of commons from 1786 
until 1789, owned 22 slaves and 400 acres of land before 1788. 
In 1788 he was granted 6,000 acres in Tennessee. 178 

James Fletcher owned either 2 or no slaves in 1790. In 1784 the 
tax records show that he owned 4,700 acres of land. 179 

Joseph Herndon had received grants for 1,614 acres of land 
prior to the convention of 1788. The tax records reveal his total 
acreage in 1784 to be 3,136. He owned 9 slaves and represented 
Wilkes County in the house of commons in 1781 and 1788. 180 

William Lenoir received grants for 4,439 acres of land between 
1778 and 1787. An additional 4,431 acres was granted after 1790. 
In 1784 Lenoir's landed property totaled 14,749 acres. Lenoir 
was a veteran of the Revolution and leader at the Battle of Kings 
Mountain in 1780. He represented Wilkes County in the house 
of commons from 1781 to 1784 and in the state senate from 1787 
until 1796. He owned 12 slaves in 1790. 181 

[To be concluded] 



177 Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax Lists, 1783-1785, Wilkes County, 1784. 

178 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 465; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index. 
™ Census of 1790; Tax Lists, 1783-1785, Wilkes County, 1784. 

180 Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 465; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax 
Lists. 1783-1785, Wilkes County, 1784. 

i8i Wheeler, Historical Sketches, II, 465; Census of 1790; Land Grant Index; L. P., Tax 
Lists, 1783-1785, Wilkes County, 1784. 



VIRGINIA ANTE-BELLUM RAILROAD DISPUTES AND 

PROBLEMS 

By Charles W. Turner 

Rivers, canals, and roads were insufficient to meet the needs 
of the Tidewater or hinterland peoples for means of transporta- 
tion of produce and livestock in exchange for manufactured 
products from Europe and the north in the late 1820's. Land 
in the Tidewater and lower Piedmont sections of Virginia was 
fast becoming exhausted and the farmers of these sections were 
buying new land westward. The coastal cities envied the ex- 
panding trade of the northern cities and desired to share in it. 
The citizens of eastern Virginia felt that the railroads would 
solve the problem of overland transportation and were the first 
to give attention to railroad building. The same people influenced 
the state legislature to charter and purchase shares to the amount 
of two-fifths in the early railroad projects. The state worked 
through the Board of Public Works, the agency set up in 1816 to 
support internal improvements in Virginia with representatives 
from each geographic area making up the membership. 

All of the railroad companies were organized by groups meet- 
ing at county courthouses or city halls. Surveys would be ordered 
and stockbooks opened. The first company to be organized was 
the Chesterfield Coalfield Railroad, chartered in 1828, to haul 
coal from the Chesterfield coal pits to Richmond. Meanwhile, 
the representatives of the Baltimore and Ohio had appeared 
before the General Assembly and requested the right to lay 
a track from Harpers Ferry to the Ohio River. This right would 
be granted tardily, for the state feared the intrusion of an out- 
of-state or "foreign" line. Besides these first efforts, there were 
fifteen independent companies, of a total of more than sixty 
chartered by the General Assembly, that were in operation by 
I860. 1 The Petersburg and Roanoke Railroad Company, charter- 
ed in 1830, was desirous of securing the trade of the Roanoke 
Valley and of diverting trade from the Dismal Swamp Canal. 2 



l Niles' Weekly Register, IX (February 24, 1816), 451. 
8 Acts of the General Assembly, 1829-1880, 59. 

[314] 



Virginia Ante-Bellum Railroad Disputes 315 

To serve the same corner of North Carolina the Portsmouth 
and Roanoke Company built a line from Portsmouth to the state 
line. 3 The first "home grown" rail line to succeed in northeastern 
Virginia was the Winchester and Potomac to connect Harpers 
Ferry with Winchester. 4 A columnist urged this line saying that 
the state abounds in the necessary raw materials and the cost of 
transportation of produce can be cut from twenty-five to fifteen 
cents a bushel and the James River and Kanawha Canal will 
have realized its destiny. 5 Two other companies, which received 
their charters in the 1830's and were destined to form with 
the Petersburg and Roanoke a north-south chain through the 
entire state, were the Richmond, Fredericksburg and Potomac 
and the Richmond and Petersburg. Both had an original capi- 
talization of less than $500,000, were completed rapidly, and 
suffered fewer financial reverses than the other lines in the 
state. 6 

Rail lines located for east-west trade were chartered more 
slowly. The reasons for this delay are not hard to find, namely : 
the fact that the lines would have greater engineering diffi- 
culties in the piedmont and mountain areas, the lines would 
have to run greater distances to connect either with other modes 
of transportation or link one trade center with another, and final- 
ly the rivalry of sections for the rights of way would lessen the 
amount of capital available. The first of these lines to succeed 
was the Louisa Railroad, chartered in 1836, to be built from 
Taylorsville to the base of the northwest mountains. 7 This road 
became the well-known Virginia Central by 1860 and the original 
path of the Chesapeake and Ohio System of today. Following 
this venture, there was the incorporation of three short lines 
in the Tidewater: the Richmond and Yorktown, the City Point 
(from City Point to Richmond), and the Clover Hill (from 
Osborne's on the James River to Richmond) . 8 

Southwest Virginia was anxious for railroads. Pressure groups 
were before the General Assembly advocating varied routes in 



3 The Seventeenth, Eighteenth and Nineteenth Annual Report of the Board of Public 
Works to the General Assembly of Virginia (Richmond, Virginia, W. F. Ritchie, printer), 
1833-1835, 420-474 (hereafter cited as Seventeenth Annual Report). 

* Acts of the General Assembly, 1880-1881, 187. 

5 Richmond Enquirer, November 23, 1831. 

« Twentieth Annual Report, 1836, 127, 132. 

7 Charles W. Turner, "The Louisa Railroad, 1836-1850," North Carolina Historical Review, 
XXIV (1947), 37. 

8 Acts of the General Assembly, 1836, 41; 1837, 123. 



Virginia Ante-Bellum Railroad Disputes 317 

the 1840's. The three lines chartered were the Southside, the 
Richmond and Danville, and the Virginia and Tennessee. 9 All 
of these lines eventually were connected with the Roanoke and 
Petersburg and the Seaboard and Roanoke. A strong supporter 
stated that these lines would bring large dividends, develop the 
interior, and enhance the value of Richmond, Petersburg and 
the coastal parts as trade centers; that the Springs would be 
more accessible; that foreign capital would flow into the state 
in increasing amounts; and that the lines would connect with 
western out-of-state lines headed toward the Pacific. 10 

East-west lines in northern Virginia were receiving their 
charters in the last pre-war decade. The Orange and Alexandria 
Railroad Company was the first to open between the two Virginia 
towns, Orange and Alexandria. Two other lines connected with 
the above line, the Manassas Gap and the Alexandria, Loudoun 
and Hampshire. The companies found the job of raising capital 
an easy one, since the organization came in a period of rising 
prices and the area tapped was rich farm land and thickly 
settled. One disadvantage for railroad expansion in this area, 
lamented by Virginians of the Tidewater, was the drain of pro- 
duce to the north and especially to Baltimore — "That dastardly 
city on a miserable creek which, as a leech, seemed to suck the 
lifeblood of the surrounding areas, growing larger and larger 
with the profits," as one expressed it. 11 

Besides a few other lines which had hardly started operation 
by 1860, such as the Roanoke Valley, the Norfolk and Peters- 
burg, and the Richmond and York River, 12 the people were 
concerned with extension and consolidation of lines already 
established. The latter came slowly in the east for several rea- 
sons : the lack of broad vision, the absence of sufficient capital 
to invest in such slow-paying projects, the fear that one railroad 
might receive undue profit, and the fact that coastwise and canal 
transportation in a measure met the needs. Delay in westward 
railway extension resulted from the fear that any extension 
movement might help the Baltimore and Ohio, a conviction that 



9 Acts of the General Assambly, 181,5-181,6, 92; 81,7-181,8, 184. 

10 Richmond Daily Compiler, May 18, 1846. 

11 Richmond Enquirer, May 2, 1848. 

12 Richmond Daily Dispatch, December 27, 1831 



318 The North Carolina Historical Review 

federal aid was unconstitutional, and the long-standing animosity 
which existed between eastern and western Virginia. 13 

Countless difficulties arose to plague the lines, all of which 
could be reproduced in any section during the period of early 
railroad development. Typical examples will be given of the 
difficulties of construction, the problem of state interest and 
regulation, rivalry among the companies as indicated in the 
battle for the trade of a particular section, through ticket dif- 
ferences, gauge wars, and service complaints. Though the solu- 
tion of each taxed the patience of each road, the companies 
met them as they developed without too much loss of vitality 
and tempo. 

Land damage claims caused little difficulty for, as in the case 
of the Petersburg lines, declining land values spurred landowners 
to give or to offer land and materials cheaply. This was one of 
the reasons why the Virginia and Tennessee selected the route 
followed between Lynchburg and Salem. 14 In contrast the Win- 
chester and Potomac reported high land damages for which 
the company blamed the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad and the 
Chesapeake and Ohio Canal companies, both of which were 
purchasers of land in the section. 15 The amount of damages 
varied according to the need for railroad transportation in the 
section, the number of transportation agencies already estab- 
lished, and the land values prevailing. 

When the question of securing building materials arose, east- 
ern Virginia was found to lack a sufficient supply. Civil engi- 
neer Charles Shaw stated this in a report to the Board of Public 
Works in 1834. The year following, Shaw reported the Peters- 
burg railroads were using soft wood found in Tidewater swamps 
which would have to be replaced quickly and recommended that 
the state go slow in granting charters to new railroads in the 
area. 16 The Petersburg and Richmond and the Roanoke lines 
were taxed heavily to replace their superstructure with good 
timber shortly after opening. 17 Though the northern and western 



13 Charles W. Turner, "The Early Railroad Movement in Virginia," Virginia Magazine 
of History and Biography, LV (October, 1947), 359. 

14 Virginia House Journal, 1831-1832, document 15, Richmond, Virginia, Division of Pur- 
chase and Printing, 1833. 

15 Seventeenth Annual Report, 501. 

16 Seventeenth Annual Report, 426; Twentieth Annual Report, 105, 

17 Twenty-sixth Annual Report, 123. 



Virginia Ante-Bellum Raiuioad Disputes 319 

lines found materials readily available, the needs were greater, 
with deep fills, steep grades, and tunnels to be built. The diffi- 
culty of burning green wood, the freezing of engines, and the 
puckering up of the rails were difficulties to be surmounted in 
operation. The rainy season brought soft spots which the Win- 
chester and Potomac and other lines complained of. 18 

The high cost of equipment from the north and from abroad 
encouraged the companies to manufacture their own in their 
shops. Independent companies were organized to meet the needs 
for engines and cars, such as the Smith and Perkins Locomotive 
and Car Works at Alexandria, covering 51,000 square feet of 
ground, for which the Orange and Alexandria Railroad built 
a turnout. A second iron foundry was the Tredegar Iron Works 
of Richmond, operated by the Anderson family. Joseph Ander- 
son, the founder, was an outstanding civil engineer of the state. 
A railroad was proud to say its engines were made at Tredegar. 
One writing in a newspaper expressed southern nationalism 
when he declared that "one who must free themselves (from 
dependence on the northern manufacturer) must strike the first 
blow." 19 

After securing the iron for laying on the roadbed, the company 
must decide the proper gauge to use. The question of gauge 
caused a battle royal. Most of the Tidewater lines, the Richmond 
and Danville, and the Virginia Central used the four feet, eight 
and a half inch gauge, while the Virginia and Tennessee em- 
ployed the five foot gauge. Car transfer from one gauge to an- 
other was out of the question and rapid transfer of goods from 
one section to another lessened the chance for consolidation. 
When the state was contemplating the Covington and Ohio ex- 
tension, the matter of gauge was debated in the General As- 
sembly. A member, Charles F. M. Garnett, favored the five-foot 
gauge, stating that trans-shipment was not too difficult for 
the labor cost amounted to eighty cents a 'day per car, and a car 
could be loaded by four men in fifteen minutes. 20 Others favored 



18 Thirty and Thirty-first Annual Report, 142. 

19 Forty-first Annual Report, 49; Richmond Daily Dispatch, June 26, 1853. 
36 Richmond Whig, January 30, 1852. 



320 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the five-foot gauge because it would cut down the competition 
which existed between northern markets and the Virginia trade 
centers. 21 The narrower gauge was favored by the editor of the 
Richmond Daily Dispatch, for it was less expensive, better suited 
to general traffic, and safer. 22 To substantiate these claims, a 
study which was made by the British Parliament was given. 23 

1. That as regards safety . . . the decided preference is due 
neither gauge . . . 

2. That in respect of speed we consider the advantages are 
with the broad gauge, but we think the public safety would 
be endangered . . . 

3. That in the commercial case the trans-shipment of goods 
we believe the narrow gauge to possess the greater con- 
venience . . . 

4. That the broader gauge involves the greater outlay. . . 

5. That the most successful roads in the country are built 
on 4'8V2" gauge. 

Failure to come to agreement as to gauge delayed the legisla- 
tive appropriation for the Virginia Central so that the war 
caught the vital middle Virginia railroad incomplete. The gauge 
question caused other delays in completion prior to 1860. 

When the rails had been laid and operation had begun, com- 
petition between rival modes of transportation soon arose, as, 
for example, that which developed between the Richmond, Fred- 
ericksburg and Potomac and the Bay Steamship Lines. Both 
companies, in order to secure as much of the trade of the area 
as possible, slashed fares and distributed handbills condemning 
the rival company. 24 Next the Richmond, Fredericksburg and 
Potomac purchased the steamship called "Mount Vernon" to be 
used on the James by its passengers. The General Assembly re- 
ceived complaints against both companies, stating that both 
parties had exceeded their powers. Though a committee of the 
General Assembly studied the problem, their recommendations 
were not enforced and the fare war continued. 25 

Rivalry for the trade of an area involved two of the Virginia 
railways in one of the bitterest controversies in American rail- 
road history. The Portsmouth and Roanoke and Petersburg and 



21 Richmond Whip, January 19, 1854; February 14, 1854. 

22 Richmond Daily Dispatch, December 9, 1852. 

23 Richmond Daily Dispatch, June 6, 1853. 

24 Twenty-third Annual Report, 121. 

25 Virginia House Journal, 18*6-18^7, document 22, Richmond, Virginia, Division of 
Purchase and Printing. 



Virginia Ante-Bellum Railroad Disputes 321 

Roanoke companies, two of the oldest lines of the state, were the 
companies involved. Both railways met at Weldon on the Roanoke 
River and the first bridge was built by the Portsmouth and 
Roanoke. The other company might have used the same by paying 
a reasonable fee, but this was declared to be too high. The Peters- 
burg and Roanoke built its own bridge and began to wage a fare 
war to secure the trade of the area. Sufficient revenues were 
not available to keep both lines running profitably, and the Board 
of Public Works recognized this fact in a report to the General 
Assembly in 1843. 26 The Portsmouth and Roanoke had never been 
without a mortgage, and in order to continue operation, the line 
was permitted by the General Assembly to sell a section between 
Gary's and the bridge at Weldon. 27 The Petersburg and Roanoke 
was offered this section at one-half the original cost. The latter 
road refused to deal with the representatives of the company or 
continue to pick up the road's passengers. The Portsmouth Com- 
pany, suffering from further declines in revenue, appealed to 
the General Assembly for help. The Board of Public Works was 
called in to act as mediator. 28 An offer of $12,000 for the section 
was made by the Petersburg and Roanoke but the other line held 
out for $15,000. Meanwhile, the claim of Francis E. Rives 
developed. 

Colonel Clement Rochelle had built the Weldon Bridge. The 
Portsmouth Company was not able to pay him and he in turn 
became obligated to a second company. Rochelle transferred his 
claim to Francis E. Rives, interested in the rival road, and by 
an oversight, the mortgage was not recorded in North Carolina 
court records. He agreed to allow the Portsmouth and Roanoke 
to function if it would pay $1.00 for each passenger carried over 
that section. The company refused to do this, whereupon, be- 
cause of the technical error, Rives took over the bridge and 
seventeen miles of the line lying in North Carolina and began 
to bargain with the Petersburg and Roanoke to loan him an 
engine and some cars. In broad daylight he started to Margarets- 
ville to take up two miles of track so as to cut connections be- 
tween his line and the Portsmouth and Roanoke. President 






26 Howard D. Dozier, A Histon/ of the Atlantic Coastline Railroad (New York, New York: 
Houghton Mifflin Company, 1920), 96-97. 

27 Virginia House Journal, lS^O-18^1 (Richmond, Virginia: Division of Purchase and 
Printing), 236. 

28 Twenty-fifth Annual Report, 371-372; Tvjenty-sixth Annual Report, 140. 



822 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Gwynn of the Portsmouth and Roanoke went down and restored 
the two miles and overturned his trains, with help of course, and 
ran their cars over the whole line in the winter of 1843. 29 Rives 
was arrested by the Portsmouth and Roanoke Railroad and 
placed under heavy bond. His trial came up in the superior court 
of Northampton County, North Carolina, as part of the line ran 
into North Carolina. The opinion of the judges was that the 
Portsmouth and Roanoke had a right-of-way over the soil cov- 
ered, that the soil would revert to the original owner when the 
section ceased being used for its purpose, that the right-of-way 
could not be transferred, and that the purchaser did acquire 
title to the iron and the timber by purchase, but not the use of 
the right-of-way. Rives was fined $2,500. 

There were many explanations written by Rives for his ac- 
tions. All the while he was contracting with the Petersburg and 
Roanoke which would pay $60,000 for the bridge and seventeen 
miles of the road in installments every three months. However, 
if the Portsmouth and Roanoke used the line, the payments 
would stop. This contract was signed by President H. D. Bird 
and Francis E. Rives. 30 The Portsmouth and Roanoke ceased to 
run in 1845, for the road's stock had declined, it had discontinued 
service, and its rolling stock lay dilapidated. The Board of Public 
Works held a mortgage on the Portsmouth and Roanoke and the 
Board sold the company at public auction in front of the court- 
house at Portsmouth. 31 The same Board bought it in for $60,000 
and leased it to the city of Portsmouth under the title, the Sea- 
board and Roanoke Company. Many people were provoked at 
Rives and dared him to be at the auction. 32 The Rives-Bird con- 
tract was a sad commentary on state power and showed how 
strong the Petersburg and Roanoke interests were in the Assem- 
bly. In the final analysis, the Petersburg and Roanoke gained a 
seventeen-mile line leading into North Carolina. 

Rivalry among the lines was shown in the through-ticket 
squabbles. Lines were complaining constantly that they were 
not securing a fair share of their through ticket arrangements. 
As early as 1838 the Richmond, Fredericksburg and Potomac, 



29 Richmond Enquirer, January 13, February 1, 1844. 

30 Thirtieth and Thirty-first Annual Report, 74, 76. 

31 Acts of the General Assembly, 1845-1846, bill 168. 

32 Norfolk and Portsmouth Herald, March 8, 1847. 



Virginia Ante-Bellum Railroad Disputes 323 

the Richmond and Petersburg, and the Petersburg and Roanoke 
had agreed to a ticket costing $7.75 divided as follows : 33 

R. F. and P. (61 miles from Aquia Creek 

to Richmond $3,721/2 

R. and P. (22i/> miles from Richmond to Petersburg) 1.25 
P. and R. (59 miles from Petersburg to Roanoke) . . . 3.111/j 



$7.75 

The Baltimore and Ohio refused to reduce fares on the Wash- 
ington Branch and was left out of the arrangement. A clearing 
house of the same lines was formed, and later a through ticket 
was decided upon in a meeting held on December 13, 1842, to be 
divided as indicated in the following table. 34 

Potomac Boat Line (from Alexandria to Aquia Creek) $2.00 

R. F. and P 4.00 

R. and P 1.37i/ 2 

P. and R 3.121/2 

$10.50 

The Petersburg and Roanoke failed to agree to its share and 
refused to issue through tickets after August 15, 1844, unless 
the rate per mile was the same on all lines, the Potomac steam- 
boat rate be reduced to half the existing rate, and the expense 
of advertising be borne in proportion to need for it. Many fiery 
statements were published showing the ill will existing among 
the lines. The Richmond, Fredericksburg and Potomac accused 
the Petersburg and Roanoke of causing the failure of the Ports- 
mouth line, the Portsmouth and Roanoke condemned the Rich- 
mond, Fredericksburg and Potomac for charging the highest 
rates in the country, being blind to the value of the through 
ticket, and failing to allow passengers certain conveniences in 
its coaches. 35 The Richmond, Fredericksburg and Potomac re- 
plied by increasing the through ticket by fifty cents, the amount 
to be divided between the steamboat company and itself. With the 
failure of the Portsmouth line, the Petersburg and Roanoke 
worked out a second through-ticket arrangement with the City 

33 Thirtieth and Thirty-first Annual Report, 349. 

3i A clearing house was formed in 1840 to settle matters among the various lines, 
consisting of one director from each road plus a representative from the Board of Public 
Works. Dozier, A History of the Atlantic Coastline Railroad, 99. 

35 Thirtieth and Thirty-first Annual Report, 201-208. 



324 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Point Railroad and Bay Steamship lines in order to draw off 
the trade from the Richmond, Fredericksburg and Potomac. 36 

As late as 1858 the through ticket had not been agreed upon. 
Finally a big meeting was held of all companies between New 
York and Charleston, and four months of conferences resulted 
in a through ticket which gave the lines above the James River 
a lower rate due to greater travel and trade than those south 
of the James River. 

Through tickets between the Virginia Central and the Orange 
and Alexandria were made to allow traffic to pass without a 
break in the journey from Alexandria to Staunton on the Vir- 
ginia Central. The latter of these arrangements Richmond mer- 
chants complained of, for it might drain trade from their doors 
and they had subscribed heavily to the stock of the Virginia 
Central. Why were they discriminated against was the question. 
President Emund Fontaine declared this claim false. Next the 
Orange and Alexandria declared that the Virginia Central 
charged too much for transporting freight on a short haul. The 
Virginia Central replied that the reason was mountain grades 
and suggested that the Orange and Alexandria experiment with 
its own cars and find out for itself. 37 Some writers thought the 
through ticket question ought to be settled and worked out more 
quickly by various roads, for much business was being lost as 
a result of that factor alone. 38 

In these and other disputes the Board of Public Works failed 
to take a firm stand. Though the state owned from two-fifths 
to three-fifths of the stock in various companies, the Board 
seldom opposed the railroads' actions. There was the case where 
the state failed to own quite three-fourths of the stock in the Rich- 
mond and Petersburg, yet it asked that a third director represent- 
ing the state be appointed. The company refused to seat a certain 
N. M. Martin and the Board agreed to drop the matter after 
protest. 39 One reason for the lack of conflict between the Board 
and the companies was the fact that the Board members were 
generally stockholders of different lines. 



30 Annual Report to the Stockholders of the Richmond and Petersburg Railroad Company, 
18 46-18 b7 (Petersburg, Virginia: Ellerson and Company, 1866). 

37 Richmond Daily Dispatch, March 29, 1855. 

38 Richmond Enquirer, October 5, 1858. 

39 Dozier, A History of the Atlantic Coastline Railroad, 45-46. 



Virginia Ante-Bellum Railroad Disputes 325 

The intense rivalry between vested interests within and out- 
side of the General Assembly was an ever-present factor in rail- 
road progress, sometimes restraining and at other times pro- 
pelling the movement. The earliest and one of the bitterest 
pressure groups was the one which desired to further the canals 
of the state rather than the railroads. The editor of the Richmond 
Whig opposed the Richmond, Fredericksburg and Potomac proj- 
ject in 1833, declaring that every effort should be made to finish 
the James River and Kanawha Canal in order to provide the 
"Grand Atlantic Chain" to the Ohio. 40 Several years later he was 
requesting a railroad himself from Richmond to Lynchburg, for 
the canal was being built too slowly and the stock was being 
purchased too gradually. 41 Newspapers such as the one mentioned 
above recommended by 1845 that the canal be extended no further 
than Lynchburg. 42 Even they had begun to read the handwriting 
on the wall. Some of the early railroads, such as the Winchester 
and Potomac, complained that the canals took some of their 
trade. 43 

A debate was held in 1845 at the Exchange Hotel in Richmond 
on the relative merits of canals and railroads. Lieutenant Gov- 
ernor William H. McFarland supported the cause of the railroads 
and James C. Cabell, president of the Kanawha Canal, supported 
the canal side. The former declared that for half the year water 
transportation was blocked with ice, that there was constant 
danger of washouts, that freight rates were higher on canals, and 
that the Erie Canal could not be compared to those in Virginia. 
Cabell used the latter as his perfect example with its lower costs. 
He challenged McFarland on the question of length of time when 
ice blocked the canal and concluded with the statement that the 
state had invested too heavily to let the canal project down. 44 Cabell 
continued to fight railroads through 1851, and in reply to Presi- 
dent Gwynn of the Portsmouth and Roanoke, stated that some 
of the mileage of the railroads had cost $65,000 a mile, while 
even the Erie Canal was constructed more cheaply and its rates 
were falling all the time. He failed to compare his own canal, on 



40 American Ra'lroad Journal (New York, New York: 1833-1866), September, 1833. 

41 Richmond Whig, January 9, 1836. 

42 Twenty-sixth and Twenty-seventh Annual Report, 333. 

43 Richmond Whig, October 24, 1845. 

44 Notes Relative to the Route, Cost and Bearings of a Railway from Covington to the 
Head of Steamboat Navigation on the Kanawha River, addressed to Walter Gwynn (Rich- 
mond, Virginia: privately printed), 1851. 



326 The North Carolina Historical Review 

which $7,500,000 had been expended. 45 Cabell was supporting 
a dying cause, and to save his interests he was pulling out every 
stop to win his point. Virginia had actually been building rail- 
roads more cheaply than any other state in the Union; canals 
had drained its pocketbook early and its citizens only gradually 
stopped the hole. Others supported the cause of the Chesapeake 
and Ohio Canal and felt that the Baltimore and Ohio ought to 
stop fighting its continuance to Cumberland. 46 

A second fight in the General Assembly developed over the 
"foreign" railroad, the Baltimore and Ohio, which was invading 
Virginia. The Richmond Enquirer in 1827 urged the General 
Assembly not to allow the Baltimore and Ohio to enter Virginia, 
for it would be giving up a "sovereign right." Niles' Register of 
Baltimore took the opposite view and argued that if Virginia for- 
bade the Baltimore and Ohio the state would be blocking progress 
and it would be purely a case of jealousy of Baltimore. The maga- 
zine called upon Virginia to advance from fifth place in the Union 
in internal improvements and added that unless she developed her 
resources, the Pennslyvania farmers would laugh at Virginia's 
primitive ways. 47 Virginia did allow the Baltimore and Ohio as 
far as Harper's Ferry and later as far as Cumberland. To Wheel- 
ing and to Parkersburg were the next demands, but interests in 
the Tidewater felt that northwestern Virginia should free itself 
from isolation and that besides the state commerce would only be 
drawn more and more to Baltimore. Colonel Crozet, on the other 
hand, wrote in the Richmond Whig that the extension would 
not interfere with Virginia improvements. "Don't oppose," he 
declared, "for one must heed the call of the times." Another 
writer in the same paper felt the extension would spell ruin for 
seven counties, for already $4,000,000 capital was requested for 
the road. This would be for Baltimore at the expense of Vir- 
ginia. 48 Some of the members of the House of Delegates favored 
the Wheeling terminus, while others argued for Parkersburg. 49 

The act permitting the Wheeling extension was passed with 
such obnoxious features at (1) a through ticket of four cents 



45 Richmond Whig, February 13, 1845. 

**Niles' Weekly Register, XXXIIT (December 29, 1827), 273. 

47 Richmond Whig, August 29, 1845. 

48 Richmond Daily Compiler, June 16, 1845. 

49 Virginia House Journal, 181^5-18^6, document 1, 55. 



Virginia Ante-Bellum Railroad Disputes 327 

per mile when the Virginia average rate was six cents, (2) per- 
mission for other roads to connect with it, (3) taxation of its 
property by the state, (4) the purchase of the Winchester and 
Potomac, (5) construction of depots and switches below Harper's 
Ferry, and (6) provision for opening the road in ten years. 
Under these conditions, the Baltimore and Ohio refused to pro- 
ceed with construction. The Baltimore and Ohio would be subject 
to the changeable will of the General Assembly, to rival improve- 
ments, to burdensome taxes, and to the need for placing an extra 
depot at Harper's Ferry. Finally, the route was far from being 
the shortest to the Ohio River/' Some eastern Virginians were 
glad. The act had served to delay northwestern improvement. It 
was an apt example of legislative effort to hamstring a project 
which was neither "home grown" nor truly welcome. Appeals 
were immediately made for modification of the act by northern 
and western Virginians and the act was modified and accepted by 
the B. and O. 51 In 1860 the B. and 0. petitioned the Congress to 
allow a junction of the Washington branch with the Virginia ex- 
tension at Alexandria on the District side. Individuals were still 
anxious that this be not granted, for opposition to this line was 
still prevalent. 52 

To show sectional bickering within the Assembly let us take the 
case of the Covington and Ohio extension. One member of the 
Assembly preferred the spending of $12,000,000 for building a 
road through Appomattox by the Roanoke River to the west. 
Another Assemblyman printed an article favoring the same route 
and giving the following reasons why he supported it: (1) trade 
and travel would converge on Richmond; (2) grades would be 
too steep over the central route; (3) a direct line would be had 
to Louisville, St. Louis, and even Europe; and (4) two lines were 
already anxious to connect with the proposed line using the above 
route. 53 Other Assemblymen urged that the Virginia Central be 
extended from Covington to the Ohio. The Daily Dispatch la- 
mented the combinations and systems in the General Assembly 
which were pushing and restraining the progress of that rail- 



60 Documents of the House of Delegates, 1850-1851, document 18 (Richmond, Virginia: 
Division of Purchase and Printing), 385. 

61 Richmond Daily Dispatch, June 8, 1860. 

62 Richmond Compiler, January 6, 1846. 

ra Address to the Citizens of Richmond on the Construction of a Continuous Railroad 
Communication from the City to the Waters of the Ohio (Richmond, Virginia: Colin and 
Nowlin), 1852. 



328 The North Carolina Historical Review 

road scheme as late as March, 1858. 54 Finally, after meetings 
in the northwestern part of the state and countless memorials to 
the Assembly, the later body got around to chartering the Cov- 
ington and Ohio in I860. 55 

Opposition was registered for practically every extension at- 
tempted. Several examples are cited here to emphasize the point. 
When the Danville Road wished to extend in order to connect 
with the V. and T. line at Lynchburg, certain citizens of Pitts- 
sylvania, Charlotte and Campbell counties declared river trans- 
portation was sufficient. If nature has made us a natural high- 
way, why is it necessary to supplement it, they concluded. Cer- 
tain newspapers favored it ; others opposed it. The Richmond and 
Petersburg tried to discourage it, fearing competition. 56 

Opposition was registered again in the case of the Southside 
Railroad which desired a state loan for further extension. Joseph 
Segar of Elizabeth City County spoke in its favor. He said that 
Virginia was building internal improvements too slowly, that 
joint stock subscriptions would not work, that the James River 
and Kanawha Canal had been a failure, that trade and commerce 
had to develop before returns could come in, and that the call 
was urgent for state loans. Money lay idle in the hands of the 
Board of Public Works, while the credit of the state was the 
highest ever. Why were the railroads receiving such small re- 
turns, only seven per cent on the average (1852), he inquired. 
Of course, one could point to the failures of the Portsmouth and 
Roanoke, but it had not extended far enough to reap profits. 
Finally, trade and travel would increase and a new day would 
dawn through loans for public improvements. 57 Thomas Wallace 
was moved to make some remarks in favor of the loan in the 
House of Delegates. After calling attention to the failure of the 
bill of 1852 allowing the Southside Railroad to sell bonds, he 
described the flow of money from western Virginia mines and 
the incoming of immigrants. He felt the actual wealth of Vir- 
ginia would soon reach $800,000,000. The opening of Virginia 
was necessary, for Norfolk and the Chesapeake Bay had been 



54 Richmond Daily Dispatch, March 15, 1858. 

55 Richmond Daily Dispatch, February 17. 1858. 
58 Richmond Daily Dispatch, April 8, 1852. 

57 Speech of Mr. Segar of Elizabeth City County on a Bill Authorizing a Loan of State 
Bonds to the Southside Company (Richmond, Virginia: Ellerson and Company, 1853), 3-21. 



Virginia Ante-Bellum Railroad Disputes 329 

forgotten. Their business had been sapped by Baltimore. In con- 
clusion, he asserted that the three railroads of the southwest 
had improved land values twenty-nine per cent and had caused 
immigration to increase and the slave population to jump from 
448,000 to 473,000 between 1840 and 1850. Furthermore, all 
Virginia railroads were paying for themselves and carrying 
freight for as little as four and a half cents a ton-mile. 58 In op- 
position, another man felt that the link with the Virginia and 
Tennessee and through the latter with the Orange and Alexandria 
would make Lynchburg a barrel with both ends out funneling 
commerce to Baltimore. 59 This loan was made for extension of 
the Southside westward and congratulations were extended the 
road by Richmond editors. 60 

Other extensions were fought over, such as the extension of 
the Virginia and Tennessee to Lynchburg. 61 The Orange and 
Alexandria was heading for the same place, to the dismay of 
those who feared the Baltimore drainage. 62 The editor of the 
Daily Dispatch feared that Baltimore would benefit, but at the 
same time he felt that Virginia's internal improvement lag was 
helping not only Baltimore but also New York to reap increased 
revenues. 63 

There were legislators who were against the state's engaging 
in internal improvement schemes and lamented the tax increase. 
One published the total railroad debt of the state as $6,620,800 
as of 1852 64 and feared state monopoly. The state, he said, 
lavished money on too many local projects and forgot the main 
lines. 65 Another spoke of the sectional and local jealousies which 
had caused a lack of coordination and interstate unity in rail- 
road planning. His criticism was in part justified, for as late as 
1857-1858 the Board of Public Works refused to help the Orange 
and Alexandria Railroad connect with the Virginia and Tennes- 
see ; instead it favored a new line, the Manassas Gap Road, with 
appropriations. One of the "diehards" who opposed state spend- 
ing for internal improvements was Charles Bruce of the Senate 



68 Speech of Thomas Wallace of Petersburg on a Bill Authorizing a Loan to the Southside 
Company (Richmond, Virginia: Ellerson and Company), 1853, 2-18, 

59 Daily Republican (Lynchburg), January 5, 1853. 

60 Richmond Daily Times, January 26, 1853. 
81 Daily Republican, February 2, 1853. 

62 Richmond Daily Dispatch, June 13, 1853. 

63 Richmond Daily Dispatch, February 4, 1853. 
84 Richmond Daily Dispatch, May 10, 1852. 

65 Richmond Daily Dispatch, December 26, 1853, 



330 The North Carolina Historical Review 

in 1858. He argued that the Assembly ought to think before 
sinking money in any more railroad projects. The Danville Rail- 
road would not pay for years to come; the Southside and Vir- 
ginia and Tennessee had debts, and the Piedmont Valley Rail- 
road was going bankrupt. "How profitable were these roads? 
What villages had they built up? Decreased cost of transporta- 
tion had come only with increased taxation." Inflated currency 
had caused the auditor's report to show a $98,000 increase in 
valuation. Figures proved that the value of the counties with 
railroads had increased only five per cent over those without 
them. The state had to pay out $1,200,000 for her indebtedness 
and received only $400,000 in dividends. The population was de- 
creasing and Negroes were being drawn away due, in part, to 
the railroad lease system. His argument concluded with questions 
asking whether railroads had increased production and whether 
water transportation was not cheaper. 66 This argument was an 
example of "card stacking" of facts and figures, which if com- 
pared with those used by internal improvement advocates, would 
not have tallied, as we have shown. It had the effect of delaying 
certain appropriations until too late, such as those for the Wash- 
ington and Richmond, Fredericksburg and Potomac connection 
and the Virginia Central extension to the Ohio. These petty 
jealousies among individuals in and out of the Assembly and be- 
tween cities, sections, and rival modes of transportation ac- 
counted for the lack of a unified railroad system in Virginia be- 
fore the Civil War. 

After securing the lines and effecting operation, there were 
complaints by patrons of various railroads of receiving faulty 
service. The Winchester and Potomac was so poorly built that 
complaints were made of rough travel and delays, and the com- 
pany was forced to improve its tracks. 67 The Richmond, Fred- 
ericksburg and Potomac gave poor service. In December, 1836, 
ten people complained that when riding from Fredericksburg to 
Richmond, a distance of sixty miles, they started so as to arrive 
the same evening and reached Taylorsville at four in the morn- 
ing. The passengers were then required to wait in the cold cars 



m Speech of Charles Bruce in the Senate of Virginia on the Internal Improvement Policy 
of the. State (Richmond, Virginia: Ellerson and Company, 1858). 
67 Thirtieth and Thirty-first Annual Report, 149. 



Virginia Ante-Bellum Railroad Disputes 331 

while the train force slept in warm houses nearby. The group 
finally reached Richmond at noon after having been on the track 
for twenty hours. The same company was criticized by the Rich- 
mond and Petersburg for having too small a lunch counter at 
Richmond. The Richmond, Fredericksburg and Potomac replied 
that the other company should improve its dirty cars, increase 
the number of its engines, and remedy its constant delays and 
loss of baggage. 08 The president of the Petersburg Company an- 
swered the charge of delays by declaring that he had inquired 
of engineers and they had stated that only twenty-six passengers 
had ever been delayed on the road and this was blamed on the 
weather. 69 

Breakage and loss of produce were common, and the railroads 
gradually introduced safety measures. One case involving the loss 
of seven bales of cotton stored by the Richmond, Fredericksburg 
and Potomac reached the Supreme Court of Appeals of Virginia. 
Justices Lyons and Marson concurred in the opinion that since 
a man by the name of Jones had requested that the Richmond, 
Fredericksburg and Potomac delay shipment until prices went 
up on cotton, the company was not responsible as a common 
carrier. Jones received no damages. 70 Shipping agents began to 
take advantage of the right of storage and charged special fees 
in addition to their regular fee for handling. The General Assem- 
bly, by an act, stopped that abuse. 71 Fires burned shops and 
wooden bridges frequently, while engines were thrown from the 
tracks by ice or obstructions. To lessen the latter, the Chester- 
field Railroad secured an act as early as 1832 providing that 
if anyone maliciously sought to destroy railroad property, such 
a person would be imprisoned. If he were a slave, thirty-nine 
stripes would be reasonable punishment and the company would 
be able to secure damages equal to three times the actual value 
of the property destroyed. 72 A second act of the forties had 
guaranteed fifty to five hundred dollars to anyone who would 
apprehend a person wilfully destroying railroad property. 73 



e 8 Thirtieth and Thirty-first Annual Report, 329-330. 

69 Thirty-second and Thirty-third Annual Report, 443. 

70 Richmond Whiff, March 13, 1850. 

71 Virffinia House Journal, 1839-1860, 54. 

72 Acts of the Geveral Assembly, 1832, 74. 

73 Acts of the General Assembly, 181,3, 119. 



332 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The weather often caused delays and accidents, as a case cited 
from a local newspaper reveals. The Virginia Central Railroad 
was blocked by deep snow in January, 1857, and for two days one 
train was marooned six miles from Richmond and food could not 
reach it. 74 But human carelessness was a cause for others. The 
disregard of signals on the same line at Melton's, where trains 
customarily passed each other, caused a collision three quarters 
of a mile from the station on December 25, 1856. The conductors 
were blamed for it, and John H. Timberlake, superintendent of 
transportation, resigned because of the misunderstanding over 
the problem with President Fontaine. 75 A third difficulty occur- 
ring on the Virginia Central gave rise to the Sanger vs. Virginia 
Central Railroad case. Jacob Sanger was injured when a car 
was derailed by a huge stone left on the tracks. Sanger sued for 
damages and the circuit court's dicision was confirmed by the 
Supreme Court of Appeals that $6,000 should be awarded Sanger. 
Judge Thompson of the latter court held that the company was 
liable for any carelessness of its employees, and it had been 
proved that the stone had been left there by one of the Virginia 
Central employees. This was an important case, for it was the 
first in Virginia to settle the extent of liability of railroads as 
passenger carriers. 76 

Other roads had accidents too, which showed that much needed 
to be done for the sake of safety. Articles were written and laws 
passed against carelessness. One stated that horrible accidents 
were happening to persons of both sexes. "Better we tear up the 
railroads than let them wreck the havoc they are doing." 77 Anoth- 
er law required that a watchman be placed at every street cross- 
ing, because a fuse was not enough. 78 One paper came to the de- 
fense of the railroads and declared that with all the denunciations 
heaped on the railroads, the number of deaths in proportion to 
the number of passengers carried was much smaller than by 
transportation by stage or carriage. 79 Railroads received little 
mercy at the hands of juries and paid for cows, fractures, and 
detentions. They were considered soulless corporations and were 



74 Richmond Whig, January 24, 1857. 

75 Richmond Examiner, January 30, 1857; Richmond Whig, January 2, 1857. 

76 American Railroad Journal, September 17, 1859. 

77 Richmond Daily Dispatch, September 13, 1835. 

78 Richmond Whig, January 5, 1855. 

79 Richmond Daihj Dispatch, July 9, 1853. 



Virginia Ante-Bellum Railroad Disputes 333 

treated as such. 80 Accidents could be expected in the beginning 
years to be lessened as time went on. 

Difficulties developed in relations with the federal government. 
Mail contracts were awarded railroad companies in the thirties 
and differences resulted over both the rate of pay received for 
service performed and also over the time required for delivery. 
Congress decided to make every railroad a mail route in 1837, 81 
and Amos Kendall, as Postmaster General, in 1835 required that 
all mail cars be locked. The first two railroads to carry the mail 
were the Richmond, Fredericksburg and Potomac at $200 per 
mile annually and the Petersburg and Roanoke at $300 a mile. 82 
In 1839 the contracts were not renewed, for the department 
wished to reduce the rate paid and the railroads refused, declar- 
ing that they could not do the job for less and that it would in- 
volve delays. Failure to agree caused the Post Office Department 
to have the mails carried on horseback a few months. 83 

Contracts were revised until the Richmond, Fredericksburg 
and Potomac stopped carrying the mail in 1847. 84 The road re- 
fused to reduce the rate below $300, which it had been receiving 
for several years. The mail was then carried by water over the 
Bay lines, and as the Richmond and Petersburg refused to take 
the through mail for $100 a mile, it was carried over the turn- 
pikes until December, 1849. At that time the companies had the 
right returned to them on the $237 basis. The Richmond, Fred- 
ericksburg and Potomac lost it for only two years, once in 1855, 
when the Orange and Alexandria and Virginia Central underbid 
the Richmond, Fredericksburg and Potomac 85 

Other railroads were anxious for mail contracts. The Ports- 
mouth and Roanoke put in a bid offering what it called greater 
economy and regularity than any other road. 86 The City Point 
Railroad agreed to haul the mail for $500 per annum over its 
short line 87 and the Virginia and Tennessee agreed to handle it 



80 Richmond Daily Dispatch, May 16, 1855. 

S1 J. Cooley, editor. The American Railroad (New York: Chnrles Scribners Sons, 1897), 
311-315. 

82 Virainia House Journal, 1838, document 10, 4. 

83 Virginia House Journal, 1838, document 36, 77-97. 

84 Dozier, A History of the Atlantic Coastline Railroad, 45. 

85 Dozier, A History the the Atlantic Coastline Railroad, 41, 45: Thirty-second Annual 
Report, 396-399: John B. Mordecai, A Brief History of the Richmond, Fredericksburg and 
Potomac Railroad, Richmond, Virginia, privately printed, 1940. 

86 Thirty-second and Thirty-third Annual Report, 567-575, 584-585. 

87 Twenty-eighth Annual Report, 90. 



334 The North Carolina Historical Review 

for $41,000 annually. 88 Returns from mail carriage were con- 
siderable sums, and each line desired this special privilege. The 
letters were paid for by weight on receipt, and the depot agent 
would send a bill for total monthly mail received to individuals 
for payment. Mail to be sent was gathered in bags by the agents 
and sent out daily. 

The cases in which federal courts had a hand were few. The 
Supreme Court had to handle a case when interests along the 
Rappahannock River complained that a bridge of the Richmond, 
Fredericksburg and Potomac was too narrow and low and threat- 
ened navigation. Associate Justice McLean had declared in a 
similar case that railroads must construct safe bridges and ones 
which did not obstruct navigation. This precedent was followed 
here. 89 The federal district court, sitting at Staunton, heard 
another case in which the War Department was required to allow 
the Winchester and Potomac Company the right to run its en- 
gines through public property in Alexandria, in spite of the 
danger of fire. The Congress heard complaints of the Virginia 
railroads, for on one occasion the Richmond and Roanoke pe- 
titioned Congress for relief from the through ticket discrimina- 
tion. This petition was rejected. 90 The Orange and Alexandria 
transferred some federal claims of 1790 for collection, from 
which the Board of Public Works felt the railroad might secure 
some funds to the amount of $120,000. The bill was still before 
Congress in 1857. 91 

In conclusion, the difficulties facing the railroads were many 
and may be summarized. (1) Sectional rivalries inside and out- 
side the General Assembly were sufficient to restrain progress. 
Virginia spent much time, energy, and money on canals. The 
chartering of so many rival roads in the Tidewater made for 
bitter competition between the different lines, causing the actual 
failure of one. These roads were in a comparatively poor agricul- 
tural section of the state and often were too poorly constructed 
to give long service without constant renewal. (2) The intense 
jealousy felt toward Baltimore and the Baltimore and Ohio by 
Virginia was real and caused delays in railroad expansion in 



88 Twenty-sixth and Twenty-seventh Annual Report, 100. 

R9 Virginia House Journal, 1839-1840, 148-149; Richmond Daily Times, May 16, 1853. 

80 Thirtieth and Thirty-first Annual Report, 467. 

nNiles' Weekly Register, LX, July 31, August 7, 1841, 349. 



Virginia Ante-Bellum Railroad Disputes 335 

northern Virginia. (3) As to lack of service, one feels, looking 
over the whole picture, that it was but normal to expect the 
delays, Post Office quarrels, and lack of suitable accommodations 
in this beginning period. (4) The matters of gauge and through 
ticket were further signs of sectional differences. (5) Financial 
problems were fairly normal with the exception of the Ports- 
mouth and Roanoke and were always slight considering the num- 
ber of business slumps surmounted. (6) The accident record was 
generally good and already they were beginning to seek remedies 
to lessen the mishaps. Blunders, to be sure, were many but not 
fatal, and the service rendered to Virginia and the South prior 
to the war was great. 



LETTERS FROM NORTH CAROLINA TO 
ANDREW JOHNSON 

Edited by 
Elizabeth Gregory McPherson 

The papers of Andrew Johnson in the Library of Congress 
comprise more than 30,000 pieces, extending from 1829 to 1930, 
and including correspondence of his family. On the basis of 
material relating to North Carolina during Reconstruction his 
papers would rank as outstanding for local history. They are 
also of tremendous interest not only because they are papers of 
one of the Presidents of the United States born in North Caro- 
lina, but also because they cover an important span of local and 
national history that portrays many valuable contributions made 
by President Johnson in several fields of endeaver. 

To a man of President Johnson's inheritance, social position, 
and temperament, the problems of Reconstruction were pecul- 
iarly difficult. His progressive and colorful career from a tailor's 
bench to the President's chair was a climb up the social and 
political ladder that was not easy. His political career began as 
an alderman of Greeneville, Tennessee, to which place he had 
migrated in 1826 from Raleigh, North Carolina. In his political 
climb he went ahead with the support of the working men whose 
cause he always championed. In business President Johnson was 
successful, and from the emoluments of his tailor shop at Greene- 
ville he accumulated a modest estate. The earliest item in his 
papers is an account book of his tailor shop begun in 1829, but 
the main body of his papers is for the period that he served as 
Senator from Tennessee and as President of the United States. 
His manuscripts include records of applications for office, pardon 
and amnesty papers, proclamations, messages to Congress, tele- 
grams, letter books, notes of William G. Moore, his private secre- 
tary, and many letters. Among his correspondents were cabinet 
members, military leaders, jurists, diplomats, and other men and 
women of eminence as well as those from North Carolina whose 
letters are printed herewith. 

[ 336 ] 



Letters to Andrew Johnson 337 

From David F. Caldwell 1 

Greensboro N. C. Oct 15 [18] 59 
Hon Andrew Johnston 

Dear & much respected Sir ; Your note of the 12 instant has been 
received, and I hasten to respond to the sam[e] ; When I wrote 
to the PM at Greenvill[e] I had received no answer to my let- 
ter, which had been written som[e] four or five weeks. I could 
not account for your silence, but in two reasons, 1 st that you were 
absent, or, 2 (1 that you did not care, or never desirous to have 
nothing more to do with me, in the way of corresponding. And I 
desired to know which of these motives, if influenced your action 
For though I rank myself above no honest man I am for from 
wishing to intrude myself upon the notice of any one As you have 
delt frankly I have thus given you my motives for making the 
inquiry I did for your Post Master I did not desire the miserable 
manuscript I sent you I wrote it in such great haste that on re- 
gaining it I am heartily ashamed of it-but friendship, I did not 
know how to get on with out, hence my anxiety for to recover it 
I received your last letter & the communication, I mean the letter 
before the one received today some four or five days since and I 
feel greatful to you for your kindness in returning them to me. 

I am sorry that you cannot see this matter in the light I do I 
feel confident that I am right and if your next Legislature will 
but adopt & strictly adhere to the system I proposed you will 
have no more Bogus Banks in Ten- The state & your improve- 
ments will prosper and your people soon relieved from debt & 
heavy taxation I feel confident of this fact Or I would not urge 
it upon you I feel the more concerned about the matter, as I am 
seriously contemplating removing to Gibson County of your 
State, there to engage in the cultivation of cotton, & the practice 
of the Laiv I dislike to sunder all the ties that bind me to my 
native state, but I have many relatives and friends in Gibson who 
are doing well & press me strongly to emigrate and setel near 
them- assuring me that I can greatly benefit myself by so doing 
Under these circumstances I hope you will excuse me for troub- 
ling you so much as I have done- I am so sure that I am right- 
that I cannot fail to to be zealously efected when I look at the 
crisis that will soon be upon your Legislature If it were any thing 
else than chartering a Bank, it would not matter so much as if 
it did not suit the views of the Legislature they could repeal the 
act when they convened again- but this is not the case by no 
means- what your Legislature does next winter will last through 
this generation & will tell for good or evil with great power 
Wod to Heaven all your people understood the great importance 

1 Prior to the Civil War David F. Caldwell of Guilford County was a Whig; served in the 
house of commons; and was a candidate on the Republican ticket for a seat in Congress 
from the Fifth North Carolina District, but was defeated. In 184 8 he presided over a 
convention held in Salisbury for the purpose of asking the legislature to build a railroad 
from Danville, Virginia, to Charlotte, North Carolina. He continued to advocate the 
building of railroads to unite the eastern part of the state with the western part. J. G. de 
Roulhac Hamilton, Reconstruction in North Carolina (1914), 281n; Burton Alva Konkle, 
John Motley Morehead and the Development of North Carolina, 1796-1866 (1922), 294-298. 



338 The North Carolina Historical Review 



that attaches to the action of these servants, touching this matter 
I know they would ponder long before they would submit to 
having another bach of monopoly bogus banks chartered in your 
state They are and will prove forever an unmitigated curse to 
any state And I aver from my experience that the stockholders 
in them where the Banks are chartered as yours & ours are, can 
control all the financial affairs of the state through them that, 
they can not only accumulate great fortunes, but will certainly 
acquire influence enough to dictate to the Legislature- & if they 
do not ultimately break down your Roads to purches them up 
like they did in Pennsylvania- it will be because they do not 
deserve to exercise their power and capital in that way But you 
are for a state slutreasury [Sic] I am sorry very sorry my 
friend that you are anxious to place the Party in Tennessee on 
this platform. Pardon me for saying to you in all candor, that I 
honestly think it will prove most disasterous to the party And I 
do hope you will ponder long before you take that, as I think, 
fatal step Of course I cannot undertake to assign the reason, to 
you at the present time, that induces me to speak so confident 
on this point But I am prepared to say that sub Treasury system 
would prove more disasterous than to continue the present mo- 
nopoly Bogus system of Banking 

If you see Gov Harriss I hope you will prevale upon him to 
ponder long over the suggestions I have made- My observations 
my experience & the time I have given to the investigation of this 
subject, I say it in all modesty, should induce him to give my sug- 
gestion some consideration - 1 A specie Basis- 2 State stocks, 
in R.R. compleated & in successful opperation, to be deposited 
with the P Treasury to double the amount of the capital of the 
Bank- 3 then the liability clause- binding the individual property 
to double the amount of the capital of the bank 4 The public Treas- 
urer to register & counter sign all the notes of the Banks. Then 
limiting the dividends of the Bank & Road to 7 per cent interest 
per Annum untill they the Road & Bank had each on hand a sur- 
plus fund of $100,000- This would give such confidence in the 
solvency of the Banks & Roads as to throw up the stock in both 
for shares par-& thus gradually but certainly advance the credit 
& prosperity of your native state- while at the same time, it 
would give you, a sound convertable uniform currency that would 
command a premium over the circulation of all the others in your 
state- as the R.R. Banks in Georgia during the past panic Why 
is this I will try to explain 1 st Then the bank is required to do 
as it would be done by That is Besides the principal all banks 
require that a security to sign all notes discounted and the rule 
is that the principle shall be solvent- the capital- and that each 
security shall be worth double the amount loaned-The liability 
clause & the R R Stock-The Banks consequently- in fact never 
when they adhere to the rule loose a debt- see my report as to the 
safety of Banking So if the Legislature will require the capital to 
be paid in to the vault of the Bank in specie then require the stock 



Letters to Andrew Johnson 339 

in corporated roads to be deposited & the liability clause thus 
engrafted in the charter the public will see that the security is 
such that there is no chance for any creditor of the bank to loose 
a cent by it- And as Banks do not create public credit but live & 
thrive on it- it is all important to keep their credit up above par 
if we wish them to prosper and benefit the public The Banks 
chartered thus would have the credit- to drive into the vaults all 
the money as deposits This taken with the revenue of the roads 
would enable the Banks to discount to producers who brought 
in freight to the roads freely This would enable the Banks to 
draw upon the produce sent to the market especially cotton & C 
and as their interest lay in this way- the Banks would benefit the 
country by encouraging the Planters Miners Manufacturers & 
Mechanics with all others who produced or brought forward 
freight to the road or roads- These positions cannot be success- 
fully refuted- though all interested in the old Bogus corporation 
will cry out that the stocks in such bank cant or wont be taken 
Thus have none- But it will be taken- but I most reluctantly close 
If any member of your Legislature desires any aid I can give him 
if he will let me know I will try & accomodate him if he will let 
me know it 

From David F. Caldwell 

Greensboro N C Oct 1859 
Hon A Johnson 

Dear Sir: Your favor of the 14th is just to hand and I hasten 
to respond to the same I am truly sorry to find that a letter that 
I wrote to you in the kindest spirit - and particularly as an 
apology to you, for writing the letter of enquiry I did to your 
Post Master, should now call for an apology from me- I voluntary 
for the reasons stated in my last wrote you several letters In 
one of those I enclosed you a printed communication which I 
requested to return to me when you had red it- stating at the 
time that I had no copy of it, and would soon have a demand for 
it I waited for it for some time it did not come into hand I then 
wrote you a polite note requesting you to return the same I re- 
ceived no reply to that note I then thinking you might like many 
other leading men, be from home on a visit to a distant state I 
ventured to write to the P M to ascertain whither you were ab- 
sent as I suposed [sic] - I received no answer to my note to the 
PM I then thinking my letters might have miscarried I concluded 
to write to you again which note you answered & made every 
necessary explanation, and the other day all the manuscript, with 
the printed slips came safely to hand I certainly have no causes 
to complain of you or your conduct And I hope you will sensure me 
for nothing I have said or done as I certainly have not intended 
at any time to cast any blame on you I thought at one time before 
I received your letter before the last, that there was so much 
trichery abroad in this land and Nise & Darling correspondents 
that you might be a little julus of my position nature & honer and 



340 The North Carolina Historical Review 

that such motives had caused you to pass by letter & request in 
silence That is the honest thought I ever entertained touching 
the matter - And had you entertained such motives I could not 
under all the circumstances have blamed you If the above is not 
sufficiently explicit and poligetic [sic~\ be kind enough to inform 
me in what point it is deficient I will strive to amend it untill 
you shall in every particular be satisfied I will conclude if I can 
at any time an in any way be of any service to you as yours I 
shall be pleased to serve you- And till then I beg to 

remain truly yours 
H° A Johnson 
Greenvl Ten 

From J. W. Anderson 

Mars Hill N.Ca 
Deer 15th 1860 

Hon. A. Johnson 

Mars Hill College This Institution through me.respectfully 

asks you to make to their Institution the History of your state, 

so that they may record your name as one of the donors, to the 

Institution, 

Respectfully 
Yours 
Secretary 

From David F. Caldwell 

Greensboro N.C. Feb 28 [18] 61 
Hon A Johnston: 
Dear Sir: 

I rejoice greatly to find you so strong a Union man and can 
from the heart bid you God speed in all your efforts in so holy a 
cause My object in writing to you is 'to request you to send me 
a copy of your & Mr Douglass speaches I regret to see so few of 
the Democrats standing with you nearly all in this state are the 
most ultera disunionists 

Respectfully yours 
Hon A. Johnston 
Washin [ing] ton D.C. 

From John A. Gilmer 2 

[Feb. ? 1861?] 
Honl Andrew Johnson 
Dear Sir.- 

This will be handed to you by my friend Wm. H. Baum, who 
is a good & honest man- He worked hard for us last winter night 

2 John A. Gilmer was a member of Congress from Greensboro, North Carolina, and a close 
friend of William H. Seward. President Lincoln offered Gilmer a position in his cabinet, 
but being unable to persuade the President to withdraw troops from the South he declined 
the post. As a member of the secession convention he voted with the conservatives. Hamil- 
ton, Reconstruction, 20. 



Letters to Andrew Johnson 341 

after night in backing your speech & the speech of others to N.C. 
Va. & all without pay- He is a devoted friend to the Union- He 
is industrious & competent- He is needy- Please have something 
done for him before you leave Washington. 

Respectfully 
Yours 

Private 



From R. J. Powell 3 

Washington, D.C. 
2nd May 1865. 
Dear Sir: 

As a personal friend, for I claim to have been such from our 
first acquaintance, nearly twenty years ago permit me very re- 
spectfully to suggest as follows : 

In some parts of the North you may not have been fully under- 
stood- would it not have an influence for good- if you should 
show yourself to our soldiers and at least shake hands with the 
officers, when on their way to their Northern homes-? 

If you think it best so to do- the matter can be arranged and 
carried out in a quiet way- and not known to the public until 
it is accomplished. 

With high respect 
Very truly yours 
To the President 
Andrew Johnson 



From John M. Schofield 4 

Office U.S. Military Telegraph 
War Department. 
The following Telegram received at Washington, 12 10 P.M. May 
13, 1865. 

From Raligh NC May 13, 1865. 
President of the U.S 

Ex Gov. D. L. Swayne Mr D. F. Moore and Mr Wm Eaton of 
North Carolina desire permission to visit you on business Con- 

3 Dr. Powell was a native of North Carolina holding a position in the Patent Office. 
In order to have close communication with the President, Governor Holden appointed 
Powell agent of the state. In and through him President Johnson was informed concerning 
the governor's wishes. Hamilton, Reconstruction, 107n, 113-114. 

4 John M. Schofield was in command of a division of General William T. Sherman's Army 
in North Carolina and was present when General Joseph E. Johnston surrendered to 
General Sherman at Durham, North Carolina, and was authorized to execute the details 
of the event. He continued in command of North Carolina until the formation of the 
provisional state government. Dictionary of American Biography, XVI, 452-454; Hamilton, 
Reconstruction, 100, 102-104, 148-149, 158, 293. 



342 The North Carolina Historical Review 

nected with the future of the state 5 -They are men of unquestion- 
able loyalty and of great influence. I suppose they represent some 
shade of political opinion different from that of Mr Holden and 
his friends who are going to Washington but I understand they 
all agree on the main question of Union and Freedom. 

J. M. Schofield 
Maj Gen Comdg 

77 col 



From Joseph A. Cooper 6 

Headquarters 2 d Div. 23 fl A.C. 
Salisbury N.C. May 13 h 1865 
His Excellency Andrew Johnson 
President of the United States. 

I have been looking around in this old State of your birth 
place, for men with whom you and myself, in common with other 
Union men, can act for the good of our country, and for a man 
whom I can recommend as a suitable person for Military Gov- 
ernor of North Carolina 

I find in the person of the Hon. Nathaniel Boyden, the very 
person the very purest and soundest sentiments for the old flag- 
and I have no doubts whatever of his sterling principles and fixed 
purposes for the restoration of this State to the Federal Union 7 
I feel sure the appointment of Mr. Boyden would meet the 
approbation of all good and true men 

He is a man with whom you have served in Congress. 
Please pardon me for making this suggestion, I feel it to be 
my duty as an American citizen. 
Believe me your Excellency 
Your old friend as ever. 
Brig Gen vol's. 



5 These men were summoned to Washington by President Johnson for a conference 
concerning the establishment of a provisional government in North Carolina. Upon their 
arrival the President showed them his proposed plan for the reconstruction of North 
Carolina. Bartholomew F. Moore objected on constitutional grounds, but the President 
did not yield. Upon invitation they went to the White House the following day. When 
they arrived, they found that William W. Holden and his party were there. The proposed 
proclamation of the President was submitted for discussion, but Moore, Eaton, and Swain 
declined to take any part in the conference and left the room with the President. Upon 
his return to the room, he found that Holden's name had been inserted on the proclamation 
as provisional governor of North Carolina. Apparently the President was pleased, but 
Swain advised Holden not to accept the appointment. Hamilton, Reconstruction, 106-107. 

6 Joseph A. Cooper of Kentucky was commissioned colonel of the First Tennessee Infantry, 
August 8, 1861; colonel of the Sixth Tennessee Infantry, May 18, 1862; brigadier general 
of volunteers, July 30, 1864, and brevet major general, March 13, 1865, for gallantry and 
meritorious services in the battle at Nashville; was mustered out, January, 1866. Francis B. 
Heitman, Historical Register and Dictionary of the United States Army, I (1903), 326. 

7 Nathaniel Boyden (1796-1873), a representative in Congress from North Carolina, was 
born in Massachusetts; served in the War of 1812; moved to Stokes County, North Carolina; 
taught school for several years; studied law and was admitted to the bar; was a member 
of the state house of commons in 1838 and 1840; moved to Salisbury in 1842 and continued 
to practice law; was elected as a Whig to the Thirtieth Congress (Mar. 4, 1847-Mar. 3, 
1849); was a member of the state constitutional convention of 1865; was elected as a Re- 
publican to the Fortieth Congress, and served from July 13, 1868, to March 3, 1869; 
was elected as an associate justice of the Supreme Court of North Carolina in 1872; and 
served until his death November 20, 1873. Biographical Directory of the American Congress 
1774-1927 (1928), 725. 



Letters to Andrew Johnson 343 

From William W. Holden 8 

Office U.S. Military Telegraph. 
War Department. 

The following Telegram received at Washington, 12 05 P M. 

May 14 1865. 

From Raliegh NC May 13 1865. 

His Excy 

President Johnson 

I have been unavoidably detained but will reach Washington 
by Thursday evening next-The condition of affairs in this state 
is cheering, A large majority of the people are delighted on im- 
mediate emancipation and are ready for civil, Government as 
soon as it can be conveniently established. Gen Schofield the Dept 
Commander is acting with wisdom and firmness and giving 
satisfaction to the true men. With High respect 
56 col 

Office U.S. Military Telegraph, 
War Department. 

The following Telegram received at Washington, 9 25 P M. May 

15, 1865. 

From Raleigh NC. May 15 1865. 

The President U S. 

Messrs Moore, Swaine & Eaton will start for Washn on Wed- 
nesday - Mr Holden started this morning - 

J M Schofield 
Maj Gen Comdg. 
16 Collect 

From Robert P. Dick and others 9 

Washington City. 
May 26 th . 1865. 
His Excellency 
Andrew Johnson, 

President of the United States. 
We the undersigned citizens of North Carolina, most cordially 
approving of your Excellency's plan for establishing civil author- 
ity in our State, and restoring her to her proper relations with 

8 William W. Holden (1818-1892), political journalist and governor of North Carolina, 
was born in Orange County. He became a printer's devil at the age of ten, worked on the 
Star, the leading Whig newspaper in Raleigh, was in 1843 offered the North Carolina 
Standard, the leading Democratic paper, on condition that he become a Democrat, and 
during his editorship the editorials contained the most advance secession doctrine. He was 
a delegate to the Charleston and Baltimore conventions in 1860, refused to withdraw from 
the latter, and supported Breckinridge for President. At the secession convention of the 
state he voted for secession, supported Vance for governor in 1862, but broke with him 
and was a candidate for governor in 1864. After his appointment as the provisional 
governor of the state in May, 1865, he again swerved his political allegiance from the 
President to the radicals and supported the adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment. In 
1866-1867 he spent much time in Washington advising the radicals and working for the 
overthrow of the state government. With the support of the carpetbaggers he was elected 
governor in 1868 and his administration was one of corruption and incompetence, which 
resulted in his impeachment. His last public office was that of postmaster of Raleigh, 
1873-1881. Dictionary of American Biography, IX, 138-140. 

"Robert P. Dick, J. P. H. Russ, W. R. Richardson, R. J. Powell, E. W. Jones, and W. S. 
Mason went to Washington with Holden and were present for his interview with the 
President on May 18, 1865. Hamilton, Reconstruction, 107n. 



344 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the government of the United States, would most respectfully 
recommend our fellow citizen William W. Holden Esq/ as a 
Suitable person for the office of Provisional Governor, as we have 
the highest confidence in his firmness, integrity, and ability, and 
his devoted loyalty to the constitution and Union of the States ; 
and we feel assured that he will be very acceptable to our people. 

Robt. P. Dick 

I.P.H. Russ 

W.R. Richardson 

W.S. Mason 

Jno. G. Williams 

R.J. Powell 

E.W. Jones 

From William W. Holden 

Washington City, May 26, 1865 
To His Excellency the President of the United States. 
Sir: I would respectfully recommend William S. Mason, Esq. as 
a suitable person to be appointed District Attorney for the State 
of North Carolina. Mr. Mason is thoroughly loyal to the Consti- 
tution and the Union, and is well qualified for the office. His ap- 
pointment would give general satisfaction in the State. 

Very Respectfully 

From William W. Holden 

Washington City, May 26, 1865. 
To His Excellency the President of the United States. 
Sir : I would most respectfully recommend Robert P. Dick, Esq. 
for the office of Judge of District Court of the United States for 
North Carolina. 10 Mr. Dick is throughly loyal to the Constitution 
and the Union, and is well qualified for the office ; and I believe 
his appointment would be acceptable to the people of the State. 

Very Respectfully, 

From William W. Holden 

Washington City, May 26, 1865. 
To His Excellency the President of the United States. 
Sir: I would most respectfully recommend W.R. Richardson, 11 
Esq. for the office of Marshal for the District of North Carolina. 
Mr. Richardson is thoroughly loyal, and is well qualified for the 
office, and I believe his appointment would be acceptable to our 
people. 

Very Respectfully 

10 Robert P. Dick was one of the few Democrats selected to hold important offices in 
North Carolina under the provisional government, but he could not take the oath of office. 
The law which debarred him from taking office was not repealed, so after two months 
of waiting he resigned and became a provisional appointee. Hamilton, Reconstruction, 116. 

11 W. R. Richardson had been a candidate for a seat in the house of commons during the 
Civil War and he could not take the oath foi officeholding required by law. See his letter 
of March 17, 1866, to President Johnson. 



Letters to Andrew Johnson 345 

From William W. Holden 

The following Telegram received at Washington, 12:45 M 
June 14th 1865 from Raleigh June 13, 1865 
His Excellency 
A Johnson 

Col D Heaton treasury agent is about removing a lot of Cotton 
belonging to this state at Graham Depot N C. 12 This cotton was 
not Captured prior to the surrender of Genl Johnston, Genl 
Schofield favors its restoration to the state but does not feel 
empowered so to order. I earnestly hope that none of the property 
owned by the state will be Claimed as forfeited to the United 
States. Enough of Payments can be collected to pay the Expenses 
of the provisional Government including the Convention & first 
meeting of the General Assembly. In view of the destitute con- 
dition of our people I beg you not to enforce confiscation of 
state property 

Very Respy 
Prov Govr. 



From Zebulon B. Vance 13 

To his Excellency 
Andrew Johnson 
Pres't U.S. A. 
Sir, 

Some two weeks since I had the honour to address you a letter 
soliciting a personal interview with your excellency, which, as I 
have received no answer thereto, I concluded is disapproved. 

I have now most respectfully to request that you will order 
my release from confinement, on my parole of honour to appear 
whenever & wherever required, to answer any charges which 
may be preferred against me. 

I am, very respt'y 
Yr Excelleny 
Obt Svt. 
Carrol Prison 
June 16 th '65 



12 David Heaton (1823-1870) was born in Hamilton, Ohio; studied law and was admitted 
to the bar; was elected to the Ohio state senate in 1855; moved to Minnesota in 1857; 
was a member of the state senate of Minnesota from 1858 to 1863; was appointed special agent 
of the Treasury Department and the United States Depository in New Bern, North Carolina, 
in 1863, served in the House of Representatives in Congress from North Carolina from 
July 15, 1868, until his death on June 25, 1870. Biographical Directory of the American 
Congress, 1774-1927, 1082. 

13 Zebulon B. Vance (1830-1894), governor and senator, is best known for the part that 
he played in the Civil War. As governor he attempted to negotiate with General William 
T. Sherman when he approached Raleigh, but failed because he understood that he would be 
arrested. As a result he fled from Raleigh on April 12, 1865, to consult with President Jeffer- 
son Davis in Charlotte. The conference was unsatisfactory, and as a result he surrendered 
to General Schofield at Greensboro on May 2 and was directed to join his family in States- 
ville. By the order of President Johnson he was arrested on May 13, was sent to Washington, 
D. C, and was imprisoned in the Old Capitol Prison where he was held a prisoner until 
he was paroled on July 6. There seems to have been no official reason for his arrest or 
parole. Dictionary of American Biography, XIX, 158-161, 



346 The North Carolina Historical Review 

From Harvey M. Watterson 14 

"Copy of Dispatch No 2" 

Newbern N.C. 
June 20% 1865 
His Excellency 
Andrew Johnson 
President of the U.S. 
Sir: 

The complet in regard to the death of the Irishman's pig, 
might be appropriately employed in describing the downfall of 
Jeff Davis' Confederacy: 

"When it live, it lived in clover ; 
When it died, it dies all over" 

I find the same feeling here that universally prevailed in Vir- 
ginia. No people were ever more thoroughly conquered and sub- 
dued. Point out to them the way that leads to amicable relations 
with the Government of the United States, and they will be 
certain to take it. Those persons to whom you have granted 
anmesty and pardon, are exceedingly thankful, and the few that 
I have seen of the excepted classes are quite hopeful. All dis- 
union feeling, and every wish to establish a separate Southern 
Confederacy, have been pulverized by the War. If there be any 
thing like it in history, it has escaped my observation^ 

Not a great many of the old citizens, I am sorry to be obliged 
to say, are here ; and turn which way you will a majority of the 
persons you see are negroes. It is estimated that there are of 
such persons, within a circle of twenty miles round Newberne, 
from forty to fifty thousand, and even higher. These have as- 
sembled, since the occupation of this region by the Federal forces, 
from various portions of the State. Many of them are without 
labor, and there is no demand sufficient to furnish them with 
employment. Some thousands of these negroes have heretofore 
been rationed by the Government, and it is apprehended that 
when this support is withdrawn plunder and robbery will ensue. 
So here is work, and plenty of it for the Superintendent of the 
Freedman's Bureau. 

I feel that it is beyond the line of my duty to go into an argu- 
ment on any subject. What you want are facts. Well - I give it 
to you as a fact that Newberne is now garrisoned by at least 
three thousand colored troops under the command of Gen. Payne- 
a militia man from Boston at the beginning of the war. I also 
give it to you as a fact that the citizens of this town are deeply 
impressed with the belief that they deserve no such punishment 
as Gen. Payne and his negro troops. That it is wholly unnecessary 
and very bad policy, there can be no question. Boston, today, is 
not more loyal than Newberne. 

14 Harvey M. Watterson (1811-1891), editor and congressman from Tennessee, and other 
statesmen were appointed by President Johnson to visit the southern states and to report 
at length to him upon the conditions they found here. Watterson travelled from June to 
November, 1865, and made a series of reports of historical value today. 



Letters to Andrew Johnson 347 

This Gen Payne superseded Gen J.N. Palmer, on the 6 th of the 
present month. 

The "Daily North Carolina Times," the only paper published 
here, and loyal to the core, in speaking of Gen Palmer, on the 16 th 
inst said : 

The numerous friends of this worthy officer will be please to 
learn that he has been promoted to the rank of Major General. 
We trust that he may long live to enjoy the honor and dignity of 
the position thus confered 

The General has been long and favorably known in this de- 
partment as a man of kindness and moderation, and the former 
citizens of this community, those who have remained here as 
well as those who have recently returned to their homes, all so 
far as we have been able to learn, and we have mixed freely 
among them, speak of the highest praise of his sterling qualities 
and universally manifest a desire that he shall be permitted to 
remain with us until our troubles are over and civil law fully 
established.' 

Whether General Palmer desires to remain here I do not know, 
but the Times has expressed the wishes of the pople, not only 
here, but of the whole State ; and should be placed in command 
of the Department of North Carolina, there is no officer who 
would be more acceptable to her citizens, or who would more 
faithfully carry out the views of the Government. He is an old 
army officer, and an honor to his profession. Like yourself, too, 
he is for a white man's government, and in favor of free white 
citizens controlling this country. 

I need not tell you that the Treasury agents who have lived 
and flourished, during the past two years, are not saints. It 
would be strange if some of them are not good men, but really 
it does seem that such are exceptions to the rule. If the history 
of their operations in the Southern States were correctly written 
out at length, surely they would never again have the impudence 
to hold up their head among honest men. I had my eye on a pretty 
bad case in this town (one Peter Lawson,of Lowell) which I 
intended to report to you, with specifications, but since I re- 
received your proclamation of the 13 th inst, I deem it unnecessary. 
Peter's 'occupation' is now gone, and every honest man in this 
community is glad of it. 

Last, though not least: when Newberne was captured by the 
Federal forces under Gen Burnside, in March, 1862, a large 
part of the population left their homes and went to the interior. 
The military, on its entry, and afterward the Treasury depart- 
ment, took possession of the abandoned property; and all the 
dwellings, plantations, and houses of business belonging to those 
who became refugees, are now either held by the Military, or 
are under the control of the Treasury agents. Most of the latter 
(that is what the Treasury controls) have been rented by the 
year; and the business houses, mills, wharfs, docks &c. are in 



348 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the possession of temporary tenants and inaccessible to the own- 
ers. 

A large number of the old residents, since the termination 
of the War, have applied for the restoration of their property. 
The following letter from Gen Palmer will show [what has] 
been done about it: 

Newberne, N.C. 
June 20 th 1865 
Hon. H.M. Watterson 
Newberne 
My dear Sir. 

In reply to your request to be informed what action has been 
taken by me while in command of this District to enable persons 
to avail themselves of the benefits of the President's amnesty 
proclamation I will state: 

That whenever person made a respectful application for the 
restoration of property, I required them to show that they be- 
longed to neither of the excluded classes, and if they had taken 
upon themselves all the obligations required, an order was at 
once issued which would secure to them the title to their property, 
and the possession of it as soon as it was no longer needed for 
any public purpose. 

All the case were examined with great care, and nearly all 
the applicants were persons who had taken no active part in the 
Rebellion, but who had been dragged away from this place at the 
time of the capture, or who had been frightened away by the 
order of Gen Branch who ordered the place to be burned as soon 
as he saw that it must be captured. 

Some seventy of these applications were examined and the 
order for the restoration in the greater part of these was made 
on the 3 d inst. On the 6 th inst, however, I was released from the 
command of this District by Gen Payne, who brings with him 
such a large force that he may have found it necessary to retain 
all the buildings I had proposed to give up immediately. 

Newberne in my opinion needs no large force. A few com- 
panies near the town would I think answer every purpose, but 
I have no desire to question the propriety of the acts of my su- 
perior officers.Were the matter left to me, however, I should 
consider it sound policy to clear the town of troops and let the 
people come back and get about their usual avocations. 

I have understood that but few persons have been able as yet 
to obtain possession of their property. A good deal of it is in the 
possession of the Treasury agent, and what action is taken by 
his Department to comply with the Presidents order I cannot say. 

I am, Sir very respectfully 
Your Obt. Servant 
J.N. Palmer 
Brt Maj Gen Vols 

I will simply add that, in my humble opinion, the sooner the 
views of Gen Palmer in regard to Newberne matters are carried 



Letters to Andrew Johnson 349 

out, the better for this people, the better for the United States, 
and the better for the Administration. 

I shall go up to Raleigh tomorrow, where I learn that Gov. 
Holden is getting long finely. 

Your friend & Obt. Servant 

From Harvey M. Watterson 

Raleigh,N.C. 
June 27 th 1865 
Mr President. 

Learning that Gen Cox, in the morning, will set out for Wash- 
ington, I avail myself of the opportunity to send you a line of 
friendship. 

At Richmond, at Newberne, and at Raleigh, I have reason to 
know that I have done some service to the Administration by my 
representation of its head. I have often said in the right quarter 
that from two positions the Chases and Sumners would never 
drive the President: First, that the Southern States are in the 
Union, and have never been out : Second, that the suffrage ques- 
tion belongs to the States alone. 

I will send you my report to-morrow, and the next day will 
leave for Wilmington 

All is politically right in North Carolina 

"Your friend 

From William W. Holden 

State of North Carolina, 
Executive Department, 
Raleigh, N.C., June 27th, 1865. 
His Excellency 

President of the United States — 
Sir. 

Allow me most respectfully to ask your favorable considera- 
tion of the accompanying petition. 15 This Religious Sect in North 

15 The petition of the Quakers is as follows : 

"Petition" 

"To Andrew Johnson, President of the United States" 

"From the Meeting for Sufferings of North Carolina yearly meeting of Friends, held 19th 
of 6 mo 1865" 

"We respectfully petition that members of the religious society of Friends be excused from 
taking the oath or affirmation prescribed for all citizens of those states which have been in 
rebellion against the United States Government." 

"Our reasons are, first, that we believe said obligation, as to us, to be unnecessary, from 
the fact that our religion prevents us from ever placing ourselves in rebellion against the 
government under which we live, or from ever offering violent opposition to the execution of 
its laws. And accordingly, we do not know a single instance among the members of our 
Society, of any who were in favor of a rupture of the U. S. Government, or who were in 
favor of the war which was waged against it. On the contrary, we were much opposed there- 
to, and many of use suffered both in property and person rather than give any aid therein. 
Some were imprisoned for months, some were whipped on the bare back, suspended for hours 
by the thumbs and suffered other personal indignities and abuse ; Some were kept for days 
(in two instance for five days and nights) without a particle of food or a drop of water — 
for refusing to take up arms. Their firmness and constancy, in this respect, were and are 
heartily approved by the whole body of the Society. — Hence for us, we believe said obligation 
to be unnecessary." 

"Secondly, we have felt a scrupulous tenderness as to taking affirmations 'to defend' any 
government lest it may be construed that we could bear arms in its behalf — a practice in 
direct violation of one of our primary principles, and a principle which has characterized 
us for our Society from its very origin, now more than 200 years ago." 

"If it should not meet the approbation of the President to release us entirely from said 
affirmation we ask that it may be so modified as not to violate our conscientious scruples." 

"Signed by direction and on behalf of the meeting aforesaid." 

Nei-eus Mendenhall, Clk. 



350 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Carolina, have been true and faithful union men during the re- 
bellion. 

The oath of Amnesty is "faithfully to support, protect and 
defend" the Constitution. They fear this may mean to defend by 
arms, therefore, they desire, 

First to be excused from having to take this Oath. Second ; if 
any oath of allegiance be required of them that it may be the 
one prescribed by North Carolina Statutes, namely, " I do sol- 
emnly and sincerely declare and affirm, that I will truly and 
faithfully demean myself as a peaceful citizen of North Carolina : 
that I will be subject to the powers and authorities, that are or 
may be established for the good government thereof, not incon- 
sistent with the constitution of the said State and the constitu- 
tion of the United States, either by yielding an active or passive 
obedience thereto, and that I will not abet or Join the enemies 
of this State,by any means, in any conspiracy whatever, against 
the said State ; that I will disclose and make known to the legis- 
lature, executive or judicial powers of the said State, all treason- 
able conspiracies, which I shall know to be made or intended 
against the said State/' 

Third : If neither of these requests can be granted that it may 
be stated by authority in the Newspapers that when Quakers 
take the Oath of Amnesty it is not expected that they bind them- 
selves to defend the Government with arms. 

I am most Respectfully 
Your Obedient Servant. 

From William W. Holden 

State of North Carolina, 
Executive Department, 
Raleigh , N.C.,June 29 , 1865. 
To His Excellency the President. 

Sir : You will find herewith a letter from Judge Dick in relation 
to the oath he is requested to take to qualify him for his office. 
Allow me to invite your careful attention to his letter . Mr. 
Mason, the District Attorney, is in a similar situation. If it be 
at all possible I would be greatly gratified to see it so arranged 
that these gentlemen could fill these places. The oath required is, 
it is true, the law of the land, but it seems to have been framed 
for a state of war, and not of peace. This State is now at peace 
with the federal union and with the world. If such men are to be 
deprived of the right to hold office, it will be difficult to fill the 
federal offices in this state with any but strangers. 

I need not add more. Judge Dick and Mr. Mason are warmly 
attached to the administration and to you personally, and they 
are anxious to occupy positions in which they can most effective- 
ly serve the administration and the country. 

Very respectfully, 



Letters to Andrew Johnson 351 

From Robert P. Dick 

Raleigh N C 
June 29 th 1865 
His Excellency, Andrew Johnson. 
President of the United States. 
Sir. 

Gov Holden has just informed me that the difficulty in rela- 
tion to my qualifying as Judge of the U.S. District, Court, - has 
not, - and in the opinion of the cabinet, cannot be removed.- 
I greatly desired the position, as it would be an endorsement by 
you of my fidelity to the Government of the United States.-If 
the appointment in any way embarrasses you in the discharge of 
your official duties, let it be withdrawn as I am willing to make 
any sacrifice for the public good 

I deeply regret the difficulty as my removal from office will 
seriously injure me in public opinion, as it will be regarded as a 
disapproval of my past political course by your administration- 
My appointment is generally known throughout the state and 
universally approved of by loyal men.- I have been opposed to 
secession all of my life- I took an active and prominent position 
against the rebellion. I have never for a moment either expected 
or desired the success of the Confederate Government.- I held 
office under the state government, but not for the purpose of 
aiding the rebellion, but to try and assist in- extricating my state 
from the impending ruin of treason. I have always loved the 
Union, and ever desired to see it restored, and I have constantly 
labored (indirectly) to that end. I could not throw myself in 
direct opposition to the overwhelming torrent of rebellion with- 
out loosing my life. For four years I have endured proscription 
and persecution, in church, society, and state, and I have ever 
fought as good a fight against treason as was possible for any 
one to do and live. If I cannot hold office in North Carolina no 
one else can, who remained at home in the midst of the storm. - 
Those who left may have shown loyalty, but they exhibited little 
true courage.-If I cannot hold office, then every federal appoint- 
ment must be made from the Northern States Nine tenths of our 
people are earnestly desirous of returning to the Union with their 
whole soul,-but foreign tax gatherers and northern judicial offi- 
cers will necessarily greatly try their patience and retard the 
restoration of genuine fraternal feeling 

There is no northern man.-who has not entered the army- 
who has endured more for the union than I have- or who has 
loved it with a deeper and prouder affection 

My loyal people know this and they were rejoiced when they 
heard that I had received the endorsement and approval of the 
President of the United States- 
There are many difficulties yet a head. I have given up a 
hundred slaves- my tvhole estate- cheerfully and cordially be- 
cause the peace and quietude of the country demanded it.- I have 
entered the field for immediate and complete emancipation.- 



352 The North Carolina Historical Review 

I shall sustain with my whole strength your policy for I am satis- 
fied that it is the wisest and best course that can be adopted.- 
I want to elevate the negro as rapidly as possible by education 
and christian influences, and I want to see him kindly and gen- 
erously treated- I fully approve of your position on the question 
of negro suff rage.- 

As Judge of this district I could exert a wholesome influence 
upon our people, which cannot be done by a foreigner .- 

I do sincerely trust that some way can be derived by which 
genuine North Carolina men can hold the federal offices in this 
state.- Suspicion and rebellion have destroyed nearly all of the 
property of a people who, at least, have ever been loyal to the 
union of their fathers, - and I do hope that a great and mag- 
nanimous government will not long make them feel the humilia- 
tion of subjugation in seeing foreign tax gatherers "sitting at 
the receipt of customs".- and strange judges administering law 
and equity. - 

But let this matter end as it may, be assured that I am the 
firm and steadfast friend of your administration, as I sincerely 
believe that you will do all you can for our loved and common 
country 

Your kindness to me while in Washington will ever be remem- 
bered as one of the most pleasant recollections of my life- With 
the best wishes for you and yours- I am with high regard 

Your true friend & servant 

From Lewis P. Olds 10 

Raleigh N. Carolina June 29 1865 
Hon d Sir, 

Having in mind the construction of a Poem arising mainly 
out of the present state of affairs, in reference to the more gen- 
eral tide of Progress in all Humanizing Institutions and effort; 
and the framework necessarily including your connection there- 
with I find it impossible to proceed without such allusion as 
would at once be taken as referring to the great and interesting 
part you are,in the order of Providence,most surely conducting 
in the eventful drama. 

I need not promise that my allusions to your connexion with 
the History of the Times would be of the most adulatory char- 
acter; for upon the theory whereon the Poem rests: viz The 
Progress of the Idea of Republican Institution,or technically. 
"The Star of Empire-" necessarily implies ; your very material 
aid to the Cause of Freedom. 

The Poem will be long and varied running through Past ages, 
and prospectively the Future also, the Idea elaborated being that 
Involuntary servitude every where must give place to Liberty, 

10 Lewis P. Olds was the son-in-law of William W. Holden. The governor made efforts to 
place Olds in a position of trust. He was unsuccessful in having him nominated for the 
office of attorney general of North Carolina, but he was able to have the presidency of the 
University of North Carolina tendered him. Olds was xinfit for the position and declined to 
accept. Hamilton, Reconstruction, 493-494, 529-530n, 537, 624. 



Letters to Andrew Johnson 353 

and hence our country. The Spanish Colonies ;Af rica itself, every 
spot must be purified from the noxious influence , and further, 
(and here lies the chief thought) ,- That Civil Liberty as begin- 
[n]ing to be perfected here, will overturn and overturn till all 
else will succumb and Kingdoms, autocracies and the like, be done 
away, and in all this Progress, the part we as Americans take 
is not necessarily coercive, but that time prepares, and the Great 
Idea now exhibited in the U. States - shall be restive under 
all Illiberal restraints. 

I am afraid these lines trespass upon your valued time, but 
you will doubtless discover my drift, and your more lofty and 
true conception will quickly enable you to see my desire to allude 
to your administration when discoursing on such absorbing topic. 

I ask your permission to make such allusions as the piece dic- 
tates (should my health allow its completion 

Very Respectfully 

From Harvey M. Watterson 

Dispatch No 3 

Raleigh, N. C. 
June 29 th 1865 
His Excellency 
Andrew Johnson 
President of the U.S. 
Sir. 

I had myself but an imperfect idea, when I left Washington, 
of the extent to which the Southern people were subjugated. I 
feared that a rebellious spirit animated the hearts of thousands. 
Be assured that my visit to Virginia and North Carolina has 
dispelled all my apprehension on that point. I have talked with 
quite a number of gentlemen of every shade of politics, since my 
advent into this state and city, and they all concur in the senti- 
ment- that the Rebellion has been ground into impalpable pow- 
der. None can be found so insane as to think of further resist- 
ance to the authority of the United States. 

North Carolina, like Tennessee, was literally dragged into the 
Rebellion, and I feel a lively sympathy for the great body of her 
citizens. The old secession leaders see that they are politically 
ruined, and all I have to say to that is- God be praised. Never 
again, even if inclined, will they be able to mislead their neigh- 
bors. 

Gov Holden is progressing with the great work before him 
about as rapidly and as satisfactorily as any mortal man could 
well do. He is a calm, clear headed, systematic, laborious gentle- 
man ; and I can bear testimony to the kindness and courtesy he 
displays in his official intercourse with every body. The admir- 
able traits in his character are fast removing any prejudices that 
may have been engendered against him by the terrible conflict 
through which we have just passed. The general idea prevailing 
here is- and in that idea I fully concur- that you could not have 



354 The North Carolina Historical Review 

made a better selection for provisional governor of North Caro- 
lina. I doubt, all things considered, whether you could have made 
as good. I think he is the very man for the business. In the work 
of reconstruction, he has already appointed Magistrates in about 
55 counties out of 85. These Magistrates, I need not inform you, 
will organize the counties and re-establish civil law.Out of these 
he is choosing special Boards, of the best men, to administer the 
amnesty oath to the people. These Boards he says, will sift the 
wheat from the chaff. None but loyal men will be allowed to 
vote or hold office. 

Gov Holden says that on account of the immense area of terri- 
tory, in the western part of the State, and the want of mails, 
the work of re-organization cannot proceed as rapidly as 
he desires. He hopes, however, that by the beginning of next 
year, he will have all the machinery of state government in com- 
plete operation. 

I take it forgranted that the Post Master General will, as soon 
as he can, give mail facilities to North Carolina. She is greatly 
in need of them. A mail should be at once established, if possible, 
to every county town, at least. 

Gov Holden says that there are many persons in the western 
part of the State who ought to be pardoned, but without mails, 
it will require much time to send their petitions and get answers. 

There is much complaint that property belonging to persons 
who have been restored to their rights by the amnesty proclama- 
tion, is still held by Treasury agents. Gov Holden thinks, and 
so do I, that an order to place such persons in possession would 
be hailed with gratitude, and would add at once to the prosperity 
of Newberne, Wilmington, and other towns. 

Gov Holden is confident that, within the next four or six 
weeks, the county police or militia will be organized. He thinks, 
after that organization is perfected, and I fully concur with him, 
it will not be necessary to keep many troops in, the State. 

The appointment of Magistrates or Justices in the counties, 
about 3,500 in all, and of Mayor and Commissioners of towns, 
will go far to promote order and obedience to law. This work is 
nearly accomplished. 

You can scarcily have an idea of the present poverty of these 
people. I mean, specially, their want of ability to raise money. 
As a humane man I must be permitted to say that, if it be at all 
possible, let the collection of the Federal tax be suspended for 
a time. The people generally are not able to pay it. When they 
are, I am well assured, they will do it cheerfully. 

Hon Kenneth Raynor, with whom we both served in Congress, 
has just left my room. 17 He read me his petition to you for a 

17 Kenneth Rayner (c. 1810-1884) served in the North Carolina legislature and in Congress 
from 1839 to 1845, and in 1848 he came near receiving the nomination for vice-president 
instead of Fillmore. Rayner broke with the North Carolina Whigs in 1860, but he eventually 
favored secession. In 1863, however, he secretly joined the peace movement led by Holden, 
and in 1865 he espoused the reconstruction policy of President Johnson. The next year he 
wrote anonymously the Life and Times of Andrew Johnson. Dictionary of American Bio- 
graphy, XV, 416-17. 



Letters to Andrew Johnson 355 

special pardon. Notwithstanding its length I trust that you will 

find time to read it. It is so true, so sincere, and so manly, that 

I regard it as a model paper. 

I shall set out in the morning for Wilmington, highly pleased 

with my first visit to Raleigh. 

Your friend & Obt Svt 
H. M. Watterson 

From Kenneth Rayner 

Raleigh No. Carolina- 
July 8- 1865.- 
His Excellency, 

Andrew Johnson, 

President U.States 

Dear Sir, 

My application for relief, 
under the Amnesty proclamation, was filed in Gov. Holden's 
office, a few days ago. I am aware, that owing to the very great 
number of these petitions, it is impossible for your Excellency 
to read any more than a small portion of them. As suggested 
to me by Hon. H.M. Wat[t]erson and also by Gov. Holden, you 
will probably read those only, from persons who may have been 
prominent in the politics of their States heretofore ; or who may 
be personally, or by character, known to your Excellency. Having 
had the honor of serving with you in the Congress of the U. 
States 1843-'45- I hope your Excellency will pardon the liberty 
I take, in requesting that you will read over my application when 
it reaches Washington. It is longer than I could have wished it to 
be; but on reading it over to Mr. Wat[t]erson, he advised me to 
forward it Just as it was; and he was kind enough to speak of 
it as an interesting paper, which did credit to me &c fee- 
Having so long been such an enthusiastic , ardent, and un- 
compromising union-man having so long and so laboriously 
fought the battles of the union, against secessionists and agita- 
tors - having been denounced and oppressed (as in the case) 
for my strong unionism, in times past - I really feel that it is 
a duty I owe myself, to try and have my position thoroughly un- 
derstood by your Excellency. I claim to have been, not only not 
opposed to the union- but I claim to have been for 20 years, an 
active, vigilant, and devoted advocate of the Union. I have paid 
the penalty of my devotion to the Union. So strong and unquiet- 
ing was I, in my Union sentiments, that my loyalty to the South 
was suspected ; and I have many times heard of my being public- 
ly denounced in the Southern States by fire-eating secessionists 
as an Abolitionist. 

I have taken the liberty to forward to your Excellency - for 
which I hope you will pardon me- copies of a couple of addresses 
delivered by me ; one before the graduating class at West Point ; 
the other before the N.C. State Agricultural Society, at their 
annual fair. These will show what have been my long-cherished 



356 The North Carolina Historical Review 

sentiments in the past- I also forward to you, some copies of the 
"Standard," with leading Editorials, written by myself. These 
will show what are my views and feelings at present. 

The most perfect quiet order and calmness prevail throughout 
this State at the present time. There is not the least possible 
chance of any further outbreak or disturbance. The collapse is 
as thorough, overwhelming, and complete - as was the tornado 
feeling that swept over the South in 1861, dethroning reason, 
and upsetting the old land marks of public opinion. 

Your Excellency can have no conception of the utter and ab- 
solute, poverty of the people of the Southern States. There is no 
money here, literally none. I have conversed with a great many 
federal officers of the army, who are very difficult to be con- 
vinced, that there are no large quantities of gold here, in the 
South, hoarded by individuals. There never was a greater mis- 
take. There is scarcely any gold in the South. The wealthiest 
men- the most sagacious business men, strange to say - were 
left at the close of the war without a Dollar. The many fectitious 
demands for specie, during the war have carried all the gold out 
of the country and thus all the monied wealth of the South was 
represented by by hundreds of millions of worthless "Confed- 
erate" papers- Nor do I see how we are to get any money in the 
State. The amount of Cotton, tobacco, naval-stores &c now on 
hand (the articles that heretofore brought money in the State) 
is a mere trifle. None of those articles have been made during 
the war ; and the stock on hand at the beginning of the war has 
been continually decreasing, till it has dwindled down to a very 
small affair. No cotton tobacco or rice is being grown this year ; 
so that our future financially and pecuniarily, is dark enough.- 

In regard to the land-tax of 1861, I assure you, I am sustained 
in my opinion universally (not having conversed with one who 
differs with me) - that our people cannot pay it. The money is 
not in the State to pay it with. There are no Banks to lend, and if 
there were no one could borrow, with any hope or prospect of 
paying the instalments as they become due. I assure your Ex- 
cellency, you would confer a great boom on our people by ex- 
tending the time for the collection of this tax. If the collection 
of the tax is enforced now, a very large portion - I believe the 
larger portion - of the land in the State must be sold to raise 
the money. If they are thus sold, they will sell for almost noth- 
ing; for almost every body is anxious to sell, & no one wishes 
to buy. 

I assure your Excellency, I am not exaggerating, when I speak 
of the utter poverty of the Southern people. I think history pre- 
sents no parallel to it, among civilized men- I am resolved that 
I will be hopeful as to the future - relying as I do and the energy 
and enterprise, and adaptability of our people ; but for the pres- 
ent, during our transition state, we have difficulties of no 
ordinary magnitude, to encounter. To meet these difficulties in 
the right way, and with the proper spirit, will require the most 



Letters to Andrew Johnson 357 

patient forbearance and christian fortitude of our people, and 
the most calm and sagacious consideration of our statesmen. 

Gov. Holden is progressing successfully in the reorganization 
of the State Government. In the discharge of his duties, he is 
giving general satisfaction; and I think the common sentiment 
of our people is, that all loyal and conservative men should rally 
around and sustain him in his laborious duties, towards the 
restoration of law and order. 

And as to your Excellency, I beg to be allowed to say - that 
the feelings of our people towards you, are those of confidence 
and hope. The calm and the considerate are your warmest and 
earnest friends. They fully appreciate the difficulties of your 
position, in adjusting and harmonizing those conflicting interests 
and jarring discords, necessarily resulting from four long years 
of bloody strife. Firmness of purpose and devotion to principle, 
are awarded to your Excellency by public opinion, generally. 
Your friends feel every confidence, that if the people- the whole 
people North and South - will do justice to your motives, and 
duly appreciate the many conflicting circumstances that must 
in the nature of things, regulate your actions - you will very 
soon rally around you a party (no, I will not say party, but a 
brotherhood) of honest and patriotic men that will defy all the 
carpings of the factions, and all the intriguers of vicious 
political aspirants. Judging from my own feelings in regard to 
the matter, and from what I observe in reflecting men generally. 
I entertain the confident hope we shall [have] no such thing as 
political parties , for eight years, at least. Our government and 
country may be regarded as having just entered on a new state 
of existence. As it was, during the eight years of Washington's 
administration - when the country was in its infancy - so, for 
the next years to come, there should be no organized parties. 
There should be but the one party of patriotism, of freedom, of 
the development and progress of our free institutions. We have 
heard a great deal of "second Washington" &c- This has gener- 
ally been the language of fulsome flattery; or of honest attach- 
ment for admired Statesmen. But in fact and in truth, he who 
may safely and successfully navigate the ship of state for the 
next-eight years, will go down to history as having some claim 
to the title of second Washington indeed. If, in the providence 
of God, one should be the chosen instrument to accomplish this 
great end - thus as I have said elsewhere, "your name will be 
historic, as the founder and re-invigorator of your republican 
institutions." 

Again I must beg pardon for annoying your Excellency with 
this long letter. I have written freely, but honestly and sincerely. 
I think it the duty of all men in the South, who have been promi- 
nent in political life - who are observant men - and who wish 
well to your administration - to give to your Excellency their 
views and impressions, as to the present condition and future 
prospects of the Southern people. 



358 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The people of the Southern States look up to, and appeal to 
your Excellency, for leniency and forbearance, in their present 
depressed and unhappy condition. No sensible Southern man ex- 
pects you to ignore or disregard the feelings and sentiments of 
the Northern people resentful as they may be towards the South. 
All we can expect or hope for is, that time and reflections may 
soften and allay the acerbity of Northern feeling; and that a 
correct understanding of the condition of the Southern people, 
may bring the Northern mind to the opinion expressed to me a 
short time since by a General office of the U.S. army viz : that 
"The South had been punished enough." 

With profound respect, 
Your obedt. Servt.- 



From Harvey M. Watterson 

"Copy of Dispatch No U" 

Wilmington, N.C. 
July 8 1865 
"His Excellency 

Andrew Johnson 

President of the U.S. 
Sir, 

It is hardly necessary for me to say to you 
that, in the estimation of these people, the Rebellion has been 
utterly annihilated. Many are glad of it. Those who are not, sub- 
mit about as gracefully as badly whipped men can well do. They 
say- and I believe them to be sincere- that they have had enough 
of war to last them the remainder of their days ; and if another 
rebellion takes place - so far as they are concerned - it will 
have to come from the North 

This town, like Newberne, is garrisoned by a brigade of negro 
troops. This may be for the best, but I do not believe it. I deem 
it unnecessary to add another word on this subject - having no 
doubt that you are well informed in regard to all such matters. 

The Postmaster, Collector of the Port &c, recently appointed 
for Wilmington, are all good men. There is some question, how- 
ever, whether they can take the oath required. Nobody doubts 
that they are and have been all the while good union men; but 
like nearly everybody in North Carolina,from 17 to 55 years 
of age, they may have, in some form or other, been mixed up 
with the Rebellion 

I stayed in Raleigh a week longer than I intended at the date 
of my dispatch from that city. It being the capital of the State, 
I had an opportunity of making the acquaintance and talking 
with gentlemen from nearly every part of the State. I feel that 
I have pretty thoroughly canvassed North Carolina; and I can 
say to you with confidence that her future loyalty is as certain 
as that of any State in the Union. The original secessionists are 
surely all dead, or have fled to parts unknown; for I am yet to 



Letters to Andrew Johnson 359 

find the first man who is willing to admit that he belonged to 
that class of politicians ! 

Hailing from the President's own State, many have sought my 
acquaintance. In every instance you formed a large share of the 
conversation. Of course I was at home on that subject, and rest 
assured that I have done it ample justice. You know, and I 
know, what you have done for the Southern people since your 
inauguration, and I never fail to detail all that - act by act. 
In the single item of cotton - I mean your abolishment of the 
enormous tax upon it- you have generously surrendered to the 
South at least fifty million of dollars. I say to these people, sup- 
pose Chase, or Sumner, or even Hannibal Hamlin were President, 
think you that the last farthing of this iniquitous tax would not 
be collected? All assent to this interrogation proposition, and 
they at once begin to realize the pleasing fact that they have a 
friend instead of an enemy in the Presidential chair 

When I meet a gentleman disposed to complain, because the 
President dont do this, or does do that, I say to him- Sir, if the 
President were at once to do all you desire, it would be a sad 
day's work for the South. And why? Because it would array 
against him an overwhelming majority in both branches of Con- 
gress, and thus render him utterly powerless to help the South. 
No, no, my friend, you had better let the President go on in his 
own way. He understands perfectly what he is doing, and all 
will be right in the end. This view of the subject generally satis- 
fies the party He has never thought of it before. 

Permit me to assure you that your Administration is growing 
daily in the confidence of the people of North Carolina. The 
position that you are now understood to occupy in regard to ne- 
gro suffrage, is more than any thing else doing the work. I have 
been sometimes asked if I thought the President would stand 
firm on this question. Stand firm, I would reply, when was An- 
drew Johnson ever known to be driven from a political position 
deliberately taken. I would then give the person a mess of Ten- 
nessee politics. 

It is clear to my mind that you are to have a war with the 
friends of Chase, who is evidently a candidate for the next Presi- 
dency, and expects to be elected on the issue of negro suffrage. 
Let it come -the sooner the better for your Administration and 
the better for the country. You will whip them to death. I will 
here repeat what I said to you in Washington. These agitation 
constitute one wing of the concern that brought on the late 
terrible war. The Southern wing has already been crushed, and 
the victory will never be complete till the Northern wing is put 
hors de combat. Then and not till then will the country have 
repose 

I am very anxious to get out of this place, for it is very sickly. 
There is a fever raging here and it is said to have become an 
epidemic. If I can not get a government transport for Savannah 
within the next two days, I will be forced to go back to Fortress 



360 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Monroe for one. In that event I think I will run up to Washing- 
ton you may wish to change my programme 

Your friend & obt. svt 



From William H. Holden 

(Copy) 

State of North Carolina, 
Executive Dept. 
Raleigh, N.C, July 15, 1865. 
To the Mayor & Commr's of the Town of Wilmington. 

Gentlemen, 

Your communication of the 12th inst., concerning the 
conduct of colored people of your Town, and your apprehension 
of an insurrection, has been received, and forwarded to Maj. 
Gen. 1 Ruger commanding the Department of North Carolina, 
with an Earnest appeal to him to take the matter immediately 
into his consideration, and with a request that he would at once 
arm the "Police Guard of New Hanover County and also furnish 
you with arms and ammunition, for such town Guard as you 
might think proper to organize. 18 

You have acted right in not appointing any of the colored peo- 
ple to office. The right to hold office depends upon the right of 
suffrage, and that is to be settled hereafter by the state Govern- 
ment , as provided for by the Proclamation of the President. 

If the colored people shall attempt by armed force, to obtain 
control of public affairs, or to avenge any supposed wrongs or 
grievances at the hands of the whites, they will be visited with 
swift and condign punishment. 

The colored people are now free, and will be protected and 
respected as long as they are obedient to the laws, but if they 

18 The memorandum is in the same handwriting as the letter in which it was sent to Presi- 
dent Johnson. 
(Copy) 

Ordered by the Commissioners of the Towji of Wilmington, that, whereas on the 2nd day 
of their administration, Paul Mc Greal, Esq., the Chief of Police of this town, while in 
the discharge of his official duties was arrested by colored troops and taken before the Provost 
Marshal, for no offence, but that he had a pistol attached to his person, which weapon, he 
has constantly carried by the consent of the commanding officers, hitherto stationed at this 
Post, and, whereas, the commissioners consider such arrest an indignity, not only to said 
chief of Police, but to the civil government of this town, and an act which unless publicly 
rebuked, will (will) greatly tend to lessen the influence and authority of the Commissioners & 
their officers even the colored population of this town and be productive of much trouble, 
Therefore, His honor, the Mayor is requested and instructed to communicate to Bvt. Brig. 
Genl. Duncan, Commanding, the circumstances of said arrest in all its minutiae, and request 
him to cause such punishment as the case demands to be administered to the offenders ; and 
further that he will issue such orders as will effectually prohibit any further interference 
with the civil authorities of this town, when in the discharge of their legimitate functions. 

Ordered, further, that the Mayor communicate to Lt. Col. J. W. Donnellan, that Gen. Order 
no 12, issued by him July 24, 1865, or so much, thereof, in the words following viz: "In 
Order to secure and preserve good feeling and harmony between between the civil & military 
authorities, all officers in the command of detachments, as well as Regional commanders will 
exercise the utmost care to keep their men within the bounds of their proper camps and 
quarters. Especially will those officers whose detachments are within th city limits exert them- 
selves to prevent their lounging and idling about the streets, a practice totally unfitting and 
unbecoming a soldier, is in a great measure disregarded ; that soldiers not on duty are con- 
stantly in the streets, and particularly are they in practice of lounging about the market 
place, and that the Mayor represent the positive necessity of a strict compliance with the 
order refered to, and insist upon the Enforcement of its requirements." 



Letters to Andrew Johnson 361 

resist the laws and shed blood, they must abide by the conse- 
quences. 

Very Respectfully, 
Your obedt. servt. 

From William W. Holden 

Office U.S. Military Telegraph, 

War Department. 
The following Telegram received at Washington,9 00 P M. July 
17 1865. 

From Raleigh July 17 1865. 
Prest of the U S 

Sir 

I have appointed about three thousand Magistrate [s] 
& Mayors & Commissioners for all the towns county courts have 
been organized & I am now prepared to issue a proclamation for 
a convention I will write you at length by a special messenger 
in the course of a few days I desire your approval of a plan for 
administering the amnesty oath to the people of the state & also 
your approval of my proclamation before it is issued I will send 
them with my letter I think a convention could be assembled on 
the tenth day of October it could be called sooner but in so im- 
portant a matter I think I aught to proceed deliberately & care- 
fully Please ans so that I may know this has been received 

From William W. Holden 

State of North-Carolina 
Executive Department. 
Raleigh, N.C., July 24, 1865. 
To the President 

Sir: I send herewith a proof-sheet of the Proclamation I pro- 
pose to issue for a Correction. I could have prepared it ten days 
ago, but for indisposition, which continues, and which has some- 
what unavoidably retarded public business. Please examine the 
proof-sheet, make such corrections as you may deem necessary, 
and hand on to Mr. Mason or Dr. Powell , to be returned to me. 
I had thought of several plans for administering the amnesty 
oath to the people, and the plan adopted in the Proclamation seem 
to be the best. It would not be safe to confide this power to all 
the Justices, though I believe they are all loyal, yet there are 
weak men among them, and persons would be qualified to vote 
who aught not to be. 

If the Convention should assemble on the 2 d of October the 
Constitution could be altered and submitted to the people by the 
2o th November ; 19 and then, in anticipation of the ratification of 
the Constitution by the people, the Convention could provide 

19 In accordance with the plans of Holden and President Johnson the convention met in 
Raleigh on October 2 and Judge Edwin G. Reade was unanimously elected president. In this 
body there were few men who had favored secession. With these there were many who had 
favored the peace movement during the war. They were unanimous in their desire to restore 
the state to the Union. Hamilton, Reconstruction, 120-121, 



362 The North Carolina Historical Review 

for the election of Governor and members on the 15 th or 2o th De- 
cember, so that the new or regular government could be inaug- 
urated on the 1 st January 1866. 20 

I have thought it best to begin at the foundation and build 
upwards. We now have 3,500 Magistrates, Mayors and Com- 
missioners in the towns, with police, with Sheriffs and Constables 
in the Counties. The civil power is now felt in every neighbor- 
hood in the State; and the result is, as a general rule, that the 
people are submissive and quiet, and looking anxiously to the 
time when the State will be restored to her relations with the 
government. In addition to this heavy labor, (for the anteced- 
ents at present disposition of every man appointed had to be 
ascertained,) I have had to see the reorganization of the Banks 
and the Railroads. This latter work is well nigh accomplished, 
and these corporations will pass from the hands of traitors into 
the hands of loyal men. 

Many of the oligarches are still unsubdued I think it is a good 
plan to hold their pardon in suspence, and, whether their estates 
are to be confisicated or not, they aught not to be allowed to 
vote for twelve months to come. But I find, what is a little singu- 
lar, that the ultra original secessionists who profess to have 
repented, appear to be really more penitent than the ulter par- 
tizans of Vance who were once Union men. By the way, it would 
not be a good policy to extend a pardon to Vance for sometime 
to come . Your administration is very popular in North Carolina, 
but there are indications on the part of some of the oligarchs 
and the old Whig leaders to concoct opposition. A firm discreet 
use of the pardoning power and the patronage of the government 
will contribute greatly to keep them down , and thus preserve 
tranquility and order in the State. 

The amount, $7,000 broght by Mr. Treasurer North, will prob- 
ably be enough to defray the expenses of my office until the 
regular government is established. We shall be able I think, to 
realize several hundred thousand dollars from the cotton and 
rosin you were kind enough to allow us. 

My health is very feeble, and I have written this while suffer- 
ing pain. 

I am rejoiced to learn that your health has been restored. May 
your valuable life long be spared to your friends and your coun- 
try. 

With high respect, 

20 In a letter written on October 14, 1865, and signed by fifty-tbree members of the con- 
vention, Governor Holden was requested to be a candidate for governor in the approaching 
election held on November 9. The outcome was most disappointing to Holden and his friends 
because Jonathan Worth received a majority of 5,937 out of a total vote of approximately 
60,000. Hamilton, Beconstruction, 133-139, 



Letters to Andrew Johnson 363 

From Jane Johnson 

Raleigh N.C. 

Aug. 2. 1865. 
To 

Andrew Johnson 

President of the United States 
The undersigned is the widow of Jesse Johnson, your uncle, 
who has been dead seven years. I have three children, a girl 14 
years old, a boy 10 years old, and a girl 8 years old : they are all 
rather feeble and incapable of assisting me. I am very poor, have 
no home of my own and no means of support. Dr. Fabius Hay- 
wood of this city, has been very kind to me and my children, 
and has done us much service ; he gave me permission to use his 
house at an old tan-yard as long as I chose ; but even this has been 
seized and by the military authority turned over to Messrs Heim, 
Kline & Grausman. I am now ordered to leave the premises, I 
cannot procure another house, and I see no way but to go into 
the Street. Your friends here thought if the case was presented 
to you, that you would assist me in some way. I hope you can in 
Someway aid me and my children, so that at least we can have 
a home 

I am yours very respectfully 

[To be continued] 



BOOK REVIEWS 

A North Carolina Naturalist, H. H. Brimley: Selections from his Writings. 
Edited by Eugene P. Odum. (Chapel Hill, N. C: University of North 
Carolina Press. 1949. Pp. xvi, 205. $3.50.) 

This volume provides informative and refreshing reading for 
either the layman or the professional naturalist. Each of the 
selections is complete within itself, whether it tells a tale of deer 
hunting or gives an account of assembling a whale skeleton. 
H. H. Brimley was able to paint very vivid word pictures of his 
experiences both in poetry and prose. Sometimes with the pene- 
trating inquisitiveness of the scientist, sometimes with the light 
touch of the humorist, he was able to convey his deep interest 
in the study and the conservation of our game and fish resources. 

The selections are grouped into six parts, each part treating 
one phase of the many activities of this highly respected natural- 
ist. Each of the six parts undoubtedly could have been lengthened 
into an individual book that would have made interesting read- 
ing. The varied subjects, however, become a complete unit within 
the covers of a single volume bound together by the editorial 
comments which preface each section in the book. The editors 
notes lend additional insight into the man, Brimley, as well as 
provide a certain amount of chronology lending continuity to 
the manuscript. 

In addition editor Odum, as a preface to the entire volume, 
gives a well written, brief, and accurate account of the life of 
Brimley. As curator of the North Carolina State Museum for 
many years, Brimley was responsible, perhaps more than any 
other man in North Carolina, for instilling the true concepts of 
conservation into many a budding naturalist. His influence was 
felt not only in North Carolina but throughout the South and 
even over the entire United States. 

It is certainly fitting, therefore, that choice selections of the 
writings of H. H. Brimley be assembled within one volume, and 
as such it has definite value, both historical and scientific. The 
job of editing has been well done. Anyone with an interest in the 
out-of-doors should find this book well worth reading. 

John D. Findlay. 

State Game and Fish Commission, 
Nashville, Tennessee. 

[364] 



Book Reviews 365 

Nationalism and Sectionalism in South Carolina, 1852-1860: A Study of the 
Movement for Southern Independence. By Harold S. Schultz. (Durham, 
N. C. : Duke University Press. 1950. Pp. x, 259. Illustrations and index. 
$4.50.) 

Why did South Carolina take the lead in the secession move- 
ment of 1860? In an admirable study of political leadership and 
party alignments in South Carolina, 1852-1860, Mr. Schultz 
traces the steadily mounting forces leading to the ultimate tri- 
umph of the extremists in the state. First, however, he describes 
the political situation in 1852, seeking in the heritage of the 
nullification conflict and of the secession movement of 1850 an 
explanation of South Carolina's advanced position among the 
southern states. To the politicians of the 1850's "state rights" 
and "resistance" to federal encroachments had long been famil- 
iar slogans. Calhoun's domination of the state for twenty years 
had left South Carolina broken into political factions, with no 
leader powerful enough to unify public opinion. After failure to 
achieve disunion in 1850 through lack of cooperation from other 
southern states, South Carolina extremists bided their time, 
knowing that the moderates of South Carolina and the other 
cotton states would join them the moment they considered slav- 
ery direfully threatened by the federal government. 

Monographic studies by Boucher, Hamer, White, and others 
have described in detail the political upheavals of 1832 and 1850- 
1852 and have briefly outlined certain developments of the en- 
suing decade, such as the rise of the National Democrats. Biog- 
raphies have traced the role played by leading South Carolina 
secessionists and unionists from nullification through the Civil 
War. But it has been left for Mr. Schultz to write an analytical 
account of the secession movement per se. Taking up the threads 
of the abortive movement of 1850-1852 and weaving them into a 
connected narrative, he has covered year by year the reaction 
of South Carolina factions to national political issues. From re- 
luctant "acquiescence" in the compromise in 1852 the pendulum 
swings toward nationalism when South Carolina joins the 
National Democrat party in 1856, only to swing back gradually 
to sectionalism in 1857; thereafter events and realignments 
play into the hands of the extremists. The final chapter, "In- 



366 The North Carolina Historical Review 

surgency, 1860," shows the culmination of the plan tenaciously 
striven for by the extremists after 1852. 

The central theme in South Carolina politics in the decade 
of the 1850's, according to the author, is the slavery issue. Cer- 
tainly so far as issues may be adjudged by avowed expression, 
fear of the antislavery movement was the paramount cause of 
South Carolina's secession. Mr. Schultz's interpretation is bol- 
stered by innumerable quotations from source materials. He has 
spared no labor in delving into South Carolina legislative jour- 
nals, Congressional records, personal correspondence, and con- 
temporary newspapers to ascertain the views of public men. 
His findings are presented in a series of maps, tables, and graphs, 
which, in the opinion of this reviewer, are the most original and 
valuable contribution of the book. The thirty districts of South 
Carolina are divided into three groups according to the proportion 
of slaves to population. Then, by a careful analysis of votes of 
representatives from these groups on pertinent resolutions in 
the legislature from 1855 to 1860, the author shows that dis- 
union sentiment was strongest in the districts having the highest 
proportion of slaves. 

Mr. Schultz's findings as a whole corroborate those of previous 
writers on South Carolina political history. But it is in his unify- 
ing of the whole South Carolina secession movement, his mar- 
shaling of facts, and his judicious conclusions that he has con- 
tributed an important chapter to the history of the South. 
Certain opinions of former writers he has modified in the light 
of additional research. For instance, he considers the National 
Democrats weaker than previously estimated, and Orr a party 
politician rather than a leader of the state. On the other hand, 
he depicts the irreconcilables, or separate secessionists, as more 
influential in the party realignments after 1856, finally con- 
verting the wavering to their long-held beliefs that the anti- 
slavery party was destined to dominate the federal government. 
Secession after Republican victory in 1860 was the result. 

Lillian A. Kibler. 

Converse College, 
Spartanburg, S. C. 



Book Reviews 367 

The Direct Primary in Georgia. Illinois Studies in the Social Sciences, 
volume XXX, no. 4. By L. M. Holland. (Urbana: The University of 
Illinois Press. 1949. Pp. 125.) 

This work describes the origin of the direct primary as a 
device for escaping the Bourbon control of the Democratic party 
organization during the 'seventies. Major features of its sub- 
sequent development have been the formulating of devices for 
handling the Negro vote and the constant factionalism growing 
out of the numerous personal machines of outstanding leaders. 
First used at the county level, the primary has tended to state- 
wide proportions under the joint and sometimes conflicting 
sponsorship of the Democratic party and the General Assembly. 

Professor Holland has examined considerable materials on his 
subject in newspapers, official publications, and edited col- 
lections. To the brief train of events already laid down in general 
treatments his work adds useful summaries of party rules and 
outlines of state laws. Although seventeen weekly newspapers 
are included in the bibliography, local and personal materials are 
overshadowed by references to "them lying newspapers" at At- 
lanta and Macon. 

The work is entirely too restricted to include sufficient in- 
terpretation and analysis. Clashes of personalities are reduced 
to objective statements of fact, except for the "unprecedented 
action" taken at intervals by individuals or groups to keep them- 
selves in control of the party machinery. Arguments for and 
against the various changes made by party conventions and the 
General Assembly are virtually ignored. Likewise, evaluations 
of the rules and regulations in terms of effect on the political 
life of the state are negligible, though there is a fairly constant 
attitude of condemnation for demagoguery on the one hand and 
close ring control on the other. The author would have turned 
out a better book if he had occasionally laid aside his mantle of 
objectivity and presented a vigorous picture of things as they 
are against a background of his conception of things as they 
should be. Rather than exercise this prerogative of the political 
scientist, he has evidently attempted the impossible task of fit- 
ting Georgia politics into the standard framework built by such 
writers as Merriam and Overacker. Hence his contribution to 



368 The North Carolina Historical Review 

historical perspective for the period or to a better understanding 
of state politics is of doubtful value. 

As a literary production the work adds little to the reputation 
of the Illinois Studies in the Social Sciences. Footnotes are so 
numerous and poorly digested that they become a hindrance 
rather than an aid to careful reading. Too frequent lapses into 
vague and incoherent style indicate either overeagerness of the 
author to rush into print or unpardonable negligence on the part 
of his dissertation adviser. Fifteen spelling faults spotted in a 
single reading leave much to be desired in proof reading. There 
is no index. 

Paul Murray. 

East Carolina Teachers College, 
Greenville, N. C. 



The Jefferson Papers of the University of Virginia, A Calendar Compiled 
by Constance E. Thurlow and Francis L. Berkeley, Jr., with an appended 
essay on the papers of Thomas Jefferson by Helen D. Bullock, University 
of Virginia Bibliographical Series, Number Eight. (Charlottesville: Uni- 
versity of Virginia Library, with assistance from the research council 
of the Richmond Area University Center. 1950. Pp. xii, 343.) 

This calendar gives the bibliographical data and a brief sum- 
mary of the 2,341 Jefferson papers of the University of Virginia. 
This is followed by a thirteen-page essay by Helen Duprey Bul- 
lock concerning the collecting and the present location of Jeffer- 
son's writings, most of which are now in the Library of Congress, 
the Massachusetts Historical Society, and the National Archives. 

The calendar gives the names of all persons mentioned in each 
paper and all these names are in the elaborate index. This re- 
viewer was unable to find any name or subject in the main body 
of the work that was not in the index. 

The papers are mostly letters written by or to Jefferson. 
There are also records of court proceedings and land sales and 
plans and minutes of meetings in connection with the founding 
of the University of Virginia. The entire period of Jefferson's 
life is touched, but there are only eight entries for the year 1794 
and ten for 1795. There are more on the beginning of the Uni- 
versity than on any other subject. 

Jefferson's versatility as a statesman, lawyer, scientist, schol- 
ar, educator, farmer, and useful citizen is illustrated by the 



Book Reviews 369 

variety of subjects of his correspondence listed in the calendar. 
The index of the publication should be pursued by any scholar 
writing on subjects directly relating to Jefferson or even on 
such topics as the colonial history of Virginia, Virginia during 
the Revolutionary War and later, George Roger Clark's Illinois 
expedition, the early settlements in the Ohio basin, especially in 
Kentucky, Indian relations, farming and gardening during the 
eighteenth century, fish ponds, canal building, the medical pro- 
fession, the influence of newspapers, or quite a number of other 
political, social, and economic questions. Hundreds of writers in 
the future will find that their labor has been lightened by the 
careful work of the compilers of this calendar. 

Gilbert L. Lycan. 
The John B. Stetson University, 
De Land, Florida. 



The Confederate States of America, 1861-1865. By E. Merton Coulter. A 
History of the South, edited by Wendell H. Stephenson and E. Merton 
Coulter, vol. VII. (Baton Rouge, La.: Louisiana State University Press. 
1950. Pp. x, 644. $7.00.) 

In this volume Professor Coulter has made a valuable con- 
tribution to our knowledge of southern society under the stress 
of war. Indeed, a new day has dawned in writing the history 
of the Confederate States when in a volume of 568 pages of text 
only 40 pages are concerned with military history. Professor 
Coulter writes with candor of the mistakes and failings of the 
Confederacy. "With Shakespeare's epigram reversed," he ob- 
serves, "the good that they did lived after them, the evil was in- 
terred with the Confederacy." This volume is based on an im- 
mense amount of research among the sources, and it has a 
refreshing independence of point of view, an honest reading of 
the documents. One can be thankful that it is free from heroics, 
from the rodomontade of neo-Confederate oratory. Professor 
Coulter's judgments are good, such as, for example, his belief 
that the Confederate government made a mistake in imposing 
national conscription and his conclusion that South Carolina was 
not guilty of precipitancy in leading the secession movement. 
He takes a moderate and tentative view in regard to Lincoln's 



S70 The North Carolina Historical Review 

policy that preceded the firing on Fort Sumter. His judgment 
of Davis, also, is eminently fair, a recognition of his weaknesses 
and strength and a conclusion that he was a better man for 
president than Toombs or other aspirants. 

The central theme in Professor Coulter's story is how the 
morale of the southern people broke down in the course of the 
Civil War. This theme is not original, for Professor Edward 
Channing years ago wrote of the "loss of the will to fight" in 
the Confederacy, but Professor Coulter has done a splendid job 
of carefully describing this sad phenomenon. The first dip in 
morale occurred in the spring of 1862 after the fall of Fort 
Donelson and the surrender of New Orleans. The double dis- 
aster of Gettysburg and Vicksburg sent the morale of the people 
to a low depth. Yet there were many factors other than military 
defeats which broke the morale of the Confederacy: the bitter 
attacks of newspapers on Davis. Davis's inability to arouse de- 
votion to the cause, national conscription, the impressment act, 
speculation, failure of Confederate diplomacy, fatal financial 
policies. One of the important contributions of this volume is a 
study of the weakness of Congress, previously an obscure chapter 
in Confederate history. So timid was Congress that it failed to 
pass a realistic tax law until the war was half over, and Professor 
Coulter notes that the Confederacy derived only one per cent of 
its income from taxation. 

This new history of the Confederacy is a rich mine of facts as 
well as wise judgments of Confederate mistakes — the result of 
the hind-sight of the scholar. The Confederate government did 
have some virtues which were lacking in the conquering govern- 
ment — it preserved a remarkable freedom of the press, and Pro- 
fessor Coulter maintains that there were few dishonesties prac- 
ticed in war contracts, unlike the situation in the North. This 
study includes informative chapters on the fine arts and the 
press, literature, education, and religion in the Confederacy, and 
a particularly interesting account of the peace movement in the 
latter days of the war. The volume, moreover, is accurate in 
most details ; however, Longstreet did not arrive too late for ef- 
fective service at Chickamauga, French public opinion, as Lynn 
Case's study shows, was sympathetic to the South rather than 



Book Reviews 371 

to the North, the date of the completion of the Mobile and At- 
lantic Railroad to Columbus, Kentucky, was 1860, not 1851, James 
Louis Petigru's name was not spelled Pettigru, A. Dudley Mann 
was a Virginian, not a Georgian, and the number of armed Con- 
federates surrendered at Appomattox was much higher than 
8,000. Professor Coulter seems to be devoted to the Trinity in 
selecting chapter headings, one third of them listing three topics, 
such as "Money, Bonds and Taxes" and "Prices, Profits, and 
Labor." His volume is equipped with a splendid critical bibliog- 
raphy. 

Clement Eaton. 

The University of Kentucky, 
Lexington, Ky. 



Essays in Southern History, Presented to Joseph Gregoire de Roulhac 
Hamilton. The James Sprunt Studies in History and Political Science. 
Volume 31. Edited by Fletcher Melvin Green. (Chapel Hill: University 
of North Carolina Press. 1949. Pp. vii, 156. Cloth, $2.50, paper $1.25.) 

Professor Hamilton is the dean of the historical guild in the 
South. Everywhere he is honored and respected for his many 
years of productive scholarship as a teacher, writer, editor, com- 
piler, collector, and administrator. He is an inspiration to his 
fellow craftsmen. Eight of his former students and associates 
have now prepared and presented Essays in Southern History 
to him. Each contributor has previously conducted research on 
other aspects of the subject on which he now writes. The Essays 
therefore represent a scholarly and mature contribution; the 
entire symposium shows minute attention to details of research 
and printing. Emphasized are politics and the Negro. The Essays 
demonstrate again that many southern interests and attitudes 
before and after the year 1861 are the same. 

James Harold Wolfe, presenting "The Roots of Jeffersonian 
Democracy: With Special Emphasis on South Carolina," dis- 
cusses southern support of the Jefferson party. The essay also 
helps explain the enigma of politics in ante-bellum South Caro- 
lina. "Lewis Thompson, A Carolinian and His Louisiana Planta- 
tion, 1848-1888 : A Study in Absentee Ownership," adds informa- 
tion about Deep South sugar plantation economics. It also en- 
hances Joseph Carlyle Sitterson's reputation as the leading au- 



372 The North Carolina Historical Review 

thority in his field of historical interest. The third essay having 
an early setting is Henry Thomas Shenks, "Conservative Con- 
stitutional Tendencies of the Virginia Secession Convention." 
Therein is discussed the wilful and abortive revision of Virginia's 
1850-1851 constitution by reactionary, propertied, "rump" dele- 
gates to the state's secession convention in 1861. The proposed 
constitution was not ratified; democratic principles were per- 
haps not entirely abandoned. 

Samuel Denny Smith writes on "The Negro in the United 
States Senate" and discusses the ineffectual terms of two Missis- 
sippi Senators, Hiram Rhoades Revels (1870-1871) and Blanche 
K. Bruce (1875-1881). Both men were hampered by fellow Sen- 
ators, were tolerated rather than accepted as party members, 
and were political curiosities. In his "Public Education in North 
Carolina during Reconstruction, 1865-1876," Daniel Jay White- 
ner stresses school finances and maintenance of separate white 
and Negro schools. His essay is also a partial reply to certain 
revisionist and/or publicist interpretations of southern educa- 
tional developments during Reconstruction. James Welch Patton, 
in an intriguing discussion of "The Republican Party in South 
Carolina, 1876-1895," presents the story of a patronage-hungry, 
factionalized Republican organization and the means by which 
it was strangled by Democratic machinations. 

Fletcher Melvin Green, in "Some Aspects of the Convict Lease 
System in the Southern States," surveys the evils of the convict 
lease system and mentions late nineteenth century efforts toward 
reform. Regional lack of sympathy (after 1865) for the Negro is 
pointed out as a basic reason that the South permitted barbaric 
treatment of its convicts. The most lengthy essay, "The Ideology 
of White Supremacy, 1876-1910," by Guion Griffis Johnson, 
completes the Essays. Presented are extensive materials on Old 
and New South attitudes toward the Negro. It supplements ad- 
mirably earlier interpretations on the "central theme" of south- 
ern history and the "mind of the South." 

Weymouth T. Jordan. 

The University of Florida, 
Tallahassee, Florida. 



Book Reviews 373 

Plain Folk of the Old South. By Frank Lawrence Owsley. (Baton Rouge: 
Louisiana State University Press. 1949. Pp. xxi, 235. Maps, appendix. 
$3.50.) 

In an abbreviated form, the first four chapters of this book 
were delivered in 1948 at Louisiana State University as the 
"Walter Lynwood Fleming Lectures in Southern History." To- 
gether with the fifth and last chapter, which is concerned with a 
statistical analysis of landownership and slaveholding, they pur- 
port to rescue the "plain folk" of the Old South from the ob- 
scurity or oblivion to which they have been relegated by some 
who write our history. 

In the first place, Professor Owsley points out the need for a 
reinterpretation of ante-bellum southern society. The traditional 
view of that society, springing from the writings of such men 
as Frederick Law Olmstead, George M. Weston, and J. E. 
Cairnes, divides the white population into two categories: the 
planters who lived in white-columned mansions and were at- 
tended by squads of Negro slaves, and the poor whites — who were 
generally landless, illiterate, shiftless, irresponsible, unhealthy, 
and frequently vicious. Actually, the structure of ante-bellum 
southern society was far more complex. An analysis of the avail- 
able records reveals as the true picture of the Old South one in 
which "the core of the social structure was a massive body of 
plain folk who were neither rich nor very poor." This fact is 
adequately substantiated by the inclusion of over ninety statis- 
tical tables compiled from the sources. The idea that in the Old 
South the non-slaveholder was pushed off by the planter into 
the pine barrens, sand hills, and mountains is soundly contra- 
dicted. "The truth of the matter is that the plain farmers settled 
where they chose and stayed as long as it suited them." 

Folk customs are discussed in chapter III. Here the plain folk 
are seen in the rural environment — attending house-raisings, 
corn shuckings, singing schools, weddings, camp meetings, mar- 
ket places, and the many other activities that made up their way 
of life. The role of the plain folk in southern life is discussed in 
chapter IV. They played their part not as supernumeraries but as 
a vital element in the social and economic structure of that sec- 
tion. 



374 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The chief criticisms of this book are that the author almost 
completely ignores the plain folk of the Upper South, and, since 
the book is limited in size, several quotations appear to be ex- 
cessively long — particularly one on pp. 126-131. Several mis- 
spelled words were noted such as Rowan and Bedouin. The book 
is attractively bound, and although by no means an exhaustive 
study it is a very worth-while contribution towards correcting 
the false picture of society in the Old South. 

Cornelius 0. Cathey. 

The University of North Carolina, 
Chapel Hill, N. C. 



A Treasury of Southern Folklore. Edited with an introduction by B. A. 
Botkin. Foreword by Douglas Southall Freeman. (New York: Crown Pub- 
lishers. 1949. Pp. xxiv, 776. $4.00.) 

A Treasury of Southern Folklore is, as the title indicates, 
full of legends, traditions, and beliefs of the people of the South. 
The volume covers a wide variety of subjects. As Douglas South- 
all Freeman says in his foreword, this is an "a la carte book." To 
read straight through such a volume as this one is a tedious 
process; to pick up such a book, reading here and there the 
myths, tales, and ballads of the southern people, is a delightful 
experience. It is impossible to give an idea of all that A Treasury 
of Southern Folklore contains ; one needs to examine the volume 
to realize its scope. Southern foods and recipes, legends about 
famous and infamous southerners, religious practices in the 
South, tales about pirates and buccaneers, tall tales, witchcraft 
and conjuring practices, and stories and sayings illustrating 
local pride are only a few of the numerous subjects of the book. 
Origins of commonly heard expressions and quotations, such 
as "Dixie" and the well-known comment of the governor of North 
Carolina to the governor of South Carolina, are given. The editor 
is careful to include variations in tales where the differences are 
significant. 

The last section, entitled "The Singing South," has a particular 
appeal to a person interested in folk music, for not only are the 
words set forth but the music to approximately fifty folk songs 
is included. The variety in the volume is amazing ; the editor has 



Book Reviews 375 

done an excellent job of selecting materials of such variety that 
few persons will be unable to find selections of particular in- 
terest. The introductions to the several parts of the book, written 
by the editor, are enlightening and entertaining. 

Mr. Botkin is well qualified for the task of editing this volume 
on southern folklore, having previously edited A Treasury of 
American Folklore and A Treasury of New England Folklore. 
He was chief of the Archive of American Folksong in the Library 
of Congress from 1942 to 1945 and was elected president of the 
American Folklore Society in 1944. Not only did he collect print- 
ed materials but he traveled widely in the southern states gather- 
ing materials and making recordings of songs and sayings of 
the South. 

Tales from all classes of people and stories of all types are 
found in this book. The detailed table of contents and an excellent 
index will be of value to a person desiring to know the origin 
of some particular saying or looking for some table to use for 
illustrative purposes. 

Fannie Memory Farmer. 

Meredith College, 
Raleigh, N. C. 



The Territorial Papers of the United States. Vol. XIV, The Territory of 
Louisiana-Missouri, 1806-1814. Edited by Clarence Edwin Carter. (Wash- 
ington, D. C: Government Printing Office. 1949. Pp. 915. Symbols, index. 
$2.75.) 

Dr. Clarence E. Carter and his staff have achieved pre-war 
momentum in the publication of The Territorial Papers of the 
United States, for volume XIV, The Territory of Louisiana- 
Missouri, 1806-1814, has appeared within the year following the 
publication of volume XIII. 

This is the second volume containing selections of important 
documents pertaining to the Territory of Louisiana-Missouri 
from 1803 to 1821. It contains papers relating to the administra- 
tions of Governors or Acting Governors Browne (1806-1807, 
115 pp.), Bates (1807-1808, 54 pp.), Lewis (1808-1809, 152 pp.), 
Bates (1809-1810, 80 pp.), Howard (1810-1812, 276 pp.), and 
Clark (1813-1814, 136 pp.). 



376 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The scope of the documents in this volume is as broad and as 
varied as in the preceding one, for the problems of the territory 
were similar or the same. Land still remained perhaps the most 
important subject for written records, although the inhabitants 
of the area were concerned with Indians, Indian trade and trad- 
ing factories, the establishment of local government, military 
posts, internal improvements, British agents and traders, ad- 
jacent territories, the acquisition and survey of land, lead mines, 
and the militia, and were constantly petitioning or memorializing 
the national government on all manner of subjects. Familiar and 
unfamiliar names continually appear: Daniel Bissell, Maurice 
Blondeau, Nicholas Boilvin, William C. Carr, the Chouteaus, 
Rufus Easton, Edward Hempstead, General Benjamin Howard, 
Judge John Lucas, Jared Mansfield, John Mason, William Rector, 
William Russell, George Sibley, and Edward Tiffin. Included 
also are minor characters with such interesting names as Marie 
Pierre Le Due and Hyacinthe St. Syr. The documents present an 
irregular but well-rounded and complete history of the territory 
during the period. 

This volume maintains the high editorial standards of the 
earlier volumes of this important and significant series. 

Edwin Adams Davis. 

Louisiana State University, 
Baton Rouge, La. 



Benjamin Franklin and Catharine Ray Greene: Their Correspondence 1755- 
1790. Edited and annotated by William Green Roelker. (Philadelphia: 
American Philosophical Society. 1950. Pp. iv, 147. $3.00.) 

Four years after Franklin passed away died the woman with 
whom he had carried on a correspondence of more than 30 years. 
Wife of Rhode Island's governor, William Greene, the former 
"Caty" Ray of Block Island was praised in a Newport Mercury 
obituary notice for excellence of character and amiableness of 
manners. And indeed these virtues are reflected in her many 
letters to Franklin, along with much gayety and not a little hu- 
mor. The correspondence does much credit to both, revealing 
in Catharine not only a fine spirit but a determination to better 
herself, and in Franklin a kindly and paternal attitude. The 



Book Reviews 377 

underlying chronicle deals chiefly with family matters and social 
life. The war going on seems remote and muffled, though we 
catch an occasional flash of something more serious such as poor 
old Jane Mecom' s flight from Philadelphia when General Howe 
approached, the depredations of British troops to Rhode Island, 
and the sewing of shirts and other garments for the Continental 
soldiers. 

There is only an occasional reference to political activities as 
in Franklin's letter from Paris dated Feb. 28, 1778 : "For tho' 
the Wickedness of the English Court, & its Malice against us 
is as great as ever, its Horns are shortened ; its Strength dimin- 
ishes daily; and we have formed an Alliance here, & shall form 
others, that will help keep the Bull quiet, and make him orderly. 
... I live here in great respect, and dine every day with great 
Folks; but I still long for home & repose; and should be happy 
to eat Indian Pudding in your Company & and Under your hos- 
pitable roof ." 

Of particular interest is the 18th century spelling both of Mrs. 
Greene and of Jane Mecom, Franklin's adoring sister, revealing 
as it does their dependence on the sound of words, since educa- 
tional facilities for females were scant. For instance, "Caty" 
spelled Germantown as "Jarmen town," which teaches us how 
it was pronounced in the eighteenth century, and Mrs. Mecom 
puts down "Suckses" as her nearest approach to success. The 
notes by Mr. Roelker, director of the Rhode Island Historical 
Society, will be of salient help to the lay reader. 

Phillips Russell. 

The University of North Carolina, 
Chapel Hill, N. C. 



The Southern Country Store, 1800-1860. By Lewis E. Atherton. (Baton 
Rouge: Louisiana State University Press. 1949. Pp. xii, 227. $3.50.) 

Of the approximately 6,000,000 white southerners of the 1850's, 
fewer than 350,000 owned slaves ; not quite 100,000 held as many 
as ten slaves; under 10,000 possessed more than fifty slaves — 
and only these, says Professor Atherton, "could be called planters 
in the full sense of the term." Like the planters, the "poor whites" 
also constituted a minority group. Obviously, then, southern 



378 The North Carolina Historical Review 

society was made up chiefly of small, non-slaveholding farmers. 
The planter, with his wealth and power, dominated the South, 
and the "poor white" attracted much attention. Yet the yeoman 
farmer was more truly typical of the whole region than either. 

As the great planter employed the plantation as his basic unit 
of production and the factor as his economic agent, so the small 
farmers used the farm and the country or village store. This 
book is a thoroughgoing analysis of the southern store and the 
various economic functions it performed. 

The author first appraises the factorage system that centered 
in the coastal cities. Then he turns to the interior store, which 
supplied the rural population with a wide variety of merchandise, 
collected and marketed cotton and other farm products, and 
furnished the necessary credit and exchange. From business 
records, letters, and newspapers found in southern historical 
collections he has drawn many interesting examples of stores 
and storekeepers in practically every state of the South. The book 
demonstrates conclusively the economic and social importance 
of the small farmer and the country store in ante-bellum times. 
Political historians, says the author, "have made too much out 
of the democratizing of the Civil War on southern class structure 
and the consequent rise of the crossroads store"; they "have 
tended to trace all modifications within the South to the effects 
of war, and even to mistake these for a seemingly complete new 
system of merchandising to meet the needs of an entirely new 
southern middle- and lower-class society" (p. 176). 

Professor Atherton, who is chairman of the department of 
history at the University of Missouri, deserves praise for this 
significant work. His research has been enormous, his organiza- 
tion of material skillful, and his presentation clear and concise. 
His careful study of what he has called "the essentially petty 
capitalistic nature of southern civilization" will surely result 
in a recasting of some of the traditional views concerning the 
Old South. 

The well-printed volume contains a bibliography, an index, 
and copious footnotes. In reading it this reviewer experienced 
only two minor irritations : the absence of any type of illustrative 



Book Reviews 379 

material, and the author's overdependence upon the word "none- 
theless." Nonetheless, The Southern Country Store, 1800-1860, 

is a first-rate job. 

Stuart Noblin. 

North Carolina State College, 
Raleigh, N. C. 



The Army Air Forces in World War II, Volume II, Europe — Torch to 
Pointbank, August 1942 to December 1943. Edited by W. F. Craven and 
J. L. Cate. (Chicago, 111.: University of Chicago Press. 1949. Pp. xxi, 
897. $6.00.) 

In 1942 General Arnold, commanding the AAF, directed that 
appropriate steps be taken to insure within a reasonably short 
time after war's end the writing and publication of a history of 
air warfare in World War II. To that end every unit of the AAF 
down through squadrons was charged with the responsibility of 
collecting and collating the data required for this project. To 
every Air Force was assigned a professional historian. 

The volume here being reviewed is the second of seven to be 
published. When the series is completed it will be the most cur- 
rent work of its kind ever published, assuming present publica- 
tion schedules are met. Judged by the first two volumes it is be- 
ing written not as a memorial to the AAF, but to serve as a guide 
to military planners who may again be confronted with the prob- 
lems of military warfare. 

This is a volume to be scanned by the reader interested only 
in a comprehensive survey of the military operations and de- 
cisions of the American (and British) air effort in Europe and 
Africa between August, 1942, and December, 1943. It is to be 
studied by the reader interested in the details of the strategy, 
tactics, and theory of modern aerial warfare and of that most 
involved of all modern military problems, the administration of 
air forces and commands and of combined ground, sea, and air 
commands. 

The several historians whose work has gone into the prepara- 
tion of this volume have edited and compiled with meticulous 
attention to detail the story of the AAF during this critical 
period when it may be said that air power came of age. Por- 
trayed, in addition to the matter suggested above, are the basic 
conflicts between the services indicating conflicting conceptions 



380 The North Carolina Historical Review 

of warfare (conflicts not yet resolved) ; also the thoughtful re- 
search that went into plans for the actual strategic bombing 
effort. 

In places the volume is exceedingly dry and replete with com- 
pilations of alphabetically described units, commands, and cam- 
paigns. In other places the tenseness and drama of spectacularly 
successful or spectacularly disastrous operations are unspectacu- 
larly yet interestingly portrayed. One such account deals with 
the low level B-24 attack on the Ploesti oil refineries. In that 
operation 177 airplanes, manned by 1,725 airmen, attacked with 
fair success a critically important segment of the Axis's oil 
supply. Unfortunately, through a series of unpredictable mis- 
haps surprise was lost and 54 airplanes and 532 airmen did not 
return. 

Air warfare's major requirement for careful and professional 
research into practically every phase of human activity can 
readily be seen as our air effort turned from the tactical to the 
strategic during 1943. The lack of such research is apparent at 
times ; at other times it is obvious that it was done. 

This volume and the others of the series will provide an enor- 
mous amount of basic data for the military historian and for 
the military student. 

James F. Pinkney. 

Davidson College, 
Davidson, N. C. 



Disposition of Federal Records: How to Develop an Effective Program for 
the Preservation and Disposal of Federal Records. National Archives 
Publication No. 50-3. (Washington: United States Government Printing 
Office. 1949. Pp. v, 40.) 

Why should records be preserved? Which records? Which 
temporarily? Which permanently? Which destroyed? This man- 
ual was designed to answer these questions for the various agen- 
cies of the federal government that are required by law to de- 
velop programs for the disposal of their records. In outline form 
it clearly states the disposition problems faced by every agency 
and offers assistance on evaluation and analysis, methods of 
retirement and preservation, reduction of bulk and insurance 
of permanency by use of microphotography, and the ultimate 



Book Reviews 381 

disposal of records. In preparing this pamphlet the compiler 
of this manual, Theodore F. Shellenberg, program director of 
the National Archives, has drawn widely from the experience 
in records management gained by the staff of the National Ar- 
chives during the past two decades. It is objectively written and 
intended for use by the non-professional as well as the profes- 
sional archivist. Sample illustrations and forms mark the spe- 
cific steps which must be taken to dispose of records legally. 
Appendices include a select bibliography and the texts of the 
various laws and regulations governing disposal and preservation 
of federal records. 

E. G. Roberts. 

Duke University Library, 
Durham, N. C. 



HISTORICAL NEWS 

Dr. Charles S. Sydnor of Duke University will hold the Harold 
Vyvyan Harmsworth professorship of American History at 
Oxford University during the academic year 1950-51. Dr. Sydnor 
has also been appointed to the Advisory Committee of the His- 
torical Office, Department of the Army, Washington, D. C. 

Dr. William B. Hamilton of Duke University has been awarded 
a Faculty Study Fellowship by the American Council of Learned 
Societies to enable him to study law part time at Duke University 
during the coming year. 

Dr. Harry Stevens of Duke University will teach during the 
second term of summer school at the University of Cincinnati. 
Dr. Stevens has published an article, "Melville's Music," in Musi- 
cology, vol. II (July, 1949). 

Dr. Paul H. Clyde of Duke University has been appointed 
director of the summer school at Duke University. Dr. Clyde has 
published "Jackson's March to Empire : Some Biographical Eval- 
uations," The Journal of Modern History, XXI (December, 
1949). 

Dr. Wendell H„ Stephenson of Tulane University was awarded 
an honorary degree by Duke University at the past commence- 
ment. 

Dr. Arthur B. Ferguson of Duke University wrote a consider- 
able part of volume II of Army Air Forces in World War II. 
This is the latest volume in this series. 

Documents on German Foreign Policy, 1918-1945, has been 
published by the State Department. These two volumes are the 
first of the series for which Dr. E. M. Carroll of Duke University 
was for three years the Chief American Deputy in Europe. 



[ 382 ] 



Historical News 383 

Mr. Howard Braverman, a candidate for the doctorate at Duke 
University, will become a member of the history department at 
Long Island University in September. 

Dr. J. A. McGeachy, Jr., of Davidson College has been pro- 
moted to professor of history. During the summer school he will 
teach at the North Carolina College in Durham. 

Dr. Richard C. Todd, who has been teaching at High Point 
College, will become an assistant professor of history at East 
Carolina Teachers College this fall. 

Mr. Paul McCain, a graduate student at Duke University, will 
next fall become a professor of history at Brenau College, Gaines- 
ville, Georgia. 

Dr. George D. Harmon, a native of Chatham County, N. C, 
and head of the department of history at Lehigh University, at 
the last commencement was given an engraved desk set in 
recognition of his twenty-five years service at that institution. 

The de Graff 'envied Name In Literature, by Thomas P. de 
Graffenried (New York: The William-Frederick Press, 1950, 
pp. 32.) has been received by the State Department of Archives 
and History. 

The Public Letters and Papers of Joseph Melville Broughton, 
edited by D. L. Corbitt, has been published by the North Carolina 
Council of State. The book contains 718 pages and is illustrated. 
It can be procured by addressing a request to Mr. D. L. Corbitt, 
State Department of Archives and History, Raleigh, N. C. 

"The Early Campaigns in North Carolina as Seen Through 
The Eyes of a New Jersey Soldier (Private Edmund J. Cleve- 
land, Co. K. Ninth New Jersey Volunteers) Part I, August 24, 
1862-December 31, 1862," edited by Edmund J. Cleveland, Jr., 
appeared in Proceedings of the Neiv Jersey Historical Society: 



384 The North Carolina Historical Review 

A Magazine of History, Biography, and Notes on Family, volume 
LXVIII, no. 2 (April, 1950), pp 119-160. 

Mr. Willis G. Briggs, president of the North Carolina Society 
of County Historians, on May 5 delivered an address before the 
Bertie County Historical Association on "David Stone and His 
Career." Prior to the address Mr. and Mrs. Ernest Tyler enter- 
tained a group of twenty-five people with a supper on their lawn 
at Roxobel. 

The History teachers of the colleges and universities held their 
semi-annual dinner on May 5 at the Carolina Country Club in 
Raleigh with Wake Forest College the host. The institutions 
represented were Davidson College, Duke University, Meredith 
College, North Carolina State Department of Archives and His- 
tory, North Carolina State College, Peace Junior College, Salem 
College, the University of North Carolina, Wake Forest College, 
and the Woman's College of the University of North Carolina. 

On May 28 the North Carolina County Historians made a tour 
of Vance County, visiting "Burnside," which tradition says was 
the home of Memucan Hunt, first state treasurer, and named 
"Burnside" about 1824 ; St. John's Episcopal Church, built about 
1757 and first known as "Nutbush," and moved in 1772 to its 
present site ; Sneed's Tavern, built on one of the original lots of 
Williamsboro and a favorite of lawyers and judges prior to the 
Civil War ; "Bishop Ravenscroft's Home" ; "Cedar Walk," built 
about 1750 by Hutchins Burton for a boarding school and called 
"Blooming Hope" ; and the home of Chief Justice Leonard Hen- 
derson. Those who made the tour were from Chapel Hill, Hender- 
son, Lexington, Lillington, Louisburg, Raleigh, and Wadesboro. 
After completing the tour, Mr. and Mrs. Samuel T. Peace served 
luncheon on the lawn of their home in Henderson. Mr. Peace and 
Miss Claudia W. Hunter made brief talks about most of the 
places visited. 

The spring meeting of the Historical Society of North Carolina 
was held at Davidson College on Saturday, April 15. Papers were 
read by Dr. E. W. Knight of the University of North Carolina on 



Historical News 385 

"Southern Opposition to Northern Educational Influences Before 
I860" and by Dr. Chalmers Davidson of Davidson College on 
"Catawba Springs, Carolina's Spa." Mr. D. L. Corbitt of the 
State Department of Archives and History then reviewed the 
publication program of that organization. 

Mr. William S. Powell of the State Department of Archives 
and History has recieved a grant in aid from the Institute of 
Early American History and Culture in Williamsburg to work 
on a biography and to collect the letters of John Pory (1573- 
1635) and also to collect ballads for a revised edition of Sir 
Charles Firth's An American Garland. He plans to spend Sep- 
tember and October in England at the British Museum, the Public 
Record Office, Oxford and Cambridge, and several county ar- 
chives. 

Professor Elisha P. Douglass of Elon College has received a 
grant in aid from the Institute of Early American History and 
Culture to work on a study of "Democracy in the American 
Revolution." 

Dr. James Kimborough Owen of the Louisiana Law Institute, 
Baton Rouge, has received a grant in aid from the Institute of 
Early American History and Culture for the completion of his 
study of the "Southern Parish System in the Eighteenth Cen- 
tury." 

The United Daughters of the Confederacy in Statesville have 
undertaken to raise funds to move the "Vance House" from West 
Broad Street to Grace Park and to establish a museum therein. 
This house, occupied by Governor Vance towards the end of the 
Civil War, must be moved to make way for a new business build- 
ing. If sufficient funds are not obtained it is expected that the 
house will be torn down. 

A special exhibit of eighteenth-century Wedgwood pottery is 
being shown in the Hall of History during July and August as 
a part of the recognition given the Wedgwood industries in con- 
nection with the unveiling of a marker in Macon County near 
the site of a clay pit from which Thomas Griffiths, a South Caro- 



386 The North Carolina Historical Review 

lina planter, took clay in 1767 for the potteries in England. Mr. 
Hensleigh Wedgwood of New York is expected to be present in 
mid-August when the marker is unveiled. 

The Department of Archives and History has ordered a Bar- 
row laminating machine and a fumigating vault to be installed 
in the Division of Archives and Manuscripts. 

The Division of Archives and Manuscripts of the Department 
of Archives and History recently added eighty-seven items to its 
Calvin H. Wiley Collection, a gift from Wiley's daughter, Miss 
Mary Callum Wiley of Winston-Salem. These items consist of 
speeches, parts of speeches, letters, and articles for the press 
of North Carolina's first Superintendent of Common Schools. 

On March 10 Governor W. Kerr Scott appointed Benjamin 
Franklin Brown of Raleigh, retired dean of the Basic Division 
of North Carolina State College, a member of the Executive 
Board of the Department of Archives and History to fill the 
unexpired term created by the death of Robert Digges Wimberly 
Connor, who died on February 25. 

The Asheboro Presbyterian Church celebrated its centennial, 
May 3-7, with religious services led by various prominent min- 
isters. 

On April 5 the United States Army Band gave in Washington, 
D. C, a concert in honor of the state of North Carolina as one of a 
series for the thirteen original states. The state was officially 
represented by Lieutenant Governor H. P. Taylor of Wadesboro 
and Dr. Christopher Crittenden, director of the State Depart- 
ment of Archives and History. 

On May 18 a tablet was unveiled in Halifax marking the site 
of the first courthouse of Halifax County and of the meeting of 
the Fourth Provincial Congress. Dr. Crittenden delivered an 
address, "Seventeen Seventy-six: the Critical Year." 

Dr. Crittenden has delivered addresses as follows : "The State 
Department of Archives and History and its Program," Kiwanis 



Historical News 387 

Club, Durham, March 23, and also Civitan Club, Greensboro, 
April 14 ; 'The Charter of Carolina, 1663," Wake County Com- 
mittee, Colonial Dames of America, March 30; "Historic Sites 
in North Carolina," Woman's Club, Jacksonville, April 13. 

On March 29 Dr. Crittenden met in Hillsboro with a group 
of citizens of that town to discuss ways and means of preserving 
historic buildings and sites in the community. 

On April 15 a tablet in memory of Calvin Graves, who cast 
the deciding vote in favor of construction of the North Carolina 
Railroad, now a part of the Southern Railway system, was un- 
veiled at the new Southern passenger station in Raleigh. Gov- 
ernor Scott delivered a brief address and members of Graves's 
family participated in the ceremony. 

In March, April, and May Dr. Crittenden and Mr. William 
S. Powell of the staff of the State Department of Archives and 
History taught classes on the geography and history of North 
Carolina as a part of in-service training courses for Raleigh 
policemen. 

On March 1 Dr. Crittenden lectured on the administration of 
historic sites as part of a short-term course given to state parks 
administrators of the South by North Carolina State College 
and the State Department of Conservation and Development. 

On April 27 Dr. Crittenden and Mrs. Joye E. Jordan attended 
a meeting of the Moore County Historical Association at the 
home of Mrs. Ernest L. Ives, near Southern Pines. 

Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, head of the Division of Museums of the 
Department of Archives and History, will be a member of the 
teaching staff of a class on the problems of the small museums 
during the first week of the Seminars on American Culture of- 
fered by the New York State Historical Association, Coopers- 
town, July 2-15. Other members of the faculty for this course 
are Dr. Carl E. Guthe, director of the New York State Museum 
of Arts and Sciences; Mr. Bertram K. Little, director of the 



388 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Society for the Preservation of New England Antiquities; Mr. 
Loring McMillen, director of the museum of the Staten Island 
Historical Society; and Mr. Frank 0. Spinney, curator of the 
Old Sturbridge (Mass.) Village Museum and Crafts Center. 

The North Carolina Society, Descendants of the Palatines, 
held its spring meeting May 24 at Trent Pines Club in New Bern. 
Mrs. M. B. Koonce of Raleigh, Miss Delia Hyatt of Kinston, Mrs. 
W. D. Pollock of Kinston, Miss Sara Louise Stewart of New 
Bern, and Miss Lucy Cobb of Raleigh appeared on the program. 
After the program the following officers were elected: R. A. 
Nunn, president; Miss Verdie Noble, first vice-president; Mrs. 
R. L. Duval, second vice-president; Mrs. W. B. Harr, third vice- 
president; Miss Sara Louise Stewart, secretary-treasurer; Miss 
Junie Whitfield, chaplain; Miss Sybil Hyatt, registrar; Mrs. 
M. B. Koonce, corresponding secretary; J. Parson Brown, his- 
torian; and Mrs. S. D. Broadhurst and Miss Delia Hyatt, col- 
lectors of relics. 

Mr. Albert N. Sanders, a candidate for the Ph.D. at the 
University of North Carolina, will be a member of the staff of the 
history and political science department at John B. Stetson Uni- 
versity for the 1950-1951 term. 

A literary map of North Carolina, four-color lithography on 
100 per cent rag paper, 33" x 22", is now available. This map 
carries the names of North Carolina writers and is illustrated 
by Primrose, a nationally known artist of Raleigh. There are 
127 names of authors on the map which was published and pre- 
pared by The North Carolina English Teachers Association. 
It is suitable for framing and can be used in the office, library, 
or classroom. Please address order to The North Carolina Eng- 
lish Teachers Association, Box 1050, Chapel Hill, N. C. Price 
$1.50. 

The American Association for State and Local History has an- 
nounced that at its annual meeting in Portland, Oregon, in 
August Awards of Merit will be given for outstanding work in 
the field of local history by state historical societies, local histori- 



Historical News 389 

cal societies, and local newspapers, radio stations, private busi- 
ness organizations, and others. The member of the Committee on 
Awards for the South Atlantic States (Maryland, Virginia, West 
Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, 
and Florida) is William S. Powell of the North Carolina State 
Department of Archives and History. Recommendations for 
Awards of Merit should be sent to him not later than August 15. 

Books received include John Leonard Fulmer, Agricultural 
Progress in The Cotton Belt since 1920 (Chapel Hill: The Uni- 
versity of North Carolina Press, 1950) ; William H. Dillistin, 
Bank Note Reporters and Counterfeit Detectors, 1826-1866, With 
a Discourse on Wildcat Banks and Wildcat Bank Notes (New 
York: The American Numismatic Society, 1949) ; Arthur Eugene 
Bestor, Backwoods Utopias: The Sectarian And Owenite Phases 
of Communitarian Socialism In America, 1663-1829 (Phila- 
delphia: University of Pennslyvania Press. London, Geoffrey 
Cumberlege, Oxford University Press, 1950) ; Richard B. Har- 
well, Confederate Music (Chapel Hill: The University of North 
Carolina Press, 1950) ; Carl Bridenbaugh, The Colonial Crafts- 
man (New York: New York University Press, 1950) ; Fifteenth 
Annual Report of The Archivist of the United States For The 
Year Ending June 30, 191+9 (Washington : United States Govern- 
ment Printing Office, 1950) ; General Services Administration, 
The National Archives Preliminary Inventory of the Records of 
the United States Senate, Preliminary Inventory No. 23 (Wash- 
ington: United States Government Printing Office, 1950) ; Mary 
Alves Long, High Time To Tell It (Durham: Duke University 
Press, 1950) ; Clement Eaton, A History of The Old South (New 
York: The Macmillan Company, 1949) ; Joseph Howard Parks, 
John Bell of Tennessee (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Uni- 
versity Press, 1950) ; Adriene Koch, Jefferson and Madison: The 
Great Collaboration (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1950) ; Mar- 
garet L. Coit, John C. Calhoun American Portrait (Boston: 
Houghton Mifflin Company, 1950) ; Harold E. Dickson, John 
Wesley Jarvis, American Painter, 1780-181+0 (New York: The 
New York Historical Society, 1949) ; Stuart Noblin, Leonidas 
Lafayette Polk, Agrarian Crusader (Chapel Hill; The Uni- 



390 The North Carolina Historical Review 

versity of North Carolina Press, 1949) ; Raymond Maxwell, 
Life and Works of Allen Jay Maxwell (not for sale but will be 
placed in public libraries, 1949) ; Barnes F. Lathrop, Migration 
Into East Texas, 1835-1860 (Austin: The Texas State Historical 
Association, 1949) ; Aubrey L. Brooks and Hugh Talmage Lefler, 
The Papers of Walter Clark, vol. II, (Chapel Hill: The Univer- 
sity of North Carolina Press, 1950) ; Julian P. Boyd, The Papers 
of Thomas Jefferson, volume I, 1760-1776 (Princeton: Princeton 
University Press, 1950) ; George Alfred Townsend, Rustics in 
Rebellion: A Yankee Reporter On The Road To Richmond, 1861- 
65 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1950) ; 
Blake McKelvey, Rochester The Floiver City, 1855-1890 (Cam- 
bridge: Harvard University Press, 1949) ; James Benson Sellers, 
Slavery in Alabama (University: University of Alabama Press, 
1950) ; V. O. Key, Jr., Southern Politics In State and Nation 
(New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1949) ; South Dakota Historical 
Collections and Report (compiled by the State Historical Society, 
vol. XXIV, 1949) ; Nora Campbell Chaff in, Trinity College, 
1839-1892: The Beginnings of Duke University (Durham: Duke 
University Press, 1950) ; Marvin Wilson Schlegel, Virginia on 
Guard, Civilian Defense and the State Militia in the Second 
World War (Richmond: Virginia State Library, 1949) ; Francis 
Howard Heller, Virginia's State Government During the Second 
World War: Its Constitutional, Legislative, and Administrative 
Adaptations, 19U2-U5 (prepared under the Supervision of the 
World War II History Division, Virginia State Library, 1949) ; 
LeGette Blythe, William Henry Belk, Merchant of the South 
(Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1950) ; 
Constance E. Thurlow and Francis L. Berkeley, The Jefferson 
Papers of the University of Virginia (Charlottesville: Uni- 
versity of Virginia Library, 1950) ; Fletcher Melvin Green, edi- 
tor, Essays in Southern History, Presented to Joseph Gregoire 
de Roulhac Hamilton (Chapel Hill: The University of North 
Carolina Press, 1949) ; W. F. Craven and J. L. Cate, The Army 
Air Forces In World War II, volume II, Europe — Torch to 
Pointblank (Washington, D. C. : Air Historical Group, United 
States Air Force, 1949) ; Frank L. Owsley, Plain Folk of the 
Old South (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 
1949) ; William Greene Roelker, Benjamin Franklin and Cath- 



Historical News 391 

arine Ray Greene: Their Correspondence, 1855-90 (Philadelphia: 
American Philosophical Society, 1949) ; Eugene P. Odum, A 
North Carolina Naturalist, H. H. Brimley (Chapel Hill: The 
University of North Carolina Press, 1949) ; L. M. Holland, The 
Direct Primary in Georgia (Urbana ; University of Illinois Press, 

1949) ; Harold S. Schultz, Nationalism and Sectionalism in South 
Carolina, 1853-1860 (Durham: Duke University Press, 1950) ; 
Wendell Holmes Stephenson and E. Merton Coulter, A History 
of the Old South, volume VII, The Confederate States of America, 
1861-1865 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 

1950) ; Lewis E. Atherton, The Southern Country Store, 1800- 
1860 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1949) ; 
Disposition of Federal Records (Washington, D. C. ; National 
Archives Publications no. 50-3, United States Government Print- 
ing Office, 1949) ; B. A. Botkin, A Treasury of Southern Folk- 
lore (New York: Crown Publishers, 1949) ; Clarence Edwin 
Carter, editor, The Territorial Papers of the United States, 
vol. XIV, The Territory of Louisiana-Missouri, 1806-1 81 If. (Wash- 
ington: United States Government Printing Office, 1949) ; Ade- 
laide L. Fries, Customs and Practices of the Moravian Church 
(Winston-Salem: Commenius Press, 1949); Spencer B. King, 
Selective Service in North Carolina (Chapel Hill: The University 
of North Carolina Press, 1949) ; James Truslow Adams, Album 
of American History, volume V, Index (New York: Charles 
Scribner's Sons, 1949) ; James Marshall, Elbridge A. Stuart, 
Founder of Carnation Company (Los Angeles : Carnation Com- 
pany, 1949) ; Manly Wade Wellman, Wade Hampton, Giant in 
Gray (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1949) ; James W. 
Silver, Edmund Pendleton Gaines, Frontier General (Baton 
Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1949) ; Charles Gray- 
son Summersell, Mobile: History of A Seaport Toivn (Univer- 
sity: University of Alabama Press, 1949) ; Lawrence Kocher 
and Howard Dearstyne, Colonial Williamsburg, Its Buildings and 
Gardens (Williamsburg: Colonial Williamsburg, 1949) ; David 
Stick, Fabulous Dare: the Story of Dare County Past and Pres- 
ent (Kitty Hawk, N. C. : The Dare Press, 1949) ; E. Merton Coul- 
ter, A List of Early Settlers of Georgia (Athens: The University 
of Georgia Press, 1949). 



CONTRIBUTIONS TO THIS ISSUE 

Dr. Douglas LeTell Rights is acting archivist of the Moravian 
Church, Southern Province, and a Moravian Minister, Winston- 
Salem, N. C. 

Dr. William C. Pool is an associate professor of history in 
the division of social sciences, Southwest Texas State Teachers 
College, San Marcos, Texas. 

Dr. Charles W. Turner is an assistant professor of history at 
Washington and Lee University, Lexington, Virginia. 

Dr. Elizabeth Gregory McPherson is a reference consultant 
of the Manuscript Division of the Library of Congress, Washing- 
ton, D. C. 



[ 392 ] 



The North Carolina 
Historical Review 

Volume XXVII OCTOBER, 1950 Number 4 

THE FOUNDING OF THE PETTIGREW PLANTATIONS 

By Bennett H. Wall 

During the post-Revolutionary War period the Reverend 
Charles Pettigrew, famous Edenton, North Carolina, religious 
leader, found it difficult to support his family on the income from 
his parish. 1 As a result he was forced to turn to planting as a 
means of support. Since he had only a limited knowledge of agri- 
cultural methods he learned by trial and error. Just when he first 
became a landowner is not recorded nor is it known when he 
came into possession of his first farm. There is reasonable doubt 
that he owned any land prior to his marriage to Mary Blount 
on October 29, 1778. By this marriage he acquired slave property, 
some land in Tennessee, and some land near Edenton. After his 
marriage he moved to a plantation near his wife's ancestral home, 
Mulberry Hill, and settled "on the north side of the road leading 
down the Albemarle Sound and just across what was then 
Blount's Mill." 2 In 1779 he purchased lands in Tyrrell County, 
near Lake Phelps. 

Three of Charles Pettigrew's parishioners, all leading citizens 
of Edenton, Josiah Collins, Dr. Luther Dickinson, and Major 
Nathaniel Allen, were land speculators and in order to develop 
one of their ventures in the region southeast of Edenton they 
organized the Lake Company. The Lake Company's lands were 
along the shores of Lake Phelps, which is in the peninsula, about 
sixty miles long and forty miles wide, formed by Albemarle and 
Pamlico sounds in North Carolina. Four-fifths of the region was 
an immense swamp. 3 The remainder was composed of narrow 



1 A portion of the research on this study was made possible by a grant from the University 
of Kentucky Research Fund Committee. 

2 "Ebenezer Pettigrew Relates His Early Life," August 4, 1842, Pettigrew Manuscripts, 
Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. Hereinafter cited 
as Pettigrew MSS. 

s See William Battle Cobb and William Anderson Davis, Soil Survey of Tyrrell County 
(United States Government, 1924), 839-858. (A map is attached.) Hereinafter cited as 
Cobb and Davis, Soil Survey. 

[396] 



396 The North Carolina Historical Review 

knolls of firm soil, 4 commonly known as "Chestnut Oak Islands.*' 5 
The principal characteristic of the soil around Lake Phelps was 
its great fertility. The soil was a black loam or muck, 6 and when 
under proper tillage "the drained swamp land is easy to plough, 
and to manage and get in good order in all respects." 7 

Lake Phelps was discovered by Benjamin Tarkington, Josiah 
Phelps, and others in 1775. While hunting they became interest- 
ed in learning why deer "when pursued usually ran off in a par- 
ticular direction, from which the dogs soon returned as if baffled 
in their pursuit." After a search of two days they located the 
lake. Phelps publicized and has generally received credit for the 
discovery. 

It was about twenty-five years later that Collins, Dickinson, 
and Allen formed the Lake Company. "They took up nearly all 
the surrounding swamp land, by laying their own patents," 8 and 
they purchased a total of nearly 100,000 acres. They fitted out 
the slave ship, Guineaman, in Boston and sent it to Africa for 
Negroes. When the slaver arrived the Negroes were set to work 
digging a canal from Lake Phelps to the Scuppernong River, a 
project of two years duration. Lake Phelps had an elevation of 
eighteen feet above the Scuppernong River, and by the use of 
water wheels, the declivity was utilized for power for saw, grist, 
and other mills. 9 The Lake Company began preparation of rice 
fields around the lake by draining the fields into the ditch or 
"Somerset Canal." By the use of flood gates on the ditches lead- 
ing to the canal, and with the successive parallel slopes, ditches, 
and embankments formed by the leading ditches, "they were 
afforded great facilities for flooding the lands, and drawing off 
the water when desired, for rice culture." Flat boats capable of 
carrying fifty or sixty tierces of rice could come up the canal to 
the plantation and small vessels of seventy-five tons or less re- 
ceived and discharged cargoes at the mouth of the canal. The 



* Edmund Ruffin, "Jottings Down in the Swamps," in Edmund, Ruffin, editor, The 
Farmer's Register (10 volumes, 1833-1842), VII, 688-703. Hereinafter cited as Ruffin, 
"Jottings Down." 

5 George C. Collins, "Discovering Lake Scuppernong (Phelps), North Carolina," Southern 
History Association Publications (11 volumes. Washington 1897-1907), VI, 21-27. Herein- 
after cited as Collins, "Discovering Lake Scuppernong." 

■ Cobb and Davis, Soil Survey, 839-858. 

7 Ruffin, "Jottings Down," VII, 688. 

8 The information about the discovery and early exploitation of Lake Phelps was obtained 
from the Ruffin and Collins sketches. 

9 Charles Pettigrew to Henry Pattillo, January 9, 1789; Charles Pettigrew to the Lake 
Company, March 27, 1796, Pettigrew MSS. 



Founding of the Pettigrew Plantations 397 

canal was six miles long, twenty feet wide, and six feet deep. 10 
In 1788 Charles Pettigrew moved to Lake Phelps to develop his 
property adjoining that of the Lake Company and to found a 
plantation regime of seventy-seven years duration. 

Before he moved to his Lake Phelps property, Pettigrew moved 
to Harvey's Neck in Perquimans County. His wife died shortly 
thereafter leaving him an unrecorded amount of property in- 
cluding several slaves. In 1788 he moved again. Ebenezer Petti- 
grew wrote a description of the new plantation : 



I lived at Hervey's neck until the fall of 1788 when my father 
took his effects in two small vessels & went over to the mouth of 
Scuppernong river, where his things were taken out the vessels 
& put in the court house which was on the plantation of Benja- 
min Spruill who then kept the tavern for the court house . . . 
on the sunday evening after we had arrived I suppose on the 
latter part of the week, my father with his sons & the old lady 
who kept house for him, together with a few servants with his 
effects in carts set out for a place which he had rented from 
William Little John of Edenton & about five miles from the mouth 
of the River to take up our abode, but when we arrived, the 
house was without a window shutter (glass it never had) and 
a thunder squall rising he thought best to turn back to a house 
for Shelter we had passed nearest when we were coming. 

The house of refuge was : 



an old high roofed house without even a window shutter, in the 
midst of an old field without a fence around it, with a number of 
cattle feeding in it (for there was great range nearby) with their 
bells ringing together with the thunder at intervals and my ax- 
iety from fear of the Squall, produced in me a feeling that no time 
can obliterate. 11 

This plantation was subsequently expanded to become part of 
one of the key Pettigrew plantations, Bonarva. Charles Pettigrew 
proposed to build a home at Lake Phelps where in 1782 and in 
1787 he added two small farms to the property purchased in 1779. 
By 1789 he owned several hundred acres of land, had built a 
home, and was ready to move to the lake. He wrote his one-time 
teacher, Reverend Henry Pattillo: 



10 Collins, "Discovering Lake Scuppernong," VI, 23; Ruffin, "Jottings Down," VII, 726-729. 
u "Ebenezer Pettigrew Relates His Early Life," August 4, 1842, Pettigrew MSS. 



398 The North Carolina Historical Review 

I am just about to settle some of my land on Lake Phelps in 
Tyrrell. I can have no idea of more fertile soil. Since the year 
'79 I have been a proprietor there, which has confined me to this 
part of the state. The circumjacent Lands are possessed by three 
able Gentm in Co. namely Messrs Collins, Dickinson & Allen. 
They have now completed a canal near 6 miles being a communi- 
cation between it & Scuppernong River, which promises infinite 
advantages. They are erecting mills on it. It is 20 feet wide, & 
runs parallel with one tract of my Land within about 150 yards. 
They have generously given by Deed of Gift, every privilege I 
could wish, to me, my heirs & assigns forever. This renders my 
Lands of much greater value, although I have not expended a 
farthing, & they perhaps thirty M pounds. An overseer whom 
they got from South Carolina, says that it is equal in every re- 
spect, to the best plantations there. ... I think of moving over the 
ensuing Summer or fall, to live at the Canal, as I Shall not 
only be more convenient to my Lands in cultivation, but that side 
of the Sound is found more healthy than this. 12 

The move was made in 1789. Since most of his labor force was 
busy draining and clearing land, he was unable to plant a large 
crop of corn and rice. The work of reclamation proceeded with 
difficulty and in June he wrote to his friend John Leigh com- 
plaining that his health was endangered by the demands made 
upon him for supervision. He wrote descriptions of the lake and 
the surrounding country to his friends Leigh, Nathaniel Blount, 
and Charles L. Johnson. To Leigh he wrote: 

I write you from Bonarva — a name I have given my situation 
on the Lake. I sit under the shade of three beautiful Holleys. The 
surrounding Scene is truly romantic. On the one side, the pros- 
pect toward the water is very beautiful & extensive, while the 
gentle breezes play over the surface of the crystal fluid, and 
render the air grateful for respiration, and when the Sun sheds 
his warmest influence upon the earth — it being the meridian 
hour. On three angles of the improvement, ye woods are luxuri- 
antly tall, & dressed in a foliage of the deepest verdure, while 
the cultivated field exhibits the utmost power of vegetative na- 
ture, and arrests my eye from every other object. 13 

All, however, was not right with his world. He complained 
that: 

. . . fertilizer renders it [the soil] equally productive of viscious 
weeds, to obstruct the growth of what is planted & to extract the 

12 Charles Pettigrew to Henry Pattillo, January 9, 1789, Pettigrew MSS. 

13 Charles Pettigrew to Dr. John Leigh, June 16, 1790, Pettigrew Papers, North Carolina 
Department of Archives and History, Raleigh. Hereinafter cited as Pettigrew Papers. 



Founding of the Pettigrew Plantations 399 

Sweet which drops from the brow of Labor while he endeavours 
to erradicate them. . . . The Lake is not without its counterpart 
of inconveniences & although the soil is fertile though the Lake 
affords a beautiful prospect & is an unfailing source to overflow 
our rice lands, their being a declivity of several feet, perhaps not 
less than six in the distance of 90 poles back from the water, yet 
when warmed by the genial heat of the Sun in Summer it is 
rendered so prolific of flies and insects of every species, that it 
becomes intolerable to horses & horned cattle, the latter however, 
have the advantage, from a more copious sweep of tail for their 
defense. 14 

Pettigrew's holdings continued to grow in size as well as in 
improved cultivated land. In May, 1789, Pettigrew purchased an 
additional 110 acres of land. 15 He paid a tax of six pounds on his 
property in Tyrrell County in 1789. 16 

From 1789 until June, 1791, Charles Pettigrew followed a 
live-at-home farm program and exerted every effort toward pre- 
paring his lands for rice, corn, and wheat crops. Corn and wheat 
grew easily on any of the well drained land but the preparation 
and cultivation of rice fields was a tremendous undertaking. This 
work, 

. . . primitive and laborious, was accomplished by the task system. 
Ditches divided the field into "tasks" of a quarter of an acre. In 
March, hands prepared the fields with the hoe and dug trenches 
for the seeds. From that time until the harvest in September, 
they were busy alternately flooding the growing rice and clear- 
ing the fields of grass. In addition, there were ditches to be dug, 
trunks to be mended, flood gates to be kept in repair, a routine 
which kept the slaves for long hours in wet fields. . . . 17 

In 1791 Pettigrew returned to Edenton. He explained his move 
to his friend, the Reverend Henry Pattillo, as follows: 

I am returned from my farm at the Lake, a resident in Edenton. 
They [the parishioners] have contributed an annual provision 
for my Life or During my stay among them. I would prefer the 
farmer's life but when on the farm, I found my attentions wholly 

14 Charles Pettigrew to Dr. John Leigh, June 20, 1790, Pettigrew MSS. 

15 Land Patent, May 18, 1789; Receipt & Patent for Land bought by B. Tarkington, 
May 13, 1789, Pettigrew MSS. 

16 Tax Receipt, 1789, Pettigrew MSS. 

17 Guion Griff is Johnson, Ante-Bellum North Carolina (Chapel Hill: The University of 
North Carolina Press, 1937), 488-489. See also Duncan Clinch Heyward, Seed From 
Madagascar (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1937), 1-80; Lewis 
Cecil Gray, History of Agriculture in the Southern United States to 1860, (2 vols.. 
The Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1933) I, 277-290; John and Ebenezer Pettigrew to 
Charles Pettigrew, April 12, 1796, Pettigrew MSS. 



400 The North Carolina Historical Review 

engross'd, — So that it became necessary that I quit should either 
the farm or the Pulpit ; For I found it impractible to Serve both 
God & Mamon. 18 

He did, however, not give up his farming activities. 

Pettigrew' s move to Edenton shortened the distance to Mary 
Lockhart, daughter of James Lockhart, and heir to considerable 
land and slaves, including the beautiful estate "Scotch Hall." 19 
He was so interested in paying court to her that he confused the 
date of a state Episcopal convention. 20 On his return from the 
convention [?] he attempted to purchase some land worth 800 
pounds for his fiancee but could not complete the negotiations. 21 
Repeated accounts of his poor health were apparently unfounded, 
for in addition to preaching "two Sundays out of three" 22 at St. 
Paul's in Edenton, he carried on other ministerial duties, 23 paid 
calls at Scotch Hall, 24 and frequently visited his lake plantation. 
On one of visits to Bonarva he wrote his friend and neighbor, 
Major Nathaniel Allen : "I have been hitherto so closely confined 
to the overseeing Business ... I thought to have seen town before 
this time, but I find it very disagreeable to leave everything to the 
management of careless negroes." 25 

Charles Pettigrew's friends noted as early as 1792 that he 
was planning to enter what he termed the "Social State" — that 
is, to marry again. But it was not until June 12, 1795, that Petti- 
grew married Mary Lockhart. Immediately after the marriage 
Pettigrew moved his family to Scotch Hall, the home of his wife. 
Because of the distance from Scotch Hall to Bonarva plantation 
he was forced to hire a part-time overseer. This overseer was 
probably a neighboring farmer engaged to visit the plantation 
and see after the Negroes and direct their works. In the absence 
of both the overseer and the planter, two Negroes, Charles and 
Pompey, directed the other slaves. 26 

In the early fall of 1795 a storm destroyed one-half of the corn 
in Bertie County and two-thirds of Charles Pettigrew's crop; 



18 Charles Pettigrew to Henry Pattillo, May 12, 1792, Pettigrew MSS. 

19 "Genealogical." See also the wills of James Lockhart, 1753, and Elizabeth Lockhart, 
1791, Pettigrew MSS. 

20 Charles Pettigrew to Miss Mary Lockhart, October 3, 1793, and Solomon Hailing to 
Charles Pettigrew, December 16, 1793, Pettigrew MSS. 

21 Charles Pettigrew to Miss Mary Lockhart, October 3, 1793, Pettigrew MSS. 

22 Salary Subscription List, 1791, Pettigrew Mss. 

^Sermons: Charles Pettigrew to Miss Mary Lockhart, October 3, 1793, Pettigrew MSS. 
24 Sermons; Charles Pettigrew to Miss Mary Lockhart, October 3, 1793, Pettigrew MSS. 
3(5 Charles Pettigrew to Major Nathaniel Allen, May 19, 1792, Pettigrew MSS. 
2,1 Thomas B. Littlejohn to Charles Pettigrew, December 18, 1794; Charles Pettigrew to 
Mrs. Mary Pettigrew, October, 1795, Pettigrew MSS. 



Founding of the Pettigrew Plantations 401 

but he reported to his sons at the University of North Carolina 
that "we shall, I hope have enough, as at my Lake plantation my 
corn was more forward, & out of the way to much injury." 27 He 
had every right to be concerned because he had sold the last of 
the 1794 corn crop in August just before the storm. Later in Sep- 
tember, 1795, he visited Bonarva to check his corn crop and to 
purchase some land. At Bonarva : 

. . . the Negroes had been cutting Rice almost all the week ... & 
there is a good deal down which I must see put up in stacks be- 
fore I leave them, which I expect we can have done by Saturday 
evening. Indeed if I could I would have the corn got into the crib 
before I Quit — But I purpose to leave the Lake on Sunday 
morning & to get up to Mr. Mackeys on Sunday evening so that 
you need not send over again before Monday, as I purpose to take 
ride with Mr. Lee over his land. I mean the Land that Mr. Pollock 
sold him some time ago. I flatter myself that I shall make a pur- 
chase, if he will sell what I shall think good and reasonable. 

He found that the Negroes needed supervision since they : 

had done just nothing from the time I had left them last. The fod- 
der hangs all dead on the stalks except about a couple of cart- 
loads of Blades. And they can offer very little excuse. 

He expressed the opinion that the indolence of his Negroes was 
partially due to visits of some of the Lake Company's slaves. His 
Negroes had visited those on the adjoining plantation frequently 
enough to wear a trail to the lake. 28 

Throughout the year 1795 Pettigrew constantly worried about 
the title to the first land he purchased at the lake and which he 
later sold to the Lake Company. 29 He considered it so serious that 
he applied for the benefit of an act of assembly to rectify the 
error. 30 Finally in the spring of 1796 the situation became criti- 
cal. The Lake Company brought matters to a head by denying to 
Pettigrew "the privilege of draining into the canal, after . . . shut- 
ting up haul creek, while but little water" was "vented thro 
the canal" whereby the lake was rendered so full to as to over- 
flow, with its banks damaging Pettigrew' s land and flooding his 



27 Charles Pettigrew to John and Ebenezer Pettigrew, September 19, 1795, Pettigrew MSS. 

28 Charles Pettigrew to Mrs. Mary Pettigrew, October 1, 1795, Pettigrew MSS. 

29 Charles Pettigrew to Lake Company, March 27, 1796, Pettigrew MSS. 

30 Charles Pettigrew to Mrs. Mary Pettigrew, April 8, 1795. See Charles Pettigrew to the 
Lake Company, March 27, 1796, Pettigrew MSS. 



402 The North Carolina Historical Review 

plantation. Then they ordered him to attend the public "proces- 
sioning" of the disputed lands. Pettigrew admitted that he had 
sold them lands without clear title and that as a result he had 
lost one-half the acreage. His letter pleading his innocence of 
intent to defraud 31 must have convinced his ex-parishioners for 
he continued to plant his Lake plantation and to purchase lands 
adjoining it. It may be assumed that an amicable settlement was 
made. Later he was allowed to use the Somerset Canal to flood 
and drain his rice fields. 

Charles Pettigrew managed his lake property from Scotch Hall 
until January, 1797. At that time he moved to a farm that he 
purchased from James Dillon. "The tract consisted of sixty acres, 
forty cleared, for which he paid six hundred and forty dollars." 
He named this plantation Belgrade. His grandson wrote : 

My grandfather first came to Scuppernong on Sunday evening 
[1797] . He landed at the place now belonging to Gen. Bateman. 
At that time the corn house. The house he came to was situated 
in the back part of what is at present and old field grown up in 
pines . . . not a vestage of the house remains. ... In the January 
of 1797, my grand Father moved into a house, formerly occupied 
by one of the old Settlers of the country named Alexander, sit- 
uated on the Eastern ten foot ditch. 32 

There was great activity at Pettigrew's Bonarva plantation 
in the spring and summer of 1797. In addition to planting and 
caring for the crops of rice, corn, and wheat, the energies of all 
the inhabitants were directed toward the construction of a dwell- 
ing house for the Belgrade plantation. 33 The frame was as- 
sembled in sections at Bonarva and moved by flat to Belgrade 
where the house was completed. 34 His grandson noted that this 
house was more pretentious and more comfortable than any in 
which his father had previously lived. 

In March, 1799, Pettigrew and his family moved into this new 
dwelling and there he lived until his death. 35 Prior to moving to 



31 Charles Pettigrew to Mrs. Mary Pettigrew, April 8, 1795. See Charles Pettigrew to the 
Lake Company, March 27, 1796, Pettigrew MSS. 

32 "Genealogy," MSS. of ? [either Charles Lockhart Pettigrew or William 

Shepard Pettigrew], 1838, Pettigrew MSS. 

33 "Genealogy," MSS. of ? [either Charles Lockhart Pettigrew or William 

Shepard Pettigrew], 1838, Pettigrew MSS. 

34 "Genealogy," MSS. of ? [either Charles Lockhart Pettigrew or William 

Shepard Pettigrew], 1838, Pettigrew MSS. 

35 Note in John Pettigrew's Copy of the Laws and Regulations of the University of North 
Carolina, Pettigrew MSS. 



Founding of the Pettigrew Plantations 403 

Belgrade he had erected four two-room slave houses. 36 In the fol- 
lowing year he paid Joseph Alexander 100 pounds for fifty acres 
of land containing a dwelling house and outhouses located on 
the northwest side of the Scuppernong River. 37 This rounded out 
Belgrade plantation for several years. 

Pettigrew's plantation demanded his close attention in 1799 
and he could not leave to sell his crop, "having no overseer at 
Home, I am constrained to give the more close attention, & par- 
ticularly at this Season of the Year," 38 he wrote. His failure to 
market his crop left him with insufficient money for operating 
expenses. 39 His cash resources were further drained by expendi- 
tures on a farm house at Bonarva 40 and his expenditures in im- 
provements at Belgrade. In spite of the economic pressure he re- 
mained optimistic. Conditions die! improve. He wrote to Dr. An- 
drew Knox as follows: 

I have a fine crop in the ground & some time ago, Shipped for 
Lizbon 41 tierces of Rice & sold as many more on credit until 
nov'r. ... I flatter myself, we will be able to shew you crops, 
equal to the best you can boast on the rich lands of Pasquot'k. 41 

By 1799, however, the work in the swampy region began to 
take toll of the Negroes at Bonarva. Malaria and respiratory di- 
seases impaired the efficiency of his labor force and changed his 
outlook again. 

In 1800 he received the grant and deed to his lands on the Ten- 
nessee River. These lands represented a portion of the property 
he inherited on the death of his wife. His lawyer, Major H. O. 
Tatum, stated that these lands were located within the Indian 
boundary and added that the grant could be moved. He advised 
against taking such action, however, since better lands were 
scarce. 42 Taxes were low on this land but there were many dif- 
ficulties involved in getting the money to the tax collector. 

On several occasions Pettigrew sent money for the payment of 
taxes to both Tatum and Major George Weatherspoon. The 
money was sent by hand and was seldom delivered. On one such 



36 Memorandum for Ebenezer Pettigrew, 1798, Pettigrew MSS. 

37 Deed and Bill of Sale of Lands Bought of Joseph Alexander, Pettigrew MSS. 

38 Charles Pettigrew to John Pettigrew, May 18, 1799, Pettigrew MSS. 

39 Charles Pettigrew to Dr. Andrew Knox, August 20, 1799, Pettigrew MSS. 

40 Charles Pettigrew to John Pettigrew, May 18, 1799, Pettigrew MSS. 

41 Charles Pettigrew to Dr. Andrew Knox, August 20, 1799, Pettigrew MSS. 

42 Major Howell Tatum to Charles Pettigrew, September 11, 1800, Pettigrew MSS. 



404 The North Carolina Historical Review 

occasion Pettigrew wrote Major Tatum that any action that 
he took against the offenders would meet his approval and he 
included in the letter the deposition of his son, Ebenezer, to the 
effect that he had sent a sum of money by a man named Smith. 43 

During these experimental years Pettigrew followed the ex- 
ample of the successful Lake Company proprietors and planted 
rice extensively, with corn and wheat the second ranking crops. 
He made an effort to increase his income by increasing his pro- 
duction and spending as little as possible. He experimented with 
hemp, cotton, and other staple crops as possible income pro- 
ducers. The development of a timber products industry utilizing 
timber from the land he was clearing was the major success he 
enjoyed. This also served to provide off-season work for the 
slaves. His approach to the problem of how to make his planta- 
tion pay was always realistic. He was incessantly checking on 
other planters, changing, building, and seeking ways to render 
his plantations efficient. Shortly before his death he and his son 
Ebenezer arrived at the conclusion that the difficulties in grow- 
ing and marketing rice, coupled with the fluctuating price, and 
the ill effects of the rice field work on the slaves outweighed the 
value of the crop. Large scale rice cultivation was soon aban- 
doned, despite the heavy investment in ditches, gates, and 
machinery. 

The problem of marketing crops and supplying the plantation 
was of major consequence to the success or failure of any planta- 
tion. In his efforts to market his crops Charles Pettigrew was 
much harassed by his inability to get boats to stop at "Port 
Scuppernong." Many times his crops were flatted to Edenton 
where they were transshipped to northern ports or to foreign 
countries. In getting needed supplies delivered the pattern was 
reversed. Ship captains refused cargoes, dictated freight rates, 
and in general irritated the peaceful planter. This phase of the 
operation of the plantation was a constant trial. 

Charles Pettigrew utilized the service of a number of factors 
during his career as a planter. There were several prominent 
Edenton merchants and factors who were long established 
friends. Several of these were eager to assist the "old Parson," 
as he was called, establish himself as a planter. Among these was 



43 Charles Pettigrew to Major Howell Tatum, September 12, 1803, Pettigrew MSS. 



Founding op the Pettigrew Plantations 405 

John Little, who stated, "as to my services in this business I 
can assure you they are at yr. command, without any expectation 
of remuneration." 44 

Other Edenton factors with whom he dealt were John Cannon, 
Samuel Dickinson, Little John and Bond, and the important verti- 
cal commission house of Josiah Collins. He also established con- 
nections with Kelly and Mollan, Tredwell and Thorne, Ballard 
and Diskin of New York, and Samuel Patrick of Baltimore. 

Most of these factors charged standard commissions of two 
and one-half per cent plus small service charges. They performed 
all types of services for the planter. They advised Pettigrew when 
and where to ship, procured boats for him, and arranged trans- 
shipment of cargoes. They filled his orders for supplies, super- 
intended packaging, and secured transportation for the sup- 
plies to the plantation. This relationship of factor and planter 
was the key to the plantation system. It was only natural that 
Pettigrew was highly indignant when one of these factors dealt 
unfairly with him. In June, 1796, Thomas Trotter, agent for 
Pettigrew, sold eighteen casks of rice weighing 10,191 pounds 
to Samuel Dickinson. On the back of his invoice Pettigrew noted : 
"The Rice which Dr. Dickinson cheated us out of by cunning get- 
ting it for 31/2$ when it was 7$ at N-York (Note) 18 Tierces of 
Rice I was cheated out of by Dr. S. D. — n. a #11119 nett." 45 An- 
other of the Edenton factors, John Cannon, had a chief clerk, 
Miller, whom Pettigrew thought too clever. On the back of a bill 
of sale for rice in 1802, he noted : "$66.87 the Sales but by deduc- 
tions reduced to $47.41 cts. 4$ freight for 1 pr . . . [ ?] as allowed 
by Mr. Miller was too much. Therefore we want no more of 
Millers calculation in favor of his friends among whom I am 
afraid I am not considered one." 46 In 1802 he complained 
bitterly of being tricked by an unidentified Jewish factor 
who sold him 500 pounds of inferior iron at a price of two 
dollars per hundred more than the best quality was bring- 
ing. 47 In 1806 Charles Pettigrew began a long fight against 
the middle men and harbor authorities that was to be con- 
tinued by his son, Ebenezer — a battle that was to last for over 



u John Little to Charles Pettigrew, March 12, 1799, Pettigrew MSS. 
** Invoice of rice sale, June 26, 1795, Pettigrew Papers. 
49 John Cannon to Charles Pettigrew, January 9, 1802, Pettigrew MSS. 
* 7 Charles Pettigrew to , 1806, Pettigrew Papers. 



406 The North Carolina Historical Review 

fifty years. The planter felt that harbor masters discriminated 
against small planters, thus subjecting their cargoes to un- 
necessarily risk spoilage. Furthermore, cargoes seldom meas- 
ured either by weight or volume as much as in Edenton or 
on the plantation. 48 Such variations were the source of much 
irritation to all planters and especially to Charles Pettigrew who 
was careful to be exact in his measurements, whether of staves 
or grain. The only recourse available to a planter, however, was 
to change factors. Despite these problems he enjoyed good busi- 
ness relationships with most of his factors. 

In 1793 Charles Pettigrew shipped his first rice crop, thirteen 
tierces, to St. Bartholomews for which he received three dollars 
per tierce. 49 The only sale recorded between that year and 1799 
was that previously mentioned to Dr. Dickinson. In 1799 he 
marketed seventy-two tierces of rice for an undisclosed price. 
The crop of 1801 was small and was sold to Watt Bell. 50 The 1802 
crop averaged $22.30 per tierce and the crop of 1803 averaged 
$29.84 per tierce, the highest recorded price for rice. The crop of 
1805 was marketed through Little John and Bond for five cents 
per pound. 51 His last rice crop was the least profitable one he 
raised. Captain Samuel Bateman took the rice crop to Baltimore 
but it was so damaged in shipment that the factor reported : 

I am sorry to informe you that the Rice is so much damaged 
from being Shiped or reshiped so offen that I have never been 
able to effect the Sale of it. ... I shall have the Rice started and 
indevor to sepperate the good from bad as soon as posible. 52 

Pettigrew wrote his son that "the Damp wheat which had stuck 
to the Tierces had moulded the Rice, which the man discovered by 
boring in a gimblet." 53 On his return Bateman reported that he 
had sold the rice for $3.50 per hundred pounds. 54 

Other crops sold for cash were wheat and corn. Wheat and corn 
did not figure prominently as cash crops before 1802. Apparently 
the plantation produced these two staples for consumption and 
for exchange with neighbors. Records show that some laborers in 



18 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, November, 1806, Pettigrew MSS. 

49 Invoice of Rice, 1793, Pettigrew MSS. 

150 Watt Bell to Charles Pettigrew, June 30, 1801, Pettigrew MSS. 

51 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, June 9, 1805, Pettigrew MSS. 

B2 Samuel E. Patrick to Messrs. Charles Pettigrew & Son, December 2, 1806, Pettigrew MSS. 

53 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, November, 1806, Pettigrew MSS. 

54 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, November, 1806, Pettigrew MSS. 



Founding of the Pettigrew Plantations 407 

the Pettigrew ditching project of 1805 took payment in kind, 
principally rice, wheat, and corn. 55 In 1802 Charles Pettigrew 
mentioned to Ebenezer that he had attempted to bargain with a 
ship captain to take his lumber, staves, and corn to the West 
Indies. 56 By 1803 the wheat and corn crops planted were more 
extensive than ever before. One reason given was "should it 
be War in Europe, rice and wheat will bear a good price." 57 
The wheat crop of 1806, 7,026 bushels, was shipped to New York 
but was damaged in a storm. In 1807 Ebenezer Pettigrew noted 
in his account book that the sales of wheat, corn, and rice netted 
$1,100.76. 58 Since the records are scattered for these years it is 
difficult to estimate total crop production. The only other crops 
marketed through factors were flaxseed, oats, clover, and peas. 59 
Only small quantities of these were reported and it is evident 
that many of these were traded for other products at the Petti- 
grew commissary. For example, in 1805 Ebenezer Pettigrew 
advertised wheat in exchange for beeswax. 60 

Factors engaged vessels to haul the steady supply of forest 
products turned out from the Pettigrew plantations. Lake Phelps 
was surrounded by excellent stands of popular, pine, gum, and 
Cyprus trees. The canals and ditches provided an avenue for 
floating logs and the sawmill was busy constantly. Eventually the 
riving of shingles and barrel staves by slaves and white farmers 
became a large-scale operation. The year 1807 seems to have been 
the peak production year for forest products. In that year Charles 
Pettigrew sold 32,500 twenty-two inch shingles, 61 1,130 hogshead 
headings, 2,030 barrel staves, and 1,330 "Read" oak hogshead 
staves. 62 This forest products business was a burden to some of 
the factors who found it difficult to dispose of shipments. 63 Pro- 
portionately the freight on such products, plus the charges for 
inspection and grading, were much higher than for other prod- 
ucts. Ship captains did not like to haul such cargoes unless they 
could fit them piece-meal in with other cargoes. They found the 



55 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, October 3, 1804, Pettigrew MSS. 

56 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, December 21, 1802, Pettigrew MSS. 

57 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, May 22, 1803, Pettigrew MSS. 

58 Ebenezer Pettigrew Account Book, 1807-15; Pettigrew MSS. 

59 As an indication of the volume of some of these items, Ebenezer Pettigrew sold from 
Bonarva Plantation in 1806, ten and one-half bushels of flaxseed. John Popelston's Receipt, 
November 7, 1806, Pettigrew Papers. 

60 Ebenezer Pettigrew Notice, June 10, 1805; Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, 
June 9, 1805, Pettigrew MSS. 

61 John Popelston, to Ebenezer Pettigrew, April 30, 1807, Pettigrew MSS. 
82 Invoice Captain Barnaby Etheridge, 1807, Pettigrew Papers. 

63 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, November, 1806; Samuel Patrick to Messrs. 
Charles Pettigrew & Son, December 2, 1806, Pettigrew MSS. 



408 The North Carolina Historical Review 

charges for loading and unloading and transshipping too high. 
But Charles Pettigrew believed such income necessary and the 
sale of timber products became an integral part of plantation 
production. 

Pettigrew's factors also bought and shipped to his plantation 
all kinds of supplies. Just how much profit was made on such 
orders is not certain for the purchase of the items for a detailed 
order entailed much patience, footwork, and packaging. It is dif- 
ficult to determine just what portion of the supplies sent to 
Bonarva and Belgrade were for the Pettigrew family and slaves. 
Most of the white labor employed by the Pettigrews and many 
yeoman farmers of the region exchanged labor for such items 
as salt, leather, cloth, cooking utensils, dishes, nails, spikes, and 
similar articles. Thus it is not clear just who received such 
an order as that from Kelly and Mollan in 1805. This order 
was for "Linnen, Kersmuth, Blue Cloath, Buttons, silk vel- 
vet vest shape, 66 yds. Linnen, calico, green plaid, Fine India 
muslin, Blue Brd cloath, London cloath, paper pins 2 silk um- 
brellas, ... 25 spools thread, 14% lb. lump sugar." 64 Regardless 
of the eventual purchaser of such items, little difficulty was ex- 
perienced in that phase of his factor relations. 

Slave labor was not the only labor used on the Pettigrew 
plantations. Charles Pettigrew operated after 1798 on a pattern 
similiar to that of a manor lord but on a much smaller scale. 
(It is possible that this more nearly approximates the average 
in southern plantations than is generally pictured.) The Lake 
Company superintendent, Thomas Trotter, seldom employed lo- 
cal workmen for Josiah Collins' vertical commission house had 
skilled carpenters, shipwrights, brick masons, and other artisans 
for hire. These men, when needed, could work directly on the 
Lake Company property which by 1800 seems to have become 
in its entirety the property of Josiah Collins. Thus most of the 
local artisans and laborers turned for employment to Charles 
Pettigrew and he came, after the fashion of a feudal lord, to feel 
responsible for their employment. Occasionally skilled artisans 
such as John Colston of Edenton were brought over to build 
machinehouses and install machines. But most of the work of 
skilled or semi-skilled nature was done by local artisans. Josiah 



M Kelly and Mollan Receipt, August 20, 1805, Pettigrew MSS. 



Founding of the Pettigrew Plantations 409 

Phelps, Cleophus Wiley, Jeremiah Frazier, Dempsey Spruill, 
and other craftsmen and farmer-craftsmen assisted Colston and 
other engineer-artisans. In addition they sawed lumber, erected 
out-buildings, and in general assisted on the plantation. Such in- 
dividuals were necessary to the smooth operation of the two 
plantations and the policy of using hired local semi-skilled 
laborers was so successful that it was continued by his sons and 
grandsons until the Civil War interrupted all plantation activi- 
ties. 

Negro slaves were the principal labor force on Charles Petti- 
grew's Bonarva and Belgrade plantations. It is difficult to de- 
termine exactly how many slaves Pettigrew owned at any given 
interval. In 1791 he noted on the back of an envelope that he had 
thirteen taxable Negroes. 05 In his will drawn in 1806 he left his 
wife fourteen slaves and the remainder to Ebenezer. The best 
available figure indicates that the remaining slaves numbered 
twenty-five. 66 

In his relations with his slaves Pettigrew was practical and at 
the same time sympathetic. He paid them bonuses for superior 
or extra work, rewarded them for good conduct with gifts, al- 
lowed them free time to hunt, fish, relax, and work on their own 
projects, and generally sought to be a good master. He was en- 
tirely aware of the weaknesses of the system of slave labor and 
sought to warn his sons : 

To manage negroes without the exercise of too much passion, is 
next to an impossibility, after our strongest endeavors to the con- 
trary; I have found it so. . . . Let this consideration plead in 
their favor, and at all time mitigate your resentments. They are 
slaves for life. They are not stimulated to care and industry as 
white people are, who labor for themselves. They do not feel 
themselves interested in what they do, for arbitrary masters and 
mistresses ; and their education is not such as can be expected to 
inspire them with sentiments of honor and gratitude. . . , 67 

Later he summed up his philosophy regarding slavery as fol- 
lows : "It is a pity that agreeably to the nature of things, Slavery 
& tyranny must go together — and that there is no such thing as 



65 Charles Pettigrew to , March 2, 1791, Pettigrew Papers. 

"Will of Charles Pettigrew, 1806, Pettigrew MSS. 

67 "Last Advice of the Reverend Charles Pettigrew to His Sons" (printed), 1797, Petti- 
grew MSS. 



410 The North Carolina Historical Review 

having an obedient & useful Slave, without the painful exercise 
of undue & tyrannical authority. I sincerely wish there was not 
a Slave in the world." 68 

Most of his slaves responded to his direction and care. Yet he 
was never able to trust completely even his slave drivers. He 
cautioned Ebenezer regarding the Negro driver, Fortune: 

In regard to your wheat, I am affraid it is too much exposed to 
the thievishness of the negroes. It is a very ready article of trade 
& fortune has his mercantile correspondents, who are ready at 
all times to receive him kindly. I observed the window at the 
back of the machine is not safe — nor did I see any way to con- 
fine down the Hatch, at either of the ends. Pray my Son be care- 
ful, & put no dependence in their honesty, for be assured their 
condition scarce admits of honesty, & they will improve oppor- 
tunities of getting for themselves. 69 

After Ebenezer Pettigrew assumed the active management 
of Bonarva Plantation, his father frequently sent him jugs of 
wine, brandy, and rum by Negro slaves. That he feared the 
contents of the jugs would be sampled is established by the fol- 
lowing note. "We have filled your jugg & tied a rag with 3 hard 
nots upon a Rag over the cork that the negroes may not take 
it." 70 

Several of Charles Pettigrew's slaves ran away and invariably 
they were the more important Negroes. Pettigrew wrote his 
wife to have the first of the run-aways mentioned "put in the 
Stocks & kept securely." 71 The next run-away mentioned was 
Pompey, a much trusted and valuable slave driver, who was given 
great freedom of movement. Charles Pettigrew described Pom- 
pey's escape in a letter to Ebenezer: 

Last Monday morning Pompey ran away, while the others came 
to their Breakfasts, and we have not heard of him since. I am 
affraid he has gone for Edenton, & perhaps intends trying to 
get to a Brother whom Cambridge boasts of having a white wife 
somewhere northwards. I wish you therefore, to have secret in- 
quiry made, as it is probable he may meet with sucour a few 

68 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigi-ew, May 19, 1802, Pettigrew MSS. 

69 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, October 25, 1804, Pettigrew MSS. Fortune 
was a driver and one of the slaves most frequently mentioned. 

70 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew (undated), Pettigrew MSS. 

71 Charles Pettigrew to Mary Pettigrew, 1795, Pettigrew MSS. 



Founding of the Pettigrew Plantations 411 

Days from his father, if in Town. I am sorry, I had occassion to 
take him to Town lately, as he had opportunity to hear of So 
many getting off so easily from there. 72 

Pompey's return was described in the same terse fashion : 

Mr Pomp came in on Sunday afternoon, expecting I suppose that 
it was Sunday, he would escape with impunity, & So he did, until 
Monday morning, when I made George [another driver] give 
him a civil check for his impudence, & the loss of Just a week's 
work. The great affront was, I had made him wait upon us on 
Sunday to church ; . . . Cambridge had not come in from his go- 
ing to feed the Hoggs in the morning — on Monday, I began to 
chide him for his behavior, on that Occasion, & he could not bear 
reproof without giving me so much impuance as made me threat- 
en him, on which he put off. I have sent him to the Lake, & in- 
tend he Shall Stay there with fortune. 73 

The escape of other slaves occasioned little comment. If the 
Pettigrews grew excited about such events, they unemotionally 
concealed their excitement. For example, in 1806 Ebenezer noted 
in his memorandum book, '"Sept. 19 Charles [a negro driver] 
ran away about 12 oclock" and on "october 6 Charles came in 
after being out 17 days." 74 On occasion Charles Pettigrew sought 
to forestall potential escapes by drastic action such as clapping 
slaves in irons or having the slave drivers whip them. The prob- 
lem of runaways, however, seldom complicated the operation of 
his plantations. 

Perhaps Charles Pettigrew's attitude toward his slaves may 
have been colored by the fear of slave insurrection that was 
widespread in certain sections of the South. Rumors of slave 
uprisings often disturbed the well ordered routine of a planta- 
tion and caused planters sleepless nights. Negro insurrections in 
Haiti and Santo Domingo "thoroughly alarmed the whites, not 
only of North Carolina, but of all the seaboard slave-holding 
states." 75 In 1802 the rumors of local insurrection became fact. 
Two Negroes were hanged for conspiracy in Camden County 
on May 15 and a week later two were hanged in Currituck 
County. The rumor reached Hertford County by June 1 and then 



72 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, May 19, 1802, Pettigrew Papers. 

73 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, May 22, 1803, Pettigrew MSS. 

74 Memorandum Book, 1805, Pettigrew Papers. 

75 Rosser Howard Taylor, "Slave Conspiracies in North Carolina," North Carolina His- 
torical Review, V (1928), 21-26; Johnson, Ante-Bellum North Carolina, 510-521. 



412 The North Carolina Historical Review 

spread to Bertie and Martin counties. 76 The ensuing contagion of 
fear spread into all the surrounding counties. In May, 1802, 
Charles Pettigrew wrote: "We had heard of the negro plot. I 
wish it may be properly Quelled — Linity will not do it — it will 
make them worse." 77 A month later he reported: 

We have had a rumpus in the upper end of this county with the 
negroes — whether there are any of the conspirators among us 
I know not — no Discovery had been made nor anyone implicated 
that we hear of. I wish that when the [y] enter upon the Tryal of 
the Edenton boys, The examiners would be very particular in 
regard to the negroes at the Lake whether any of them have join- 
ed for it is extraordinary if every other place abounds so with 
conspirators & there should be none among us. 

P. S. Mr. W. Trotter rec'd a Letter yesterday from Mr. Cator 
at Washington informing him of fifteen being found guilty 
there & 6 or 7 shot on the way to Williamston — / Suppose for 
running. 78 

After this date there is no mention of slave conspiracies or in- 
surrections in his correspondence nor is there any evidence that 
the threat of either or both ceased to worry him. 

The work of the Pettigrew slaves was difficult and their tasks 
were varied. Most of the Negroes worked in gangs under the 
supervision of George, Charles, or Pompey. These gangs cleared 
new ground, rolled logs into heaps, planted crops, hoed and 
ploughed them, and harvested, threshed, and loaded the crops 
on vessels. This labor of crop production was varied by such 
tasks as clearing vines and underbrush along the lake shore and 
canals, repairing ditches, building dikes, staking and filling in 
the lake shore to prevent flooding of the plantations, riving 
staves and shingles, and sawing trees. Such labor was monoto- 
nous but bearable. The worst task from the standpoint of slave 
health was that of cleaning the creek and canal. Pettigrew's 
Bonarva Canal and all his ditches constantly filled with refuse 
from his mills as well as from erosion. After the water level 
was lowered by use of sluice gates, slaves entered the canal 
with shovels and hoes and loaded the accumulated debris on 
flats. This constant, wearisome, and unhealthy task made both 



76 Johnson, Ante-Bellum North Carolina, 510-521. 

77 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, May 19, 1802, Pettigrew MSS. 

78 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, June 21, 1802 (italics mine), Pettigrew MSS. 



Founding of the Pettigrew Plantations 413 

Charles and Ebenezer Pettigrew doubt the value of their agricul- 
tural system. 

Besides routine labor slaves were used on scores of other tasks, 
all of them important in the effective operation of the planta- 
tion. Glasgow was coachman 79 and houseman ; Philis was cook ; 80 
George, Pompey, and Anthony were "drivers" or foremen, and 
directed the work at Bonarva when neither master nor overseer 
was present; 81 Cambridge was the herdsman for the hogs and 
cattle ; 82 Frank was the assistant blacksmith ; 83 Lester and Pom- 
pey were errand boys or messengers. 84 Women field hands hoed 
rice and corn with the men during the routine of planting and 
housing crops. Cloth was issued to them which they made into 
clothes during the winter months. 85 Some of the women worked 
in the house spinning flax into linen thread and cotton into yarn. 
Several of the Negro women were excellent nurses and on one 
occasion Charles Pettigrew risked, the life of one of the female 
slaves by sending her to nurse neighbors "ill of a dreadfully 
putrid fever ; So that those who either visitted or attended them 
generally took it, until I was obliged to Send a negro wench to 
nurse them." 86 All slaves both young and old, male and female, 
had the task of keeping the hordes of tiny "ricebirds" and 
pigeons from the rice fields. On one occasion Charles Pettigrew 
wrote Ebenezer that "The Birds are as bad at the Lake as ever. 
I have almost all our force there at present, to assist in replant- 
ing, keeping out the Birds & going over the Corn with the Hoe 
.... Anthony being out in the field keeping the Birds off the 
rice." 87 The Pettigrews, both father and son, demanded that 
slaves work efficiently and both supervised in person as many 
of the tasks as they could. 

Yet there were opportunities for the slaves to relax and to 
perform labor more directly related to their own comfort. Rec- 
ords reveal that the slaves hunted for 'possum and coon, sought 
bee trees, fished along the canal and on the lake shore, had their 



79 John and Ebenezer Pettigrew to Charles Pettigrew, April 12, 1796; John and Ebenezer 
Pettigrew to Charles Pettigrew, February 23, 1797; Pettigrew MSS. 

80 John and Ebenezer Pettigrew to Charles Pettigrew, October 3, 1795, Pettigrew MSS. 

81 Charles Pettigrew to Mrs. Mary Pettigrew, October 1, 1795; Charles Pettigrew to Mrs. 
Rebecca Tunstall, June 22, 1803, Pettigrew MSS. 

82 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, May 22, 1803, Pettigrew MSS. 

83 Charles and Ebenezer Pettigrew Manuscript Book [no date], Pettigrew MSS. 

84 Correspondence, passim, 1796-1807, Pettigrew MSS. 

85 Charles and Ebenezer Pettigrew Manuscript Book [no date], Pettigrew MSS. 

86 Charles Pettigrew to Major Howell Tatum, September 12, 1803, Pettigrew MSS. 

87 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, May 22, 1803, Pettigrew MSS. 



414 The North Carolina Historical Review 

individual garden plots, and were permitted to make shingles and 
staves in the swamp on their own time. They sold or traded to 
the plantation commissary beeswax, coon skins, rice, corn, flax, 
wheat, shingles, staves, and fence rails. Undoubtedly Charles 
Pettigrew engaged in these transactions for purposes of morale 
rather than gain, for the policy of paying top Eden ton prices 
for such items was standard. The Negroes who had relatives in 
Edenton were allowed to visit their kinsmen occasionally, al- 
though as a policy this practice was gradually discontinued. If 
there was any widespread grumbling or discontent among the 
slaves, neither father nor son recorded it. 

On the Pettigrew plantation adequate food and shelter was pro- 
vided for slaves. Fish, meats, rice, meal, and flour produced on 
the plantations were slave staples. There were plenty of grapes 
and nuts in the fall. 88 Illustrative of the most important item 
in slave diet is this note from Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer: 
"I shall send you three Barrels now of packed Herrings — one 
whole fish, & the other two cut — and for present use, some, per- 
haps 300 of smoke dried ... as it might be injurious to open one 
of the Barrels so soon after packing." 89 Slave cabins may not 
have been comfortable but they were repaired along with the 
rest of the plantations buildings. Every effort was made to 
insure the health of the slaves. The distance from physicians 
forced Charles Pettigrew to become a "Quack" as he termed it 
and frequently he exhausted himself fighting epidemics among 
his slaves. Several of his slaves died from either pneumonia 
or tuberculosis and others were victims of what he called "fever." 
The worst fever year was 1799. He wrote Dr. Andrew Knox at 
Nixonton, near what is now Elizabeth City: 

We have had on this side the most mortal fever, ever known 
Since the Settlement of the place (many fatalities) .... It Seems 
however to spread, for one of our negroes has it. It is the slow 
nervous fever, & in the advanced stage. ... I expended almost all 
my Little Stock of physic on them, & did everything I could as a 
Quack. . . . Cyder & Water, I think has as good an effect to raise 
the pulse as either wine or french Brandy. ... It is happy for the 
poor who can cheaply command it. 90 

88 Charles Pettigrew to Dr. Andrew Knox, August 20, 1799, Pettigrew MSS. 

89 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew [no date], Pettigrew MSS. 

80 Charles' Pettigrew to Dr. Andrew Knox, August 20, 1799, Pettigrew MSS. 



Founding of the Pettigrew Plantations 415 

All of his Negroes recovered from that epidemic but his son, 
John, who caught the fever while on a visit to his home, died. 

Like many southern planters Charles Pettigrew considered 
the necessity of employing an overseer one of the worst features 
of the plantation system. In his "Last advice to his Sons" he 
expressed his opinion of overseers: 

It will be necessary that you keep an overseer: and this will be 
attended with so much expense that it will require you to be very 
cautious .... This will make it necessary that you keep exact 
accounts of profit and loss; also that you pay a close attention 
to the man into whose hands you entrust the management of your 
plantation affairs. Overseers are too generally very unfaithful in 
the discharge of the trust reposed in them. . . . 91 

All of his references to overseers indicate that this was a con- 
sidered opinion. In 1790 he wrote: "Two heavy crosses I have, 
are a poor crazy constitution and a miserable clump of an over- 
seer, whom I have to oversee." 92 He expressed the following 
opinion of the Collins' overseer: "Allen & Dickinson have a 
Quarter of negroes below them on the Lake & an overseer, which 
seems to be as much of a negro in principle as e'ra one of them." 93 
In 1800 he wrote his friend Nathaniel Blount that he had taken 
to riding to a plantation which : 

... I have on a Lake about 9 miles off once & sometimes twice 
a week, which I find greatly conducive to health. This I am under 
the necessity of doing, from the fullest conviction that overseers 
require little less oversight than their employers fidelity, there 
is not so much Difference between white & black as our natural 
partiality for the former would persuade us. 94 

By 1803 he was completely convinced of the inadequacy of 
overseers and expressed this opinion: "We have no Overseer, 
choosing rather to oversee the negroes, than an Overseer & them 
to, without which Employers generally go to leeward. The ne- 
groes at the Lake plantation have commonly done better by 
themselves with a little direction than with such Overseers, as 
we have had." 95 



91 "Last Advice of the Reverend Charles Pettigrew to His Sons," 1797 (printed), Petti- 
grew MSS. 

92 Charles Pettigrew to Nathaniel Blount, June 16, 1790, Pettigrew MSS. 

63 Charles Pettigrew to Mrs. Mary Pettigrew, October 1, 1795, Pettigrew MSS. 

94 Charles Pettigrew to Nathaniel Blount, May, 1802, Pettigrew Papers. 

95 Charles Pettigrew to Mrs. Rebecca Tunstall, June 22, 1803, Pettigrew MSS. 



416 The North Carolina Historical Review 

In his effort to become self-sufficient, Charles Pettigrew 
placed all kinds of livestock on his plantations. Horses were 
unable to give effective work in the hot, damp climate and 
Ebenezer was cautioned not to "distress" them. 96 It was neces- 
sary, however, that horses be kept for riding and for travel 
by chair. Virtually all of the heavy hauling was done by ox teams. 
Care had to be exercised with oxen. Charles warned Ebenezer: 

... as you intend to plough the Oxen, be very cautious in respect 
of the heat of the Day, as they are easily killed, & now the sun 
shines intensely hot — you had better have them ploughed only 
Early in the morning & late in the afternoon, as you are Sensible 
how careless the negroes are. 97 

Sheep were kept for wool and for food. Hogs in great numbers 
ranged the woods until fall when they were penned and fattened. 
Charles Pettigrew warned Ebenezer that if a change should take 
place with regard to slavery, it would be better to "have fewer 
hogs, that much corn may not be necessary." 98 The plantation 
was well supplied with all kinds of domestic fowl as well as game 
and fish. In the winter season at least one of the slaves hunted 
to provide game for the table. 

The Pettigrews planted a variety of vegetables and fruits. 
Lake Phelps originally was known as "Scuppernong" and "grape 
time" 99 at "Lake Scuppernong" was famous throughout the Eden- 
ton region. Minor crops such as flax, oats, barley, rye, and peas 
also played a role on the plantation. Salt, spices, and condiments 
were purchased but most of the other foodstuffs were produced 
on the plantation. From the mills wheat flour was obtained, rice 
was plentiful, wine from the indigenous scuppernong was re- 
nowned, and cider was made at the press. Certainly there was 
no shortage of food or drink for either the Pettigrews or their 
slaves. 

On the third of November, 1803, Ebenezer Pettigrew returned 
from the Edenton Academy and assumed direction of Bonarva 
Plantation. 100 Charles Pettigrew retired to what he termed the 
"mannor" plantation, Belgrade. From Belgrade he instructed 



96 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, October 25, 1804, Pettigrew MSS. 

97 Charles Pettigrew to Ebenezer Pettigrew, August 7, 1804 (1801?); Charles Pettigrew 
to Ebenezer Pettigrew [no date], Pettigrew MSS. 

08 "Last Advice of the Reverend Charles Pettigrew to His Sons" (printed), 1797, Petti- 
grew MSS. 

wn Charles Pettigrew to Dr. Andrew Knox, August 20, 1799, Pettigrew MSS. 
100 Manuscript of William Shepard Pettigrew, Pettigrew MSS. 



Founding of the Pettigrew Plantations 417 

Ebenezer to the details of plantation management by the use of 
notes carried by messenger. Both plantations were so well in- 
tegrated that the labor force was interchangeable. Hence, while 
the bulk of the machinery was located at Bonarva, the Belgrade 
products were "flatted" to the machinery and processed. An im- 
portant feature of the plantation system of Charles Pettigrew 
was the fact that he sought to use machinery wherever possible. 
By 1807 he had at his Bonarva Plantation a sawmill, grist mill, 
rice-threshing machine, rice-husking machine, grain separator, 
wheat-threshing machine, and hydraulic ram. These rendered his 
plantations more efficient and allowed greater mobility of his 
labor supply. 

When Charles Pettigrew died on April 8, 1807, he left his 
lands to his wife, Mary Lockhart Pettigrew, and to his son, 
Ebenezer Pettigrew. To his wife he left "the full possession of 
my house and mannor plantation [Belgrade] together with every 
other house & convenience thereto belonging or in any wise ap- 
pertaining." She was to have the continued and uninterrupted 
use of this plantation throughout her life. He also left her the 
stored meat and grain as well as all his stock of cattle, two-thirds 
of his hogs, one-half his sheep, three horses, Fox, Peacock, and 
Fancy and a horse cart, a riding chair, and a yoke of oxen. 
He left her fourteen Negroes, "Namely: Thelma, Philis, Edith, 
Jack, Pompey, Charles, Cambridge, Cloe, Airy, Claressa, Judith, 
Gillsy, Lewis & Lucy." To Ebenezer he left "the plantation & 
Houses which he is now in possession of, on the Lake, Known by 
the name of Bonarva, all my land in Mall Creek, the Land & 
plantation which I bought of Joseph Alexander, the mannor 
plantation & the the lands, thereto belonging . . . also my lands in 
the State of Tennessee," and all the remaining property not left 
to his wife. In his will Charles Pettigrew made provision for 
arbitrating any difficulty between his wife and his son. 101 

By hard work and careful management Charles Pettigrew 
founded an efficient plantation system. He was possessed of a 
tremendous land hunger and he constantly added all the adjoin- 
ing lands that he could purchase. He also acquired lands by both 
his marriages. Thirty years after the death of Charles Pettigrew, 
Edmund Ruffin, the famous agricultural reformer, visited the 



101 Will of Charles Pettigrew, 1806, Pettigrew MSS. 



418 The North Carolina Historical Review 

two plantations, Belgrade and Bonarva, then under the direction 
of Ebenezer Pettigrew. His judgement of the life work of Charles 
Pettigrew is the appraisal of a careful observer. "Mr. Pettigrew, 
the elder commenced his labors . . . under all the disadvantages 
of his neighboring proprietor, and with the great additional ones 
of very limited capital and a small and weak laboring force. 
Under such circumstances, the extent and value of his drainage, 
clearing and cultivated land and other improvements, are won- 
derful." 102 The plantation system Charles Pettigrew established 
was to survive successive economic disasters until the Civil War 
destroyed the labor supply. 



102 Ruffin, "Jottings Down," VII, 729. 



ACADEMIC REQUIREMENTS OF SALEM COLLEGE, 

1854-1909* 

By Ivy May Hixson 

By the middle of the nineteenth century the population sur- 
rounding the Salem Female Academy no longer made widespread 
use of the German language, and business transactions as well 
as social intercourse with neighboring peoples began to be wholly 
in English. In the year 1854 the church and town of Salem for- 
mally adopted the English language, and all records were thence- 
forth written in English. 1 In the summer of the same year, 
Blum and Son, printers of Salem, published a twelve-page pam- 
phlet, the first formal catalogue of Salem Female Academy, 
though not the first publication of the institution. 2 

The young lady who wished to register in the Salem Female 
Academy was required to make application and to pay an en- 
trance fee of five dollars, but no academic qualifications de- 
termined her admission. As a member of the student group she 
was known as a scholar, and scholars were admitted whenever 
vacancies occured, with the vacancy held only long enough to 
allow time for the trip to Salem. The first catalogue (1854) con- 
tained a register of 329 scholars, representing 11 states and in- 
cluding 52 day scholars, a faculty of 29, three trustees, a secre- 
tary, and the principal, Robert de Schweinitz, who served from 
1853 to 1865. 

The academic regulations both for the resident scholar and for 
the day scholar seemed to remain stable throughout the years in 
which deSchweinitz and his successor, M. E. Grunert (1865- 
1877), served as principals. Each scholar was placed in a study 
according to the proficiency which she could demonstrate, and 
in each study separately she advanced as fast as her own efforts 



* It is the purpose of this paper to show the changes in the academic requirements of 
Salem College within the period 1854-1909. The formal college catalogues, which began in the 
year 1854, have provided factual accounts of academic practices and also regulations devised 
and then revised in the interest of improving the academic standards of the college. For the 
years after 1878 the issues of The Academy, a monthly publication of the student body, have 
provided amplification and clarification of the factual statements of the catalogues. Additional 
source material has included the historical accounts of the Moravians, of Wachovia, and of 
the Salem Female Academy as recounted by Adelaide L. Fries, J. H. Clewell, L. T. Reichel, 
and others. 

1 L. T. Reichel, The Moravians in North Carolina (Salem, N. C, 1857), 112. 

2 In the years 1806 and 1840, and even in other years, various circulars in English were 
printed and distributed in answer to letters requesting information concerning the institution. 

[419] 



420 The North Carolina Historical Review 

would allow. Such an academic policy offered individual possi- 
bilities for work that might have been classified as either pre- 
paratory work or college work. Only in elementary English was 
the scholar held to continual training, regardless of any pro- 
ficiency she might demonstrate. In addition to the regular studies 
covered by the charge for tuition, each young lady generally 
added language, music, or ornamental needlework. The variety 
of subjects was designed, as stated in the catalogue, "to fit the 
scholar, by the best training, for the sober duties and the solid 
realities of life." In each of the years of the administration of 
de Shweinitz and of Grunert, the faculty was constantly in- 
creased as the number of scholars increased, and as early as 
1859 a second "gentleman member" had been added to the teach- 
ing staff. 

The day scholars, though carefully distinguished in the early 
catalogues, were not so distinctly marked in reality. Before the 
building of Main Hall 3 they were not regularly included in the 
student body. They had their own rooms in charge of special 
teachers, and while joining with the resident scholars in most 
of their studies, they were instructed separately in writing and 
in sewing. 4 The resident scholars were likewise under the care 
of special teachers, and although the principal and his wife were 
regarded as the parents of the entire group of girls, resident 
tutoresses supervised the studies and the morals of the resident 
scholars who were divided into "room companies" numbering 
twenty or twenty-two girls of approximately the same age. 

In spite of war and postwar problems, the legislature of North 
Carolina gave careful consideration to the rights and privileges 
of the well-known and seemingly prosperous educational institu- 
tion of Salem. On February 3, 1866, the Salem Female Academy 
was incorporated as a college. The charter stated that "the facul- 
ty of said school, that is to say, the President and Professors and 
Teachers, by and with the consent of the Trustees, shall have the 
power of conferring all such degrees or marks of literary dis- 
tinction, or diplomas, as are usually conferred in colleges and 
seminaries of learning." 5 It was not until 1878 that the catalogue 
indicated that the institution had received the charter of 1866. 



3 Main Hall, first occupied in 1856, contained classrooms, dormitory rooms, an infirmary, 
and storage rooms. 

* Adelaide L. Fries, Historical Sketch of Salem Female Academy (Salem N. C, 1902), 20. 
6 Catalogue of the Salem Female Academy, 1878-1879, 20. 



Academic Requirements of Salem College 421 

Twenty years later the catalogue was printed as the Catalogue 
of Salem Academy and College, but it was January 15, 1907, 
before the General Assembly of North Carolina changed the 
name of the Salem Female Academy to that of the Salem Academy 
and College. 

The academic practices of the school continued until 1878 to 
follow the principles stated in the early catalogues. The three 
principles of discipline continued to be described as system, regu- 
larity, and punctuality. In 1871 the catalogue had listed, for the 
first time, the textbooks used, and had indicated the general 
curriculum. The textbook list was as follows: 

History — Quackenbos — Primary United States 

Geography — Mitchell — Primary Geography; and Atlas 

Astronomy — Smith and Kiddle — Astronomy 

Mathematics — Davies — Course in Mathematics 

Latin — Bingham — Latin Grammar; Caesar; Vergil; Horace 

French — Pujol and Van Norman Class Book; Le Conscrit de 

1813; Trois Mois sous la Neige 
German — Worman 
Botany — Gray 

Philosophy — Comstock; Steele; Watt's On the Mind 
Geology — Steele 
Mythology — Dwight 
Criticism — Karnes Elements 

In the year 1877, J. T. Zorn became the new principal, and 
the first year of his seven-year period of service saw sweeping 
changes, evidently designed to raise the academic standards of 
the institution. In all probability such changes were planned in 
a previous year but no earlier catalogue gave any evidence of 
such revision. Apparently, the school had been criticised as to its 
aim, or for its social aspects, for the catalogue of 1877-1878 
stated that "the reputation and character of a fashionable or 
finishing school are designedly avoided." The catalogue restated 
its aim "as an institution of Christian usefulness, with its gov- 
ernment, domestic arrangements, and routine life resembling 
those of the family, and designed in fact to compensate the pupils 
for their loss of home." 

In order to carry out these new or re-stated aims, definite 
plans were formulated to separate the preparatory work and the 



422 The North Carolina Historical Review 

college work, and to raise the standards of each. The college 
curriculum was given in The Advanced Course, and the prepara- 
tory work was arranged for lower classes and for higher classes. 
The lower classes were required to study reading, writing, arith- 
metic, dictation, spelling, history, and geography. For the higher 
classes, there were the added courses of algebra, geometry, as- 
tronomy, physiology, botany, elementary Latin and elementary 
French. Candidates for the Advanced Course, instituted in 1877- 
1878, were selected by the faculty and the course was designed 
"to meet the rudiments, at least, of a classical or collegiate edu- 
cation," with the aim of preparing students in the most thorough 
manner for the higher college courses. The nine students selected 
were given the course of study prescribed in the "Preliminary 
Examinations for Women" held annually by Harvard University, 
under the auspices of the "Woman's Education Association." 
This course of study included the following: English (composi- 
tion, history of the English language, literature, and critical 
study of the English classics) ; elementary botany or physics; 
algebra; geometry; history; and German, Latin, or Greek. A 
special eight-page circular was issued by Principal Zorn to de- 
scribe the new scholastic system or curriculum, and to list the 
new textbooks. 

The method of instruction for the revised courses of study was 
carefully and pointedly described: 

The method is patient and laborious, and hence likely to be thor- 
ough. When practicable, no textbooks are used, the teacher lec- 
turing and the scholars taking notes of their own. Intelligent 
recitations are insisted on, and scholars are required to look up 
information for themselves and to present it in writing. 6 

In order to carry out this method, classes were limited to fifteen 
scholars; and printed reports were issued indicating attainment 
not only in studies but in conduct and habits. What reaction the 
student body showed to the new academic requirements is not 
indicated in the catalogue, but perhaps the members of the Ad- 
vanced Course were somewhat compensated by the separate room 
assigned to them — "a room with rug and rocking chairs, making 
them the envy of those who had to be content with stained floors 
and straight-back chairs." 7 



6 Catalogue of the Salem Female Academy, 1878-1879, 13. 

7 The Academy, vol. I, no. 5 (September, 1878), 20. 



Academic Requirements of Salem College 423 

At the close of the year 1877-1878, certificates of graduation 
were presented on June 20 to six students who had passed the 
required examinations of the Advanced Course. In succeeding 
years, high standards were apparently maintained in the ex- 
panding curriculum of what may be most accurately described 
as a junior college program. 8 Certainly we are safe in assuming 
that the standard of work prior to the clear-cut separation of 
preparatory and college curricula was superior to the standards 
of the existing preparatory schools, and therefore deserving of 
recognition on the college level. The incorporation of the school 
in 1866 as a college provided legal recognition that college stand- 
ards had been achieved. And since the academic policy prior to 
1866 was to advance each scholar as fast as her own efforts 
would allow, it is difficult to prove the existence or non-exist- 
ence of work on the college level in the early years of the Salem 
Female Academy. The quality of the student body and its indi- 
vidual scholars as well as the teaching abilities of the individual 
faculty members were the real determinants of the academic 
standards and of any valid distinction between preparatory and 
college curricula. 

After its first year the Advanced Course was open only to those 
students who fulfilled such standards of achievement as were 
prescribed by the faculty. The catalogue of 1878-1879 indicates 
that admission was granted to those who could read English 
prose "fluently and intelligently, with articulation and emphasis ; 
who were versed in Arithmetic, including vulgar and decimal 
fractions, denominate numbers and interest; and who had com- 
pleted Geography, History of the United States and of England, 
Algebra through simple equations, and plane geometry." The 
catalogue further stated that the standards were high and that 
no one would be advanced to a higher grade if for any reason she 
was incapable of maintaining the standards or of doing meritor- 
ius work. Until 1885 the students enrolled in the Advanced 
Course were classified as juniors 9 and as seniors, while the Pre- 
paratory School classified its students as the second class, third 
class, fourth class, and fifth class. 10 



8 The North Carolina State Department of Public Instruction evaluates graduation from 
Salem College prior to 1910 as equivalent to two years of college work or sixty semester hours. 

9 The juniors were also described as members of the first class. 

10 The fourth class and the fifth class represented the lower classes while the second class 
and the third class were the higher classes of the Preparatory School. 



424 The North Carolina Historical Review 

In the year 1879-1880 the Music Department, which had been 
gradually evolving, was formally established, and a course of 
"Systematic Musical Study in Pianoforte Playing and Vocal Cul- 
ture" took its place beside the Advanced Course. The program 
of work for the new course was arranged to cover two or three 
years, depending upon the proficiency of the student. On June 
16, 1881, diplomas were awarded to five graduates of the Music 
Department: two in piano playing, and three in cultivation of 
the voice. In the following year there was further expansion of 
the general curriculum as the Drawing and Needlework De- 
partment effected a reorganization and offered work in painting, 
drawing, and decorative needlework. To the college curriculum 
were added courses in bookkeeping, and in elementary political 
and social economy; and Latin, French, and German began to 
be included as optional subjects among the courses covered by 
the general tuition charge, though this privilege was granted 
only to members of the junior and senior classes. 

By 1884 the Salem Female Academy seemed well established 
as an institution of high academic standing. Its graduates of the 
Advanced Course numbered seventeen, and to those who wished 
to "extend the studies" of the Advanced Course, a Post Graduate 
Course was made available in "Mathematical, Linguistic and 
Natural Scientific" branches. Study parlors were set up for the 
young scholars, and the catalogue described the school as thor- 
oughly progressive, yet without superficiality and pretense. Re- 
ligious instruction, scrupulously unsectarian, continued to be 
provided; domestic arrangements were directed by the wife of 
the principal, and the pattern of home life continued to be the 
pattern for school life. The Salem Female Academy in 1880 ad- 
vertised itself in the following way: "A notably pleasant and 
safe home and high class school for girls and young women. 
Government and discipline kindly but firm. Painstaking instruc- 
tion. No social distractions. Six resident lady teachers constantly 
in charge. Fourteen instructors. Number of studies carefully 
limited. Systematic Physical culture. Exceptional advantages in 
music." In the year 1884, the last year of his administration, 
Zorn added to the advertisement the single line: "Great care is 
taken that scholars may not be overworked." 



Academic Requirements of Salem College 425 

The administration of President Edward Rondthaler, from 
1884 to 1888, was responsible for the expansion of the curriculum 
and the provision for training in specialized fields. In 1885 the 
Commercial Department was established, with courses offered in 
phonography, telegraphy, and bookkeeping. Typewriting was 
added in 1886, and in 1888 five girls were actively engaged in 
commercial work. In the Art Department special training was 
offered in brass respousse, and to the Music Department guitar 
was added in 1886 and violin in 1887. In 1884 the Modern Langu- 
age Department began the second year of its existence with 
seventeen private scholars in French and six in German, and in 
1887 the Linguistic Department came into existence, with Latin 
and Greek as additional offerings. 

The Advanced Course of Salem Academy and College was re- 
named the Academic Course, and in 1885 its work was expanded 
to include three years, the junior class, the middle class, and the 
senior class. Students were allowed to enter the junior and mid- 
dle classes but the senior class could not be entered unless the 
previous year had been spent at the Academy. Parents were 
earnestly requested not to ask deviations from the regular course, 
and they were told that in nine-tenths of such cases the devia- 
tion worked to the detriment of the pupil. The Post Graduate 
Course was "placed at as high a standard as the educational con- 
dition of the South would admit," but the details of the course 
were not given in the catalogue and no time was specified for 
its completion. In 1886-1887 the Academic Course was again 
expanded and the new four-year program included senior, senior 
middle, junior middle, and junior students. Further evidence of 
the emphasis placed on academic details was found in the new 
list of textbooks adopted in 1887-1888, which included Gilder- 
sleeve's New Latin Primer ; Wentworth's Algebra, Geometry and 
Trigonometry; Maury's Physical Geography; and Thalheimer's 
General History. Not only the textbooks but also other details 
of the academic and social life of the institution were developing 
a twentieth-century flavor. In June, 1886, the Alumnae Associa- 
tion was established, and in the course of the year 1887-1888 two 
literary societies, the Euterpian and the Hesperian, were organ- 
ized by the students. 



426 The North Carolina Historical Review 

In June, 1890, Dr. John H. Clewell 11 awarded, for the first time 
in the history of the institution, the bachelor of arts degree. This 
degree was conferred on seven students who had completed the 
Post Graduate course in natural science, in literature, or in the 
combination of these two fields of study. Since 1878 certificates 
of graduation had been awarded to students who completed the 
courses prescribed for the Advanced or Academic Course, but 
after 1890 the catalogue stated that satisfactory post graduate 
work was necessary for the bachelor of arts degree. This regula- 
tion remained in the catalogue until 1901 but after 1890 only 
fifteen students were listed as post graduate students, and usual- 
ly only one or two were so enrolled in any one year. In 1901 the 
regulation appeared to change ; and to the student who completed 
successfully thirty semester hours of post graduate work, the 
master of arts degree was offered. After 1907 there was no 
further mention of this degree, and the catalogues list no actual 
recipients of an earned M.A. degree. 12 But there are other points 
of confusion in the story of degrees that could be earned. In 
1901 the catalogue listed uniform requirements for the freshman 
and sophomore years as follows : Latin, mathematics, literature, 
and science, with lectures and chorus singing as additional ac- 
tivities. In the junior and senior years the student was required 
to direct her course of study toward the B.A., the B.L., or the 
B.S. degree. The B.A. required advanced work in mathematics, 
science, language, and literature; the B.L. required advanced 
work in mathematics, language, and literature ; and the B.S. re- 
quired advanced work in science, language or mathematics, and 
literature. 

In the following year the requirements for the B.L. and the 
B.S. became identical, with courses required in mathematics, 
science, and literature. The catalogue in 1903 stated that a 
thesis or essay from 1,000 to 2,000 words in length was required 
for the B.A., and that a thesis or essay from 3,000 to 4,000 words 
in length was required for the B.L. Since no mention was made 
of the B.S. it may be safely assumed that it disappeared after 



11 Dr. Clewell became president in 1888 and served until 1909. The 21 years of his ad- 
ministration witnessed the development of what may be described as the modern academic 
and social program of the standard, accredited college. The trend of enrollment in Salem 
Academy and College foreshadowed the separation of the Academy or Preparatory School 
and the College. At the same time precedent was established for special students, particularly 
in music, who would study without working for college credit. 

12 In the year 1916 honorary M.A. degrees were awarded to two alumnae. 



Academic Requirements of Salem College 427 

a two-year existence until it was restored in 1918. In time those 
who received certificates of graduation upon the completion of 
the Academic Course came to think of such awards as equivalent 
to degrees — and perhaps rightly so since they were based on 
four years of college work, representing the equivalent of the 
college degree program of similar institutions. No permanent 
records, i.e. certified academic records, exist prior to the aca- 
demic year 1903-1904, and consequently there is no record of 
the recipients of B.L. or B.S. degrees as distinguished from the 
B.A. degree. Fortunately, the lack of optional subjects in those 
earlier years has made it relatively easy for a course of study 
to be determined for the majority of individuals whose names 
appear in the catalogue. 

Except for the confusion resulting from the post graduate 
plans and from the various proposals for degrees, the academic 
changes of Dr. Clewell's administration were, on the whole, rep- 
resentative of a sound expansion designed, seemingly, to meet 
the desires if not the needs of a growing student body. The In- 
dustrial Department was organized in 1889-1890 and offered 
courses in educational sewing, 13 cooking, and later woodcarving 
and home nursing. In 1892-1893 the Elocution Department came 
into existence, and ten years later this department incorporated 
Physical Culture and Mental Technique and Reading. In 1897- 
1898 the curriculum of the music department was expanded by 
the addition of mandolin and banjo playing, harmony, and the 
history of music. 14 In 1902-1903 the Natural Science Department 
was created. 

General academic practices, described under the heading of 
the school plan, give the picture of the growth and development 
of the institution under President Clewell. In 1890 the schedule, 
made in a novel way, preserved the record of faculty teaching 
loads. Names of the instructors and also the names of the studies 
were printed on strips of paper, and these in turn were pasted 
on blocks of wood. "In case of a needed change the block was not 
easily misplaced and hence the mortification of losing studies 
and teacher's names was not so easily experienced/' 15 In the year 
1890-1891 the school adopted a policy of purchasing textbooks 



13 Educational sewing included plain and fancy stitches, embroidery, and dressmaking, 
i* From the diploma in music was evolved the B.M. degree, which was first awarded in 
June, 1926. 

15 27ie Academy, vol. XII, no. 108 (September, 1890), 531. 



428 The North Carolina Historical Review 

from students at the end of the year — provided the books were 
not greatly damaged. In this same year the alumnae began its 
Scholarship Fund in order to aid students who had financial dif- 
ficulties. In 1900-1901 the school advertised the use of the Ber- 
litz or natural method of teaching French, and it also boasted a 
French table for its boarding students. In 1902-1903 the new 
"quiz plan" was adopted with the result that each month an 
hour quiz was given in each subject. From time to time a series 
of teachers' conferences was held, including two or three meet- 
ings weekly, with the study of educational theories as the gen- 
eral program topic. There is also evidence that much time was 
devoted to such student problems as absences, for The Academy 1 ® 
stated that "requests for excuses from studies promise to bring 
the most pernicious results." Again there was the problem of 
required physical culture, for in 1899-1900 the following state- 
ment was given in the catalogue: "Experience has abundantly 
shown that those who are most averse to physical exercise are 
precisely those who need it most. It is obviously out of the 
question that mere caprice should dictate in a matter so very 
important and yet so little understood." 

In a constant effort to maintain or improve academic stand- 
ards, the faculty of Salem Academy and College was urged to 
devise new procedures or to investigate and keep in touch with 
the academic practices of other institutions. A number of faculty 
members were taken in 1901 to the New York Chatauqua where 
a careful study was made of the best